Breaking Newstainment: Professional Journalism and TikTok Platform Culture, Evidence from the Israeli Media System

Abstract

Traditional journalists now utilize social media platforms such as Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, and TikTok to disseminate information. With the emergence of TikTok as a prominent social network for entertainment and information, many journalists worldwide, including in Israel, have begun leveraging it to create and share short video content. This study presents a qualitative case study of journalists operating within the Israeli media system, examining why and how journalists use TikTok, the professional challenges they face on the platform, and how they address these challenges. Specifically, it focuses on how journalists perceive TikTok as a journalistic space and their professional role within it. Focusing on the Israeli context, which is both digitally advanced and characterized by a democratic and pluralistic media environment, semi-structured in-depth interviews were conducted with 15 prominent journalists from traditional Israeli media outlets who are extensively active and considered at least micro-influencers on TikTok. The findings reveal several key themes regarding journalists’ use of TikTok. These include the platform’s role as a tool for reaching younger audiences and maintaining relevance; and the journalists’ self-perception as gatekeepers combating fake news. However it was found that they face ethical dilemmas and an absence of the structural and ethical foundations necessary for serious investigative journalism. This is the result of adapting their work to the platform’s light, fast-paced, and visually engaging format, favoring content that is entertaining and often sensational, to meet the expectations of TikTok audiences. While grounded in the Israeli case, the findings contribute to broader discussions on the platformization of journalism and the transformation of professional norms in media environments.

1. Introduction

Social media has become a central domain in public life in the 21st century (Mellado & Hermida, 2021), providing a platform for communication, sharing, creation, and influence on popular culture. The primary advantages of social media include the ability to connect with others and share information quickly and easily (Laor, 2021).

Social media provides a communicative space for journalists to engage with their followers. Journalists’ profiles on social media serve as a platform for negotiation and discussions, and even function as a practical tool for their work. As a result, journalists experience difficulty in separating their personal lives from their professional roles on social media (Mellado & Hermida, 2021; Newman et al., 2024; Vázquez-Herrero et al., 2022). Because of TikTok’s positioning as a leading social media platform for entertainment and information, many journalists both locally and globally have begun using this app as a platform to create and share unique, original content in a short video format. This platform enables journalists to engage directly with broader audiences, monitor emerging trends and events, and expand their reach, thereby increasing their visibility and influence in the media landscape (Newman et al., 2024; Vázquez-Herrero et al., 2022).

This study examines why and how journalists use TikTok, the professional challenges they face when utilizing the platform, and the strategies they employ to overcome these challenges. Specifically, it addresses how journalists perceive TikTok as a journalistic space and their professional role within it. Focusing on the Israeli context, which is both a digitally advanced society and characterized by a democratic and pluralistic press environment, the current study explores journalists who report news on various subjects, including politics, crime and police, military, law, and entertainment. Fifteen prominent Israeli journalists employed in public or commercial media (radio, television, or newspapers), who are also extensively active and considered at least micro-influencers on TikTok, were interviewed.

Journalists are public figures commonly associated with journalistic ethics and information credibility, factors that significantly influence public trust in them. It is crucial to examine how prominent journalists operate on TikTok, a highly influential and widely accessed public space among younger audiences, but one lacking traditional editorial oversight. This topic is important because social media, including TikTok, constitute the predominant source of news and information for the younger generations (Bezeq Report, 2024; DataReport, 2025b; Robertson et al., 2026). Thus, direct conversations with journalists can offer firsthand, in-depth understanding and insights into their practices on the platform and their perceptions of TikTok as a journalistic tool.

2. Literature Review

2.1. Social Media

A wide array of online digital platforms support social interaction where users can create personal profiles, share multimedia content, and communicate through blogs, forums, messaging applications like WhatsApp, and mainstream social networking sites (Chugh & Ruhi, 2019).

The rapid expansion of social networking services (SNSs) has attracted considerable academic attention, the result of which is an extensive body of research examining their use across diverse population segments (Baumer et al., 2019; Brailovskaia & Bierhoff, 2020; Gazit et al., 2019; Laor, 2022a) and varying personality traits (Bachrach et al., 2012; Kim & Chock, 2017; Vaid & Harari, 2021). Scholars have also investigated the influence of these platforms on social connections, feelings of loneliness, and user behavior (Apaolaza et al., 2019; Chatzopoulou et al., 2020; Lin et al., 2020).

Notably, social media platforms have become vital spaces where marginalized communities can express their voices and share their experiences (Mishol-Shauli & Golan, 2019; Kircaburun et al., 2020; Laor, 2022b). Research consistently shows that most users interact with several platforms on a daily basis, drawn by the distinct features and user experiences each one offers (Bezeq Report, 2024; Pelletier et al., 2020). Social media usage is also prevalent in Israel, with over 72% of the population actively engaging across various platforms (DataReport, 2025a). Each social networking site (SNS) offers its own unique modes of communication and engagement. For example, Facebook accommodates a wide range of interaction formats, making it one of the most versatile and widely used platforms. In contrast, platforms such as Twitter and Instagram impose format-specific limitations. Twitter restricts character count, while Instagram emphasizes visual content (Pelletier et al., 2020). These distinctions align with usage trends, particularly among younger users who gravitate toward highly visual environments like Instagram and Snapchat (Hou & Shiau, 2019).

Each platform tends to fulfill different social and psychological needs. Twitter, for instance, serves as a micro-blogging service that facilitates the formation of social capital by facilitating connections with broader, often less personal networks, thereby meeting users’ desires for information and a sense of community (Pelletier et al., 2020; Evans et al., 2017). Facebook, on the other hand, is more focused on fostering close relationships and reinforcing a sense of social belonging. Instagram bridges these functions by supporting social connection, personal expression, and audience monitoring, catering to multiple user motivations simultaneously (Pelletier et al., 2020).

2.2. TikTok

TikTok is a social media platform that enables users to create and share short videos. It is the application that achieved the highest level of user engagement within the shortest period of time (Scherr & Wang, 2021; Cheng & Li, 2023; Su, 2023).

In recent years, the application has gained widespread popularity among younger audiences (Lan & Tung, 2024; Hendrickx, 2025), due in great part to its ability to facilitate the spread of memes and internet trends. Consequently, in 2025, TikTok was ranked second globally in terms of l eading mobile apps, with 37 million downloads (Statista, 2025b), and became very popular among young demographics (Lan & Tung, 2024). In 2025, TikTok reached 1.59 billion active users worldwide, with individuals aged 25–34 as the primary user demographic (DataReport, 2025b).

Globally, male users exhibit a slightly higher rate of TikTok engagement compared to females. In 2025, men accounted for 55.7% of the platform’s total user base (DataReport, 2025b). Within the younger demographics, women aged 18–24 made up 12.4% of TikTok’s global audience, compared with 13.2% for men of the same age (Statista, 2025a). On TikTok, users can create a personal profile for viewing, editing, and sharing content. Additionally, users can interact with others through forums, blogs, video or photo-sharing sites, applications, messaging services, and social networking websites (Cheng & Li, 2023; Z. Li, 2022; Walters, 2022). Users upload videos in diverse styles, ranging from parodies and dance clips to videos about animals, cooking, and beauty care (Lan & Tung, 2024).

Through simple technologies such as filters, editing tools, music, and optional added comments, creating TikTok videos has become easy and accessible to all social groups. The result is a platform that allows users to express themselves, engage with trending topics, and generate unique social sharing experiences (Z. Li, 2022; Walters, 2022). Consequently, users can view not only light-hearted and entertaining content but also videos with meaningful social and cultural messages (Lan & Tung, 2024). Nevertheless, the most engaged content-types on TikTok are humorous storytelling, lip-syncing of songs, and reenactments or imitations of other videos (Feng et al., 2019;). The most frequently shared content is TikTok dances (Cheng & Li, 2023; Y. Li et al., 2021; Yang et al., 2019; Zuo & Wang, 2019).

TikTok uses an artificial intelligence-based algorithm (Fannin, 2019; ) based on users’ interests and interactions in the application to determine which content users receive. In other words, if a user watches one video longer than the others, the algorithm interprets this as a sign of interest and consequently exposes the user to more similar content. This has made TikTok particularly effective at promoting trends and viral content, as well as supporting smaller creators in expanding their audiences. However, some argue that the algorithm also promotes misinformation, “fake news,” polarization of political discourse, and conspiracy theories over other types of content (Grandinetti & Bruinsma, 2022; Lan & Tung, 2024). The use of a short video format, unlike other social media sites such as YouTube, enables TikTok to target teenagers and young adults whose attention spans are shorter (Weimann & Masri, 2020; Tang, 2019; Zannettou et al., 2024). Another advantage of short videos is that they can be viewed anywhere, such as while standing in line at the supermarket or riding on a bus (Tang, 2019; Zannettou et al., 2024). Tik Tok’s popularity seems attributable to its appeal to a young target audience, along with high accessibility in terms of shooting, editing and sharing videos (Yang et al., 2019).

In the Israeli context, TikTok is popular among adults as well. In 2025, the platform reached approximately 4.16 million users aged 18 and above, roughly 57% of the adult population (DataReport, 2025a). As with global trends, TikTok is especially popular among teenagers, with 74% of Israeli adolescents reporting active engagement on the app, often spending more than an hour per day (Bezeq Report, 2022, 2023). In 2023 and 2024, 65% of surveyed teenagers indicated a preference for watching content on TikTok over traditional streaming services (Bezeq Report, 2024, 2025).

2.3. Journalists on Social Media

Digital media has transformed both the production and consumption of news, and digital platforms have become the primary working tools for journalists and media professionals (Vázquez-Herrero & Negreira-Rey, 2025; Newman et al., 2024; Wu, 2025).

News consumption through traditional media outlets, including television, print, and legacy news websites, continues to decline globally, while reliance on social media, video platforms, and online aggregators is increasing. This transition is particularly pronounced in the United States, where digital-first platforms are increasingly supplanting conventional news sources. Globally, Facebook remains the preeminent social media platform for news consumption, utilized by 36% of users, whereas TikTok follows with a significantly lower engagement rate of 16% (Newman et al., 2025).

In the Israeli context, 58% of the population report frequent utilization of social media as a primary source for news updates. A clear preference for social media as a news source emerges among secular individuals aged 39 and under, 78% of whom favor these platforms for news. A notable gender disparity is evident: while 65% of women reported this preference, only 50% of did so (Israel Internet Association & Technion—Israel Institute of Technology, 2025).

Along with these developments, the public’s perception of the journalist’s role has also changed. The internet era has disrupted conventional views of journalists’ authority and status. Journalists are no longer sole arbiters of the public agenda, and audiences are no longer passive recipients of information. Social media platforms enable users to place topics on the public agenda, construct reality through frequent interactions with audiences, and blur the boundaries between news consumers and creators, thereby challenging the traditional role of the journalist and of journalism (Laor, 2021).

Five principles are commonly attributed to journalism as a profession: public service, objectivity, autonomy and independence, ethics, and immediacy (Deuze, 2005). However, the significance of these parameters has shifted in the age of social media, and continues to evolve. Ethics and objectivity are increasingly giving way to the promotion of agendas, accompanied by transparent disclosure practices (Laor & Galily, 2020).

Because social media platforms enable users to share content, initiate discussions, and access news and information both locally and globally, journalists today must be proficient in both traditional and digital reporting methods (Mellado & Hermida, 2021; Vázquez-Herrero & Negreira-Rey, 2025).

With the shift to digital platforms, journalists can reach wider audiences and connect with readers and viewers in new and innovative ways (Gottfried et al., 2022b; Negreira-Rey et al., 2022; Newman et al., 2024; Hendrickx & Vázquez-Herrero, 2024). Social media enable journalists to communicate directly with their followers (Hendrickx & Vázquez-Herrero, 2024). Journalists’ social media profiles have become platforms for negotiation, discussion, and interaction. The result, at least within social media environments, has been a blurring of the line separating their personal lives and professional roles (Mellado & Hermida, 2021; Laor, 2021; Wu, 2025).

Journalists using social media operate outside the traditional professional environment, which offers them a unique opportunity to reveal aspects of themselves not typically visible during traditional broadcasts (Mellado & Hermida, 2022; Lee, 2025). While a social media account reflects both the individual journalists and their affiliated news organization, it is a self-managed space that may prioritize the journalists’ personal interests rather than serving the broader public interest (Mellado & Hermida, 2022; Opgenhaffen & Hendrickx, 2024). Consequently, the portmanteau term “newsfluencer” has appeared in scholarly discourse to define digital actor operating at the nexus of independent, self-made content creation and platformatized journalism (Hurcombe, 2025; Wasike, 2026). Newsfluencers are characterized by the strategic adoption of social media’s socio-economic logics, including self-branding, digital entrepreneurship, and subscription-based monetization, to curate and disseminate news within participatory environments. In a departure from traditional journalism’s reliance on institutional authority, these actors leverage parasociality and relational labor to establish authenticity and trust (Hurcombe, 2025). Hurcombe (2025) emphasizes that this phenomenon encompasses reporting or commenting on current affairs, regardless of its alignment with formal professional journalism. This is significant, as research indicates that social media influencers enjoy high levels of trust among their followers. As a result, this phenomenon may facilitate the restoration of public confidence in the media, which is currently at an all-time low (Wasike, 2026). Accordingly, social media are increasingly perceived as formidable competitors to traditional news organizations (Wasike, 2026). This is a compelling finding, considering that social media influencers frequently forgo the core value of objectivity inherent in traditional news coverage, opting instead to intentionally disclose their political views (Laor & Galily, 2020; Lee, 2025). In other words, it appears that the abandonment of objectivity in favor of subjective reporting on social media does not undermine consumer trust, but rather enhances it (Lee, 2025).

In addition, social media platforms have become essential working tools for journalists (Hendrickx & Vázquez-Herrero, 2024), with nearly three-quarters of journalists in the United States using social media to gather news and more than 60% using these platforms to share their stories. However, social media also create an overload of information sources. Nowadays, anyone can establish communication channels and publish content, thereby diminishing the exclusive role of journalists and traditional news organizations as primary information providers. Consequently, the influence of journalists and the monopoly of traditional news outlets have decreased (Casero-Ripollés, 2022). Moreover, the multiplicity of information sources may contribute to the dissemination of misinformation (Gottfried et al., 2022a; Lan & Tung, 2024), which not only exposes individuals to false information but also may increase polarization and division among people (Casero-Ripollés, 2022). To address this issue, many journalists employ fact-checking tools and techniques to verify the accuracy of their sources and ensure the credibility of their reporting, as they do when reporting in the traditional media (Gottfried et al., 2022a).

Nevertheless, as suggested by newsfluencer discourse, the very essence of journalism has undergone a certain transformation, with its foundation resting on virality and social media visibility and not solely on factual accuracy or the pursuit of truth. This shift highlights a fundamental change in the core mission of media production within digital environments (Wu, 2025).

Despite the potential of social networks for amplifying diverse voices, it has been found that Israeli journalists primarily use social media to distribute content identical to that broadcast on traditional platforms. By doing so, they essentially reinforce and reproduce the existing hegemonic structure and social order (Laor, 2022b).

2.4. Journalists on TikTok

Like other social media platforms, TikTok has attracted a growing journalistic presence because of its popularity (Wu, 2025). This step requires journalists both to attract their existing audience to TikTok and to adapt their journalistic practices to fit TikTok’s unique communicative style.

While Instagram is more commonly employed for presenting curated image galleries and using visual filters, TikTok journalism is more frequently characterized by on-screen journalists who explain current events, often using chroma key backgrounds, emojis and platform-specific graphic elements (Hendrickx & Vázquez-Herrero, 2024).

TikTok potentially enables journalists to expand their audiences, foster interactions with users, and develop themselves as influencers or personal brands. Recent research has identified the primary motivations behind journalists’ activities on TikTok: to expand their audience to new groups, and specifically to engage younger demographics. The same study also found that journalists have actively learned TikTok’s distinctive language, engaging their audiences through participation in trends, challenges, reactions, and duets. Moreover, journalists have discovered in TikTok an effective channel to convey information in a style tailored explicitly to the platform—short, informal, and enjoyable—differentiating it from other social media platforms (Negreira-Rey et al., 2022; Newman, 2022). While seeking to expand their audiences, journalists and news organizations also strive to provide accurate, credible news content for younger audiences, as a means to counteract the prevalence of misinformation and unreliable or false news on TikTok (Newman, 2022).

However, the transformation of the core essence of journalism within social media is most pronounced on TikTok. Here, news coverage shifts away from in-depth, serious reporting, characterized by professional narration by anchors and reporters, and expert video editing, to focus instead on entertainment (Wu, 2025).

2.5. Technological Determinism

Technological determinism is a theory that sees technological developments as determiners of society conduct. According to this theory, technology is not only the means for transferring messages, but the message itself. Consequently, technologies are the influencers of social and historical procedures in the world (McLuhan, 1994). McLuhan’s point is that the form of a communication technology (the medium) shapes how people perceive, think, and interact more powerfully than the specific messages it carries. In this view, the media change society by reorganizing attention, habits, and social relations. He also suggests that what a medium “delivers” is often another medium, for example, writing carries speech, print carries writing, and later technologies carry print, so that media evolve by embedding and transforming earlier media. Technologies create situations that did not previously exist—changing society and its thinking patterns (Howcroft et al., 2004; McLuhan, 1994). In the context of social networks, some argue that since their invention, social networks have had a significant impact on human society (Jan et al., 2020; Finley, 2022). Contemporary technological determinists acknowledge both the beneficial and adverse transformations associated with the emergence of social media. In particular, social media platforms have enabled individuals to establish and maintain connections with others across temporal and spatial boundaries. However, one major drawback is the decline in authentic interpersonal interactions and face-to-face communication as an increasing number of individuals rely on social media as their primary mode of interaction. This shift has contributed to broader social changes, as people become less accustomed to direct interpersonal communication and increasingly replace traditional forms of interaction with digitally mediated communication enabled by social media platforms (Finley, 2022).

3. Research Questions

Based on the literature review, social media platforms have transformed traditional journalistic practices, adding new dimensions to the profession. On the one hand, these platforms offer journalists opportunities to convey information to broader and newer audiences (Vázquez-Herrero & Negreira-Rey, 2025; Newman et al., 2024). On the other hand, they provide an additional arena for influencing the public agenda. Traditional journalism no longer exclusively shapes public discourse, as audiences have become active participants (Laor & Galily, 2020), often contributing to the spread of misinformation (“fake news”) and fostering superficial and sensationalist discourse. Therefore, the following research questions will be examined:

• Why and how do journalists use TikTok as part of their professional practice?
• How do journalists experience and manage the professional, ethical, and tensions of producing journalism on TikTok?

4. Methodology

This qualitative study examines journalists’ perceptions of their use of TikTok and the professional relationships they cultivate on the platform. Data were collected through semi-structured, in-depth interviews, which enabled participants to elaborate on professional experiences, contextual influences, and sensitive issues while allowing the interviewer to probe emerging themes (Braun & Clarke, 2006; Vaca, 2015).

The study examines journalists in the Israeli media system as a theoretically relevant case for understanding the relationship between professional journalism and platform-driven media environments. Israel is widely characterized as a parliamentary democracy with a free and pluralistic press, where journalism traditionally fulfills a strong “watchdog” role in scrutinizing political institutions. At the same time, Israel demonstrates high levels of social media adoption and digital news consumption (Freedom House, 2025; Neiger, 2023; Bezeq Report, 2025). These characteristics position Israel as a suitable empirical setting for exploring how established journalistic norms are negotiated within emerging platforms such as TikTok, while generating insights relevant to other democratic media systems.

The sampling frame comprised 25 prominent Israeli journalists employed by public or commercial mainstream media organizations (television, radio, print, and online). Selection criteria prioritized journalists affiliated with leading outlets characterized by high audience reach, public visibility, and agenda-setting influence within the Israeli media ecosystem. Participants were recruited from major television channels, national radio networks, widely circulated newspapers, and central online news platforms that serve as key arenas of public discourse. Correspondents or field-reporting journalists were preferred, as these positions involve direct engagement in news production and reflect recognized professional authority and public influence.

Eligible participants were also required to be highly active on TikTok and to meet a micro-influencer threshold of at least 10,000 followers. Purposive sampling was employed based on visibility on TikTok and affiliation with established news organizations. Journalists were contacted via email, TikTok direct messages, and professional networks. Fifteen journalists agreed to participate; non-participation reflected limited availability or non-response. Interviewees covered beats including politics, crime and policing, military affairs, legal affairs, and entertainment (Appendix A).

Recruitment proceeded iteratively along with preliminary analysis. Data collection ceased once interviews became repetitive and no substantively new themes emerged, indicating thematic saturation. Additional interviews were conducted to confirm the stability of the thematic structure.

Interviews were conducted in December 2025 via Zoom to accommodate participants’ professional schedules. After rapport-building, participants reviewed study information and provided informed consent.

A semi-structured interview guide was developed in keeping with the study’s research questions: 1. Why and how do journalists use TikTok as part of their professional practice? 2. How do journalists experience and manage the professional, ethical, and tensions associated with producing journalism on TikTok? Accordingly, interviews explored three interconnected domains: motivations and professional strategies for adopting TikTok; perceptions of TikTok as a journalistic space and the challenges of platform adaptation; and ethical issues, including credibility, misinformation, and professional boundaries.

The guide relied primarily on open-ended questions to encourage reflection on professional routines, decision-making processes, and lived experiences. This format helped to elicit nuanced examples, implicit professional dilemmas, and affective dimensions of journalistic practice that may not be captured through closed-ended questioning. While standardized instruments can facilitate direct comparison, analytical comparability was achieved through systematic cross-case thematic analysis across interviews.

The study was approved by the Institutional Review Board (IRB) of the authors’ affiliated university in Israel under the oversight of the University Research Ethics Committee (Approval No. AU-COM-TL-20251216) and was conducted in accordance with the Declaration of Helsinki. Participation was voluntary, and interviewees could withdraw at any time. Identifying information was removed, and all quotations are anonymized.

All interviews were audio-recorded with permission and transcribed verbatim by three research assistants trained in TikTok-related terminology and the aims of the study. Transcripts were reviewed for accuracy by the author.

A hybrid thematic analysis, primarily inductive in orientation, was conducted following Braun and Clarke (2006) and interpretive qualitative principles (Dushnik, 2011). Initial coding and theme development were performed bottom-up without a pre-specified codebook. Concepts relating to journalists’ social media practices and the communicative characteristics of TikTok informed early analytical sensitivity, while technological determinism functioned as a sensitizing concept at a later interpretive stage linking empirical findings to theoretical interpretation. Cross-case comparison was used to refine thematic patterns. Coding and theme organization were conducted manually using document and spreadsheet tools. To enhance analytical reliability, preliminary thematic structures were reviewed by three research assistants, and consensus was reached regarding the core thematic conclusions. Throughout analysis, interview accounts were treated as participants’ subjective perceptions rather than objective representations of reality, thereby maintaining analytic distance between reported experiences and interpretation.

5. Findings

The findings are organized in line with the research questions, showing (1) why and how journalists integrate TikTok into professional routines and (2) how they negotiate professional, ethical, and tensions on an entertainment-oriented, algorithmically curated platform. Four interrelated themes emerged: (a) TikTok as a contested journalistic space, (b) strategic adoption for reaching younger audiences and preserving relevance, (c) platform labor and algorithmic uncertainty, and (d) professional authority under conditions of misinformation and ethical strain.

5.1. TikTok as a Contested Journalistic Space

Interestingly, most of the journalists interviewed said they felt compelled to maintain a presence on TikTok to remain relevant, yet they did not ultimately perceive the platform as journalistic, even when sharing content related to their professional domain.

Menachem offered a pointed reflection on the differences between traditional platforms and TikTok: “Producing real journalism, in the deep sense of the word, like supporting an institution or exposing the truth, uncovering injustices, investigative work, taking risks, publishing truths that a major corporation doesn’t want to leak out and is willing to sue you to prevent—TikTok will never get close to that, nor will any other social media platform. For that, you need NBC, or The New York Times, or Keshet 12, or Kan, or Haaretz, (Israeli traditional media outlets), okay? You need institutions with a professional ethos of serious investigative journalism that isn’t afraid to stand up to powerful forces. Real journalism requires the strength not to fold when threatened with SLAPP suits, and it requires resources to act. “So in that sense of deep, quality journalism, TikTok, like other social networks, is a distraction. It’s noise. It’s a waste of time and money.”

The journalists see it primarily as a space for personal visibility and “fun.” This distinction underscores the tension between professional identity and platform culture, suggesting that for many journalists, TikTok serves more as a tool for self-branding and audience engagement than as a medium for serious journalistic work.

Ofer, a magazine journalist, readily admits: “… I really did it for fun. It was cool, amusing, I enjoyed the comments. People would respond with silly things, and I’d reply. I didn’t treat it as something that served me professionally. In retrospect, that was a professional mistake, not making broader use of it. But I didn’t view it as a platform where I was clearly creating content. I simply came to TikTok to have fun.” Miki, a food reporter, echoed a similar sentiment: “I just come to have fun! To teach viewers new things. I allow myself to be lighthearted and authentic. I let myself share experiences and enjoy the process…”.

Journalists underscore a sharp distinction between the role of traditional media institutions and that of social platforms like TikTok. While social media may offer visibility and public engagement, it lacks the structural and ethical foundations necessary for serious investigative journalism, positioning it as entertainment rather than a vehicle for truth-telling or democratic accountability.

5.2. Strategic Adoption: Reaching Youth and Preserving Relevance

With millions of users worldwide, TikTok has become a valuable tool for journalists seeking to reach more demographic groups and distribute news content in formats aligned with contemporary media habits (Negreira-Rey et al., 2022, Hendrickx, 2025). Given the platform’s predominantly young user base (Lan & Tung, 2024; Hendrickx, 2025) and its distinctive affordances for short-form, algorithmic, and interactive storytelling, TikTok is increasingly positioned as a powerful channel for producing and disseminating journalistic knowledge (Mellado & Hermida, 2021; Vázquez-Herrero et al., 2022).

A recurring motivation among interviewees was the strategic need to connect with younger audiences whose news habits are increasingly detached from traditional media. Shlomo explained that his professional visibility had become skewed toward older groups: “I came to the conclusion that I need to expose myself to a younger audience. I felt that those who recognize me on the street are mainly people over the age of 30 or 40. It’s important to me to also reach population segments in their teens and twenties…” A legal affairs reporter similarly described a durable shift in consumption patterns: “Even today I can tell you that many people under the age of 30 say, ‘We only see you on digital,’ ‘We get the news only on WhatsApp,’ so it’s likely that when they turn 40, their consumption habits won’t really change. The ones who read newspapers and listen to the radio are roughly those aged 40-plus or 50-plus.” Mali reinforced the same logic in practical terms: “You need to adapt yourself to new and younger audiences.”

For several journalists, TikTok was framed not merely as a distribution channel but as a means of sustaining professional relevance and long-term career security amid audience migration away from legacy media. Maggie, a legal affairs reporter, described TikTok as a mechanism that “promotes my work” precisely because it exposes younger viewers to journalistic content: “My 16- and 17-year-old cousins talk about my content during family dinners… that’s how I realized it works.” Menachem articulated this motivation in especially pragmatic terms, linking platform adoption to diminishing relevance: “The reason I’m on social media is because I understand that all my work on television and radio does not generate a new and younger audience for me. That basically means that my relevance as a media professional is diminishing. In terms of job security, I can’t afford that.” He also noted that TikTok supports continuous calibration to youth discourse by helping him identify trends and adjust content accordingly.

Beyond reach, interviewees emphasized TikTok’s interactive architecture as key to fostering trust and enhancing journalistic responsiveness to younger audiences. Active audience interaction enables journalists to better understand audience needs and produce content tailored to their interests. As Mali noted: “The central idea is to make information accessible to a younger audience. Through conversations with them [youngsters], I realized that this [TikTok] is the new form of communication among young people.” Transparency and trust can be fostered because journalists can respond directly to questions, clarify uncertainties, and explain reporting decisions in real time. Through sustained engagement, journalists not only disseminate information but may also educate and empower viewers to critically evaluate news and navigate the extensive volume of online information (Walters, 2022).

At the same time, most interviewees emphasized that building a young audience on TikTok is not automatic; it requires ongoing effort and consistent investment in producing original content suited to TikTok’s norms, formats, and features. This aligns with prior research showing that successful journalistic presence on the platform depends on continuity, experimentation, and native production practices rather than simple repurposing (Lee, 2025; Walters, 2022; Hendrickx, 2025). In this context, TikTok’s tools, particularly algorithmic signals and performance analytics, can support strategic responsiveness: journalists may detect emerging trends and tailor reporting toward issues that resonate with younger audiences (Z. Li, 2022; Walters, 2022).

Overall, this theme suggests that TikTok is increasingly perceived as the “journalism of tomorrow” because it provides access to younger publics that already communicate and consume information through short-form video, algorithmic discovery, and interactive exchange (Negreira-Rey et al., 2022; Vázquez-Herrero et al., 2022). In conclusion, the fear of losing relevance is pushing journalists to adopt platforms like TikTok to remain connected with younger audiences and sustain their visibility and influence in a rapidly shifting media ecosystem (Hendrickx, 2025).

5.3. Platform Labor and Algorithmic Uncertainty

While journalists in the modern digital landscape increasingly recognize the importance of maintaining a presence on social platforms such as TikTok, as detailed in the preceding section, the day-to-day reality of sustaining an active TikTok account often exposes a significant “real vs. ideal” tension. Despite the platform’s potential, journalists struggle to fully utilize it due to constraints of time, energy, and workflow.

A central barrier is the intensive labor entailed in producing TikTok-native content. Unlike traditional reporting routines, TikTok requires journalists to conceptualize short-form narratives, build a compelling hook, edit quickly (often with subtitles), and remain responsive to platform trends, a process that many describe as comparable to a second job (Negreira-Rey et al., 2022; Hendrickx & Vázquez-Herrero, 2024). As Ofer, a news anchor, explains: “Even editing a video with subtitles took me a tremendous amount of time.” Similarly, Yitzhak, a legal affairs correspondent, frames the challenge as situational and resource-dependent: “It’s a combination of having free time, something interesting occurring at just the right moment, and having enough energy to deal with it.”

The tension becomes even sharper when journalists reflect on TikTok’s interactive affordances. One of TikTok’s major advantages for journalism is its inherently dialogic structure; comments, questions, and direct feedback enable a two-way channel that traditional journalism rarely offers. Yet, many journalists report that they cannot keep up with the sheer volume of audience responses (Negreira-Rey et al., 2022; Newman et al., 2024). Shlomo, a military correspondent, states: “On TikTok, I rarely respond to or read messages.” Ido, an entertainment reporter, similarly notes: “I hardly ever read messages.” For others, the issue is not only time but also the professional complexity of responding appropriately while preserving journalistic standards. Shelly, a commentator, remarks: “I almost never read comments; I’d have to be extremely bored.” Roi, a cultural correspondent, summarizes the broad gap between intentions and practice: “I admit I’m not living up to the aspirations I had when I joined TikTok… mainly due to a lack of time and because I don’t want to produce videos in a rush. I’m not fully realizing my potential.”

Beyond workload constraints, journalists also confront a second, distinct layer of difficulty: platform uncertainty. Even after investing time and effort, they often feel they lack a reliable “formula” for performance and visibility. Ido captured this motivation uncertainty paradox: “I started using TikTok to stay relevant and reach new audiences. I still haven’t fully figured out this app. I still don’t understand what works and what doesn’t.” This sense of unpredictability was echoed by another journalist: “What I’ve learned on TikTok is that there are no rules. You can’t predict what will work and what won’t. It’s both nice and frustrating. I try to hit the mark, and I also try to think outside the box and post different kinds of content…” Roi similarly admitted: “I still don’t think I’ve found the formula…” and Ido emphasized the perceived instability of the platform environment: “TikTok is completely without rules, and I feel like the algorithm keeps changing. Suddenly, four videos in a row go viral, and the next four get nothing at all.”

This uncertainty traces back to TikTok algorithmic curation based on inferred user preferences, which makes visibility contingent on opaque ranking logics rather than on journalistic judgment. Accordingly, journalists are expected to develop algorithmic literacy and to understand the platform’s signals and distribution dynamics, in order to ensure their content reaches intended publics (Grandinetti & Bruinsma, 2022). They also have to adapt storytelling conventions to fit the platform’s vernacular (Negreira-Rey et al., 2022). Shai explicitly framed such know-how as part of professional TikTok competence: “Professionalism also means using TikTok’s tools to know what to focus on and which topics to cover. Not every topic will catch on … you need to know what will stick.” The study reveals that because of the uncertainty, many journalists rely on experimentation. This trial-and-error approach becomes a pragmatic coping strategy, sometimes successful and sometimes disappointing. Shlomo articulated this adaptive stance: “I just try to make sure that what I upload is clear and understandable, something that can resonate with both older and younger audiences. Sometimes it goes better, and sometimes less so.”

Alongside these constraints, interviewees described the ideal of adapting journalism to TikTok rather than merely recycling legacy formats. Menachem captured this platform-specific logic: “A segment that worked on television won’t work on TikTok. Not the topic, not the delivery, not the tone of speech, and not the length.” In contrast, Shlomo described a more limited practice shaped by available resources: “The content I upload is either news reports or my updates from the studio.” This contrast illustrates how journalists oscillate between repurposing familiar newsroom outputs and reformatting content to match TikTok’s attention economy.

Several participants emphasized that maximizing TikTok requires creativity and “native” storytelling conventions, short duration, visual pacing, subtitles, music, and direct address, while maintaining journalistic clarity. Mali described using behind-the-scenes and humorous moments to build a connection: “The audience connects with that, and that’s what catches on more easily.” Menachem elaborated on adaptation as a professional requirement: “A journalist must adapt the content to the platform… Not a four-minute report but 42 s. Add subtitles, music, it’s all good.” Yitzhak similarly noted: “I try to tailor the topics I discuss to fit the TikTok platform.” Ofer explicitly linked content design to algorithmic visibility and retention: “You have to stimulate the audience… and create a strong ‘hook’ so they won’t just keep scrolling.” Roi described an aspirational model of TikTok journalism as condensed headlines: “TikTok should be like a short news bulletin… with a brief and concise report.”

Overall, this theme captures a dual dilemma: resource constraints and distribution uncertainty. Journalists understand TikTok’s benefits for relevance, reach, and interaction, yet the work required to produce, manage, and optimize content, without clear rules for success, competes with the demands of their traditional roles (Negreira-Rey et al., 2022; Grandinetti & Bruinsma, 2022). The result is a persistent gap between platform aspirations (creative, interactive, optimized TikTok journalism) and platform reality (limited capacity, partial engagement, and ongoing experimentation).

5.4. Journalists Awareness’ of Their Essential Journalistic Presence Vis a Vis Falsehoods on TikTok

In the digital media era, journalism has undergone significant transformations due to the widespread proliferation of “fake news” and misinformation across social media (Grandinetti & Bruinsma, 2022; Lan & Tung, 2024). Today, journalists are not merely reporting news or conveying information; they are leveraging TikTok as a powerful tool to advocate for truth and fairness within an evolving digital landscape (Vázquez-Herrero & Negreira-Rey, 2025; Newman et al., 2024). Through TikTok, journalists can present thoroughly researched facts and credible sources in visually compelling ways, thus countering the misinformation often spread on social media (Vázquez-Herrero et al., 2022).

“There is a tremendous amount of fake news,” explains Shlomo. “I’m very critical of this; I really dislike fake news.” Yitzhak adds: “It’s absurd that today anyone can just open a camera and start lying. On one hand, anybody can spread falsehoods, but on the other hand, social media platforms also allow us (journalists) to debunk false information.”

Roei acknowledges encountering a significant flood of misinformation from other sources on TikTok. Thus, he treats TikTok with the same level of seriousness as traditional media platforms: “If I cannot verify or cross-check information as adequately as I do for Ynet (a popular news website), I wouldn’t post it on TikTok either. By doing so, I hope it balances the mountains of misinformation”.

Menachem, a technology correspondent, stresses the importance of maintaining credibility in a platform flooded with misinformation, as this is precisely what his audience expects from him. “People know there is plenty of fake news on social media and they choose to listen to me because they trust I’ve verified what I’m discussing and ensured its reliability. There’s no reason for me to change this standard on TikTok. The only things that might change are the selection of topics, the pacing, and the presentation style.”

Journalists on TikTok consider themselves as credible sources of information and aspire to create a secure environment where authentic information thrives and misinformation is effectively countered (Casero-Ripollés, 2022; Lan & Tung, 2024). Moreover, they believe that the audience trusts them to deliver critically evaluated information, in contrast to the unverified information on social networks.

5.5. The Challenges of Maintaining Journalistic Ethics in an Overstimulated Media Environment

The presence of journalists on TikTok raises ethical concerns due to the complex interplay between the platform’s fast-paced, entertainment-driven nature and core journalistic principles of integrity, responsibility, and accountability. As gatekeepers of information, journalists often find themselves navigating a fine line between delivering news in a concise and engaging format and adhering to ethical standards traditionally associated with the profession (Walters, 2022). In the interviews conducted for this study, journalists initially claimed to follow ethical guidelines; however, as the conversations progressed, many revealed that their day-to-day practices did not always align with these standards. This gap exposes the tensions and compromises inherent in adapting journalism to a platform governed by speed, emotion, and algorithmic visibility.

Producing rapid, relevant content without compromising journalistic ethics is particularly challenging in an overstimulated environment where attention is scarce and “performance” (views, virality, shares) creates a powerful incentive structure. Shlomo, for example, describes a broader transformation in journalistic culture, arguing that contemporary news work has become less demanding than in the past: “There’s less investigative journalism. I myself am less of an investigative journalist, and nowadays, people don’t really believe in reading 2000–3000-word articles. Today, people are looking for a push notification, an image, or a short video […] I’m less critical, and that’s okay.” His statement reflects how the platform logic of immediacy and brevity can normalize lower critical thresholds and reorient professional expectations.

A key ethical pressure point concerns objectivity and the legitimacy of opinionated speech on TikTok. Many interviewees noted that, unlike traditional media platforms, TikTok allows them greater freedom to express personal opinions. Yitzhak explicitly framed TikTok as a space where he operates “like any other person”: “On TikTok, I’m just like any other person so I’m allowed to express my opinion. I don’t insist on being objective on my social media accounts.” Journalist Yael has even made her personal viewpoints the centerpiece of her TikTok presence: “I usually post my opinion about things that have already been published, on current events… Usually, when I make a video, it’s because something annoyed me or bothered me, or I thought it didn’t get enough attention, or it needed to be highlighted more, or a clip I was in on television.” These accounts suggest that TikTok’s informal and personality-driven affordances encourage journalists to reposition themselves from neutral reporters to visible commentators, often motivated by emotion, irritation, or the desire to correct perceived public blind spots. The ethical challenge is not merely that opinions are voiced, but that journalistic authority and credibility may be mobilized in a context where professional boundaries are less clearly enforced.

This tension is reinforced by the platform’s reduced editorial mediation. Menachem states that he personally adheres to ethical standards across platforms, yet he observes that many colleagues “let go” on social media because they operate without an editor: “Something loosens… it’s simply because they don’t have an editor. When there’s no editor, people sometimes allow themselves to express their opinions more freely, more loudly, and in a way that’s emotionally charged and authentic. Sometimes that’s fine, but at other times, a journalist who reports facts on television becomes a political propagandist on social media… In a way, they exploit their journalistic credibility to promote an aggressive political agenda that no longer aligns with their journalistic role.” This perspective highlights how the absence of institutional oversight can shift journalists from a gatekept professional role to a self-directed influencer-like role, accelerating erosion of the boundary between reporting, persuasion, and activism.

Ethical strain also emerges through conflicts of interest and monetization pressures. Roei, a culture reporter, stressed: “I believe there are real ethical challenges today… Everything gets blurred between the desire to cover news and be covered, between the public value you provide and the financial benefit you gain from TikTok or Instagram through advertising.” He adds that some may “refrain from telling the truth” due to financial incentives, warning that social media has disrupted journalistic ethics, especially in entertainment journalism. He fears it may diffuse to other domains. These concerns underscore how influencer economies and promotional logics introduce new vulnerabilities in terms of impartiality, transparency, and public trust.

Finally, TikTok’s attention economy may incentivize sensationalism and emotional escalation, particularly when journalists internalize virality as a measure of professional success. Shai, a crime reporter, describes his content selection as driven primarily by the pursuit of views and the desire to go viral: “If it’s a murder, a shooting, a violent robbery or the arrest of a senior criminal figure, those work … People are drawn to crime, people are drawn to sensationalism.” He continues: “Every time something happens… I immediately act fast to gather information, document the scene, and upload a video… That’s how people begin to rely on you.” This illustrates how algorithmic reward structures can normalize a “rush-to-publish” ethos and privilege dramatic incidents that generate engagement. While such content may have clear public relevance, the ethical risk lies in the commodification of fear, the prioritization of emotional arousal over contextual depth, and the possibility that speed undermines verification and proportionality.

Taken together, this theme shows how TikTok’s overstimulated environment challenges journalistic ethics across multiple dimensions: the compression of news into entertainment-friendly formats, diminished editorial oversight, blurred boundaries between reporting and opinion, monetization-related conflicts of interest, and algorithmically reinforced sensationalism (Walters, 2022). The interviews reveal that even when journalists express commitment to ethical conduct, TikTok’s platform logic and incentive structures can subtly (and sometimes explicitly) reconfigure professional norms, producing a gap between ethical ideals and everyday practice.

6. Discussion

This study explored why and how journalists use TikTok, the professional challenges they face in terms of journalistic work, and how they address these challenges. Specifically, it focuses on journalists’ perception of TikTok as a journalistic space, and their professional role within it. According to the findings presented above, journalists primarily use TikTok to engage younger audiences, who constitute the majority of the platform’s user base. Additionally, journalists fear becoming irrelevant, as growing numbers of individuals now consume news predominantly through social media rather than traditional news channels (Hendrickx, 2025; Lee, 2025). This shift motivates journalists to establish a presence on TikTok, especially given that virtually anyone today can create content, which concomitantly contributes significantly to the proliferation of misinformation (Grandinetti & Bruinsma, 2022; Casero-Ripollés, 2022; Hurcombe, 2025; Lan & Tung, 2024).

These findings can also be interpreted through the lens of technological determinism, which suggests that communication technologies actively shape social practices rather than merely transmitting messages. In line with McLuhan’s proposition that “the medium is the message,” TikTok’s short-form and algorithmically curated video environment restructures journalistic communication by prioritizing speed, emotional engagement, and visual storytelling. Consequently, journalists are required to adapt their professional routines, narrative styles, and modes of audience interaction to align with the platform’s communicative logic.

The profound finding in this current study is that journalists report substantial difficulties in functioning as “real” journalists within the TikTok environment due to the platform’s content characteristics, which typically emphasize a brief, casual, and entertaining presentation. Furthermore, the platform’s accessibility, allowing unrestricted publication of unchecked information, leads to widespread dissemination of fake news, against which journalists seek to stand firmly. Moreover, while journalists assert that they uphold ethical standards similar to those in traditional media, they have largely abandoned the value of objectivity, acknowledging that objectivity is challenging to maintain on social media. This finding is consistent with previous research that found that traditional journalistic values such as objectivity and ethics have been replaced on Facebook by agenda-setting and transparency practices (Laor & Galily, 2020; Lee, 2025). The current study demonstrates that similar patterns of journalistic behavior extend to other social media platforms as well.

Previous research has found that TikTok attracts a teenage audience, likely due to its short, fast-paced format and the ability to produce creative, timely content using built-in effects and music. Utilizing digital platforms such as TikTok enables journalists to reach wider audiences and foster deeper engagement with readers and viewers through innovative approaches (Gottfried et al., 2022b; Negreira-Rey et al., 2022; Hendrickx, 2025; Newman et al., 2024). This study’s findings align with the insights presented in the literature review, reinforcing the argument that journalists’ engagement with social media reflects a broader transformation in journalistic practice and audience interaction. Moreover, the current study indicates a clear awareness among journalists of the potential of digital platforms. Journalists recognize that younger audiences and the general public no longer consume news through traditional media as they once did (Hendrickx, 2025; Bezeq Report, 2024, 2025; Robertson et al., 2026). As a result, reaching these audiences via digital platforms has become a crucial strategy for addressing emerging challenges in the journalistic field. In response to these shifts, journalists have begun to use social media themselves, adapting efficient and creative ways to change public behavior, especially among younger users. Their integration into the digital media landscape reflects a conscious effort to remain relevant in a rapidly evolving world, where both current and future audiences reside.

The literature indicates that some journalists experience pressure and fear of losing relevance in the age of social media (Negreira-Rey et al., 2022; Zannettou et al., 2024).

Our findings support this claim, revealing that the fear of becoming irrelevant is a central motivating factor driving journalists to adopt platforms such as TikTok. More broadly, this dynamic reflects a structural transformation in the journalistic field, in which professional authority increasingly depends on visibility within platform ecosystems. In this sense, journalists’ presence on TikTok can be interpreted as a form of professional adaptation to platform-driven media environments, where maintaining relevance requires continuous negotiation between traditional journalistic norms and platform-specific communicative logics. They recognize that failing to adapt to the evolving modes of news consumption may result in marginalization or obsolescence. For this reason, journalists are determined to survive and integrate into the digital sphere as part of their broader effort to maintain relevance and influence in a rapidly changing media landscape.

However, the growing presence of journalists on TikTok should not be interpreted solely as a defensive adaptation to audience migration. As discussed in the literature, the rise of the newsfluencer reflects a broader transformation in digital media environments, where journalistic authority increasingly coexists with influencer-style communication (Hurcombe, 2025; Wasike, 2026). Research suggests that social media influencers often enjoy relatively high levels of trust among their followers, particularly among younger audiences who perceive influencers as more authentic, transparent, and personally accessible communicators (Lee, 2025; Wasike, 2026). In this sense, journalists’ activities on TikTok may also carry a potentially positive dimension. By combining professional verification practices with the communicative style of influencers, such as direct engagement, personal tone, and relational interaction, journalists may strengthen their credibility and rebuild trust among audiences that have become increasingly distant from traditional news institutions. From the perspective of technological determinism (McLuhan, 1994; Howcroft et al., 2004), this development illustrates how the affordances of digital platforms reshape not only the formats of communication but also the perceived legitimacy of those who produce and distribute information.

The interviewees indicated that journalists encounter numerous challenges within traditional media frameworks, compelling them to rethink their professional practices in order to remain relevant and cultivate new relationships with their audience. They perceive traditional methods of disseminating news and information as insufficient for contemporary demands, underscoring the necessity to adapt to the complexities of modern communication and emerging technologies. However the interviewees also indicate that many journalists face difficulties navigating TikTok effectively; specifically, they struggle to understand how the algorithm functions, which types of videos have viral potential, and which do not. Furthermore, journalists report that the creation of content and the process of responding to audience interactions are highly time-consuming, significantly hindering their ability to fully leverage the platform’s capabilities (Gottfried et al., 2022b; Vázquez-Herrero & Negreira-Rey, 2025).

These dynamics highlight the ambivalent role of TikTok in contemporary journalism: while the platform challenges traditional professional norms and editorial routines, it may simultaneously create new pathways for journalistic visibility, audience engagement, and trust-building within platform-driven media environments (Hurcombe, 2025; Lee, 2025; Wasike, 2026).

These dynamics can also be understood within the broader framework of platformization, which describes the growing influence of digital platforms in shaping institutional practices and cultural production (van Dijck et al., 2018). Within platformized environments, journalists increasingly operate under conditions where visibility and audience reach are partially determined by algorithmic infrastructures rather than solely by editorial judgment. This process reflects forms of algorithmic governance, whereby platform algorithms influence the distribution, prioritization, and visibility of information, ultimately shaping how journalists structure their communication strategies.

Taken together, the findings illustrate how platform environments such as TikTok reshape journalistic practice not only through technological affordances but also through algorithmically structured attention, reinforcing McLuhan’s insight that communication media actively structure the forms of public discourse.

7. Conclusions

The conclusion of this study supports the proposition that “the medium is the message”: journalistic output on TikTok tends to align with the platform’s light, fast-paced, and engagement-oriented formats. While journalists who come from traditional media often enter the digital sphere with an initial advantage, being perceived as credible and trustworthy, this advantage operates within a media ecology where platform affordances and algorithmic incentives increasingly shape what counts as “effective” journalistic communication. One potential value of journalists’ presence on TikTok is the opportunity to serve as a bridge between legacy journalism and younger audiences, using the platform to translate verified information into accessible formats (Hendrickx, 2025). Importantly, this bridging function may also benefit from the dynamics of influencer culture on social media. Previous studies indicate that social media influencers often enjoy relatively high levels of trust among their audiences, particularly among younger users who value authenticity, transparency, and direct communication (Lee, 2025; Wasike, 2026). Consequently, journalists who operate on platforms such as TikTok and adopt certain elements of influencer-style communication may not only translate traditional journalism into new formats but also contribute to rebuilding public trust in news. In this sense, the emerging figure of the newsfluencer represents not only a challenge to traditional journalism but also a potential mechanism for reconnecting professional journalism with digitally native audiences (Hurcombe, 2025).

In this sense, Israel may be considered as a relevant case study for examining how professional journalism adapts to platformized media environments within democratic systems.

The current study suggests that to attract audiences on TikTok, particularly under algorithms that promote highly engaging content, journalists feel compelled to produce material that is quick, entertaining, and preferably sensational, often mirroring trends and shifting journalist-audience interaction toward social-media-driven engagement rather than institutionally mediated communication (Finley, 2022). From a technological-determinist perspective, these platform conditions can shape audience expectations and consumption habits, habituating the public to shallow, rapid, and attention-grabbing narratives. This echoes the earlier transformation associated with the migration of news into commercial television and the “news malaise” effect, but it is arguably amplified on social media, where consistent editorial oversight and gatekeeping mechanisms are often weaker (Hallin, 1992). Critically, such habits may spill over from social media into broader news consumption patterns and, through competitive market dynamics, influence commercial media as well: when ratings increasingly depend on audiences accustomed to platform-paced content, commercial news organizations may respond by intensifying simplification, emotionalization, and sensational framing in order to maintain attention and market share. As a result, journalists risk being repositioned from accountability-driven public-service actors to publicity-oriented performers.

Accordingly, a democratic and liberal society that seeks to sustain a trustworthy public knowledge sphere should invest in public-service media and independent news organizations that are structurally insulated from algorithms, ratings pressures and from political and economic interests. Institutions with human editorial oversight prioritize public interest, uphold journalistic ethics, and maintain professional standards of verification, proportionality, and interpretive depth. At the same time, they also develop principled strategies for platform participation that treat TikTok as a bridge to younger audiences rather than a substitute for institutional journalism.

Finally, TikTok’s current phase of rapid growth should be understood within a wider cycle of platform turnover, as illustrated by shifts in youth attention from Facebook to TikTok (Statista, 2025a, 2025b). Journalists will likely continue adapting to emerging platforms to maintain relevance, as occurred previously with Facebook and Twitter (Laor, 2021, 2022b).

This ongoing reconfiguration further underscores McLuhan’s insight that media forms shape communicative practice: the central challenge is not any single platform, but the recurring institutional need to protect journalistic norms and democratic information infrastructures across successive waves of platform-driven acceleration.

The findings suggest that journalists perceive TikTok as a platform that simultaneously expands audience reach while challenging traditional professional norms. While the platform offers opportunities to engage younger audiences, it also introduces structural pressures related to algorithmic visibility, entertainment-oriented formats, and accelerated production cycles. These dynamics indicate that journalists must continuously negotiate the balance between professional journalistic standards and the communicative logic of platform environments.

Situated within the Israeli context, this qualitative study provides insights into the platformization of journalism. Future research should extend these insights through comparative analyses across different cultural and media contexts to examine whether similar patterns emerge in other democratic countries with professional and independent media institutions.