The Role of Ghanaian Media Organisations in Fostering Resilience Against PTSD: The Case of Multimedia Group Limited

Abstract

Negativity as a news value in journalism often implies direct or indirect exposure of journalists to traumatic events in the course of their duties. Hence, the need for resiliency and protection of journalists through organisational support has been advanced in the literature, especially by Global North scholars. However, there seems to be a dearth of such studies within the African context, especially in Ghana. Therefore, this study employs a qualitative approach and case study design to gather data through a focus group discussion with purposively selected officials and interviews with two former journalists with traumatic experience from Multimedia Group Limited to investigate how institutional response to traumatic experience enhances or undermines the psychological well-being of journalists. Data gathered were thematically analysed through the lens of the organisational support theory. Findings reveal that the company is yet to have an institutionalised mental well-being policy. However, it depends on discretion and the severity of traumatic experience to offer support to the journalists before, during and after coverage of traumatic events in an ad hoc manner. The discretionary basis for the support gives room for unhealthy comparisons and subjective interpretations of support given to journalists with traumatic experiences by the company.

1. Introduction

Coverage of traumatic assignments is central to the journalism profession (Seely, 2019) because journalism practice is characterised by exposure to tragic, violent and disastrous events (Idås et al., 2019). As such, significant portions of news coverage consist of stories on accidents, wars, natural disasters, violent crimes, terror attacks and mass shootings. Directly or indirectly, journalists are exposed to trauma either as eyewitnesses to these traumatic events or as interviewers of victims related to such traumatic events (Rentschler, 2010). Therefore, Buchanan and Keats (2011) argue that journalists are not immune to the emotional impact of their practice. Most importantly, this often results in emotional and psychological challenges for journalists (American Psychiatric Association, 2013) and makes journalism a high-emotional-labour profession (Thomson, 2021; Šimunjak & Menke, 2023).

These developments have necessitated studies on trauma in journalism, social support for journalists and resilience among journalists. Evidence from the literature suggests that scholars have examined sources of risk to journalists (e.g., Hughes et al., 2021), prevalence of PTSD among journalists (e.g., Idås et al., 2019; Seely, 2019) and social support for journalists in times of trauma (e.g., Al Muala, 2017; Hoak, 2021). Also, Reinardy (2011) and B. W. Smith et al. (2008) have studied resilience among journalists, while Boateng et al. (2025), Ogunyemi and Price (2023) and Seely (2020) have focused on trauma literacy and journalism education. Subsequently, Hughes et al. (2021) posit that numerous studies in the past two decades have enhanced understanding and appreciation of issues about trauma in journalism.

Another dimension to trauma and journalism studies that is gaining attention in the literature is trauma and social support. Based on the outcomes from the 2019 court case in Australia involving The Age newspaper (Wake & Ricketson, 2022), Ogunyemi and Price (2023) assert that media organisations can no longer ignore the negative psychological and emotional impact of traumatic exposure on journalists. In this regard, it has sparked the interest of researchers to give attention to the study of trauma and organisational support. Some researchers have explored the role of organisational support in ensuring the emotional and psychological well-being of journalists. For instance, Hoak (2021) used the organisational support theory to investigate the stress associated with the logistics of coverage early in the COVID-19 pandemic in the US and how perceived organisational support played a role in either alleviating or adding to that stress. Also, Dadouch and Lilly’s (2020) study revealed that experiences of institutional betrayal moderated the relationship between journalists’ shattered world assumptions and PTSD and alcohol use.

However, studies on trauma in journalism, social support and resilience abound in the Global North, but the reverse is the case in Africa. As one of the most stable democracies in Africa, Ghana has a vibrant media landscape (Danso, 2025) with elaborate constitutional provisions that support journalists’ safety (Owusu, 2012). However, in recent years, Ghanaian journalists have experienced persistent attacks in the course of their duties, which has not only led to a drop in the country’s recent press freedom ratings (Reporters without Borders, 2023) but also cases of physical and psychological trauma (Adjin-Tettey et al., 2025). For instance, some journalists have had traumatic experiences in the course of exercising their right to information (Adjin-Tettey & Braimah, 2023) or reporting on events (Adjin-Tettey et al., 2025). Though the Ghana Journalists Association has repeatedly condemned such attacks on journalists (e.g., Adjei, 2026), they are hardly redressed (e.g., Media Foundation for West Africa, 2024). Unfortunately, low awareness of trauma in journalism practice persists in Africa and particularly in Ghana, and empirical studies on such issues are almost nonexistent. This calls for researchers in the Global South to give attention to issues about trauma in journalism as well. Few attempts to address awareness of trauma in journalism in Ghana have been directed at the lived experiences of journalists with traumatic experience (Adjin-Tettey et al., 2025), trauma and journalism education (Boateng et al., 2025) and trauma-reporting training (e.g., AO Alliance, 2019; Ghana News Agency, 2021; Gumah, 2025). Such training may equip journalists with individual-level psychological capital to develop resilience, but outcomes from such training may not be enough in certain instances. Hence, media organisations need to augment the individual-level psychological capital of journalists (Storm, 2020). This necessity stems from evidence in the literature that organisational support during traumatic situations causes retention of journalists in practice (e.g., Holton et al., 2021). Yet, studies on organisational support to journalists in traumatic situations seem nonexistent in Ghana; therefore, this study addresses this gap.

This paper employs focus group discussion to examine the kinds of support Multimedia Group Limited afforded its journalists before, during and after coverage of traumatic events. In addition, it uses interviews to explore the perspectives of former journalists of the organisation with traumatic experience on how the support given shaped their psychological and emotional safety.

2. Literature Review

2.1. Impact of Traumatic Exposure on Journalists

According to the American Psychiatric Association (2013), trauma is an exposure to threatened or actual death, serious injury or sexual violence through direct experience, repeated or extreme exposure, witnessing in person or learning about it through another person. Relating trauma to the context of journalism, Adjin-Tettey et al. (2025, p. 2) define trauma among journalists as “violence encountered in news work”. The nature of journalism practice and information priority on certain types of events due to inherent news value causes Ghanaian journalists, like their counterparts in other contexts, to be exposed to various forms of trauma in the course of their journalistic duties. Thus, as journalists cover major traumatic events like terror attacks, earthquakes, tsunamis, volcano eruptions or minor traumatic events like accident and criminal cases (R. J. Smith et al., 2018), they are exposed to negative emotions such as intrusive memories, negative mood changes and avoidance of trauma reminders, which may result in long-term impairments like PSTD (Idås et al., 2019). Though Ghanaian journalists may not cover mass shootings or terror attacks, they cover accidents, violent conflicts and natural disasters as well as face violence, threats, harassment and trial from politicians, party supporters and security operatives. These exposures generate psychological outcomes that are consistent with the international literature. Thus, the coverage of such events becomes a traumatising experience if it overwhelms and shatters journalists’ sense of the world (Ogunyemi & Price, 2023).

Trauma comes with negative repercussions for the journalism practice. As one of the first responders to disasters, crimes and other happenings with negative emotions (Frey, 2023), journalists are required to witness and interact with such events to gather information in order to provide current and accurate news for members of society (MacDonald et al., 2017). The need for accurate information in such times demands cross-checking and verification of facts, which prolongs exposure to negative scenes and heightens journalists’ vulnerability to trauma associated with the scenes. This causes emotional, psychological and mental challenges for journalists (Soto-Sanfiel & Salojärvi, 2024). MacDonald et al. (2017) argue that exposure to trauma has the propensity to influence the mindset or worldview of journalists. Traumatic risks from the practice cause journalists to self-censor, avoid covering stories from sensitive and hostile beats or abandon the practice. The reason for such a turn of events is that journalists often have to rely on their personal resources and individual coping strategies to deal with emotional labour and job stressors (Holton et al., 2021). Adjin-Tettey and Braimah (2023) further argue that journalists lack trust in their employers’ concern for their well-being and are discontent with workplace safety provisions. This may account for the reason why they prefer to personally deal with their traumatic experience. This underscores a reconsideration of institutional support to Ghanaian journalists who are exposed to trauma while working. Thus, Adjin-Tettey et al. (2025) posit that Ghanaian journalists who contend with trauma experiences adopt self-coping strategies like avoidance (e.g., taking matters into their own hands or refraining from work), which have negative consequences.

A critical strand in the trauma-in-journalism literature focuses on the role organisational support plays in preventing psychological harm and fostering resiliency among journalists. Wogu and Agbo (2021) aver that issues about trauma in journalism are of importance to management since they shape journalists’ views on the readiness of their organisations to protect them on their job. Thus, organisational policies and actions affect job satisfaction and influence journalists’ commitment to their organisations. Roodbari et al. (2021) therefore indicate that organisational support is beneficial to the well-being of employees. Šimunjak and Menke (2023) also posit that organisational support should contain training and development that seek to enhance the psychological capital of employees since they aid employees’ capabilities to develop the needed resources for coping with emotional and other challenges. Knowledge of the type of traumatic events journalists are exposed to in the process of doing their jobs assists them in addressing traumatic challenges (Bonanno & Burton, 2013). Such support is very relevant within the Ghanaian context because the prevailing environment of persistent attacks with impunity requires psychological capital that comes from training and sensitisation on the mental well-being of journalists. Though Ghanaian journalists with traumatic experience depend on individual-level psychological capital, from avoidance strategies to coping and developing resilience, over-dependence on such strategies has negative consequences (Adjin-Tettey et al., 2025) and may not be adequate. This justifies Calumbiran’s (2021) assertion that the protection of the mental well-being of journalists is a shared responsibility between the journalists and their organisations. Therefore, investments into training on resilience and emotional intelligence, among others, by media organisations assist employees to develop a psychological capital that prepares journalists to cope with stressors and traumatic experiences (Šimunjak & Menke, 2023). Differences in psychological make-up of individuals and traumatic risk levels exist (Bonanno & Burton, 2013), but such training goes a long way to develop journalists’ personal resources for coping with emotional and other challenges and contribute to their well-being. In addition, Šimunjak and Menke (2023) add that media organisations need to put in place support structures and policies that employees see as fair and transparent, show care for their well-being and offer assistance when they face challenges. Such occurrences positively influence employees’ perspectives of organisational support for their welfare and affect their commitment to the goals and objectives of the organisation.

2.2. Theoretical Framework: Organisational Support Theory (OST)

The organisational support theory focuses on the relationship between an organisation and its employees from the viewpoint of the employees (Kurtessis et al., 2017). It proposes that employees form a general perception of their organisation depending on the extent to which the organisation values their contributions and cares about them. The theory is based on the premise that employees form positive perceptions about their organisation when it positively values their contributions as well as shows care towards their well-being (Eisenberger & Stinglhamber, 2011). Thus, employees interpret actions taken by agents of their organisation as the intent of the organisation rather than the personal motives of the agents (Kurtessis et al., 2017). Therefore, perceived organisational support (POS) is a central construct of the theory because it triggers a social exchange process in employees and makes them obligated to help in the attainment of the organisational goals and objectives. This shows a reciprocity norm where employees trade their efforts and dedication, meaning an imbalance in this reciprocity may spark feelings of injustice and generate negative emotions among employees (Scheer et al., 2003). In the OST literature, evidence suggests that fairness, favourable organisational reward, job conditions and supervisor support increase POS (Rhoades & Eisenberger, 2002).

This implies that the extent to which Multimedia Group Limited values the contributions of its journalists and cares about them shapes how the journalists perceive the company. If the company values the risks the journalists contend with in sensitive and volatile situations to bring stories to the audience and provides them with better support at the pre-, during- and post-coverage stages of news coverage, it will result in a positive POS, which will trigger reciprocity among the journalists and make them feel obligated to help in the attainment of organisational goals. For this study, this theory enables the researcher to understand how the creation of supportive environments by Multimedia Group Limited for journalists with traumatic experiences fosters their commitment to performance.

3. Materials and Methods

This study employed a qualitative approach to permit in-depth engagement with the subjects under study (Brennen, 2017) and allow interpretation of how Multimedia Group Limited carries out its responsibility of providing support to traumatised journalists based on the expertise and perspectives of study participants (Creswell, 2014). Multimedia Group Limited was purposively selected for this study because of its position as a major private media conglomerate in Ghana, where staff are often exposed to high-stakes news and potential threats. Also, adopting a case study design enabled the researcher to gather relevant data, which was analysed to gain insights into the phenomenon under study (Yin, 2018). This enabled the researcher to gather corroborated data to gain insights into the interplay of the safety protocols of the company and outcomes. A session of focus group discussion with four (4) officials in management levels at Multimedia Group Limited—consisting of the media manager, the editor, the Human Resource Manager and an official from the HR Division—was carried out to gather data on structures put in place by the organisation to meet its obligation of providing mental health support to journalists in general and traumatised journalists in particular. The researcher used insights from the literature and best practices to develop the FGD guide and a flexible format to moderate the session, which lasted for about 60 min, enabling her to uncover in-depth insights and consensus or divergent opinions on the phenomenon under investigation from the FGD participants. The FGD participants in

Table 1. Profile of study participants.

Participant’s Code	Gender	Brief Details of Participant	The Incident That Led to Trauma
FGD P1	Male	An employee of Multimedia Group Limited in Accra with 11 years of experience as an editor and 25 years of experience as a journalist.	N/A
FGD P2	Female	An employee of Multimedia Group Limited in Accra with 20 years of experience as General Manager for Multimedia Group Limited.	N/A
FGD P3	Male	An employee of Multimedia Group Limited in Accra with a journalism background and 10 years of experience as HR Manager for Share Services.	N/A
FGD P4	Female	An employee of Multimedia Group Limited in Accra with 11 years of experience as HR Manager for Share Services.	N/A
IDI PA	Male	An employee of Multimedia Group Limited in Accra with 15 years of experience as a journalist.	1. Brutally assaulted by some police officers while on assignment covering a demonstration at the headquarters of a security agency. 2. Caught in a cross-fire between police officers and illegal miners while he was covering news for his organisation.
IDI PB	Male	An employee of Multimedia Group Limited in Accra with 15 years of experience as a journalist.	1. Beaten severely by a mob of a demonstration while covering news for his organisation.

were purposively selected for the study because they are information-rich enough to speak to the company’s policies on the phenomenon under investigation and application of such policies. This enabled the researcher to examine the meanings that officials responsible for the protection of journalists in the organisation assign to the organisation’s safety protocols. In addition, interviews with two (2) journalists with traumatic experience were conducted to establish how Multimedia Group Limited created a safe environment and provided support for them during and after their traumatic experience. The two journalists were also sampled because their perspectives could affirm or refute the claims about how the policies were applied in their cases. The place and time for the interviews were determined by the participants. The interviews lasted between 60 and 90 min, and questions and follow-up questions were used when necessary. The interviews were recorded, transcribed and cleaned for analysis. In agreement with ethical standards, participant consent was sought before the FGD and interviews, and to avoid re-traumatising interviewees, trauma-informed interview techniques by The Journalist’s Resource at Harvard University approved by the Minnesota Journalism Centre were employed (Miller, 2025). Also, the names of the FGD participants and interviewees were pseudonymised (FGD P1–P4 and IDI PA–B) to ensure confidentiality. Data gathered were used to answer the research questions by utilising OST as the guide to deduce major thematic areas from the data to identify, analyse and categorise patterns of how resource allocation for safety provides psychological support and prepared the selected journalists for psychological risks of their job.

4. Findings

4.1. Kinds of Support Afforded to Journalists by Multimedia Group Limited

The first research question is “What kinds of support did Multimedia Group Limited afford the selected journalists before, during and after coverage of the traumatic events?” In answering this question, data from the FGD with the officials from Multimedia Group Limited was used.

4.1.1. Support Before Coverage of Traumatic Events

Findings reveal that the pre-coverage support took the form of periodic education on mental health issues and the mental well-being of the journalist. Also, the pre-coverage support is given to all the journalists in the organisation, including the selected journalists. Data revealed that the editorial management often shared trauma and mental health information on common newsroom platforms to educate journalists about the nature and impact of trauma in newsgathering practices and in the newsroom. Hence, the editor notes the following:

In the newsroom, we have the Team News platform where we share any insightful information and practices learn from … BBC, Dart Centre for Journalism & Trauma ….

(FGD P1)

He further added that “during editorial meetings or in-house trainings on Fridays, [they] sometimes touch on such issues and caution staff, especially young journalists… about their safety” (FDG P1). Aside from the periodic education, it emerged that Multimedia Group Limited also organised seminars on mental health for their journalists from time to time to sensitise their journalists and raise awareness on trauma and mental health issues. In this light, the HR manager indicated the following:

… for instance, a year ago, a mental health expert was invited to come and educate the staff on types of mental health and other issues related to mental health.

(FGD P4)

The aim of these seminars is to enable journalists in Multimedia Group Limited to manage “their psychological health and to help them report on sensitive events with empathy, ethical consideration and accuracy” (FGD P2). Also, the media outlet organised periodic mental health screening as well as specific screening depending on the newsroom climate to ensure early detection and possible intervention before escalation. Making reference to a specific instance before the lockdown in Ghana during the COVID-19 pandemic, the media manager noted the following:

… there was a mental health and well-being screening because of the fear and uncertainties that came with the outbreak, especially at the beginning.

(FGD P3)

It was also discovered from the focus group data that the organisation has a focal person to provide dedicated and in-house support and to attend to the well-being of staff. This is to ensure that they confidentially serve as a primary non-judgmental contact for journalists who may need psychological support to reach out to for discussions on their mental well-being. As such, the HR manager added the following:

We have a point person where any staff in need of mental health support can conveniently and confidentially approach and request access to the company’s mental health expert.

(FGD P4)

The essence of providing these pre-coverage supports to journalists at Multimedia Group Limited is to enable them to realise the impact of trauma on their lives and worldviews, recognise the signs and symptoms of trauma in their colleagues and sources and resist actions that can trigger psychological harm to others.

4.1.2. Support During the Coverage

It was discovered from the data that support given to journalists during coverage of traumatic events took the form of the provision of protective gadgets and equipment and newsroom monitoring of happenings in the field. The editor noted that the provision of such protective gadgets and equipment offers physical protection to the journalists and improves awareness in dangerous environments. Thus,

Through one of the insightful practices we copied from the BBC, we have now purchased special equipment like helmets and vests for staff who cover demonstrations so that they stand out from the crowd when covering demonstrations.

(FGD P1)

The primary function of these gadgets and equipment is to mitigate physical harm to the journalists. This lessens traumatic or life-threatening experiences, which can lead to psychological distress or PTSD. It was also discovered from the data that during coverage of events with a high likelihood of traumatic experiences, like demonstrations, the newsroom monitors the unfolding of events and quickly discharges or recalls journalists to the newsroom as soon as they discover signs of psychological toll on their journalists. The editor again avers the following:

During the coverage of the demonstration by Fix the Country pressure group, I changed the crew three times … I was calling and talking to the field crew from time to time … if I detected that one was stressed up or anxious, I withdrew him from the field and sent a replacement.

(FGD P1)

The knowledge of being physically safeguarded not only facilitates safe navigation of risks but also provides psychological reassurance, which minimises traumatic experience and lessens the likelihood of developing long-term trauma in journalists. The psychological benefits of being provided with protection gadgets or being monitored from the newsroom are reduced anxiety and an increased sense of control among journalists. This helps in diminishing the psychological impact of exposure to trauma.

4.1.3. Support After the Coverage

Analysis of data showed that the organisation afforded post-coverage support to journalists only when a serious traumatic incident occurred in the course of coverage of events. Post-coverage supports offered include debriefing sessions, observation by a clinical psychologist or mental health expert, medical and/or financial support and legal support. Findings revealed that upon an encounter with any traumatic incident, affected journalists go for sessions with a clinical psychologist or the company’s mental health expert to debrief about their traumatic experience and/or be under observation to prevent escalation of psychological challenges. The official from the Human Resource Division reiterated the following:

… we usually secure the services of a clinical psychologist to debrief and observe journalists who have had traumatic experiences to make sure that they (the journalists) don’t have psychological or mental challenges afterwards.

(FGD-P2)

In instances where journalists suffer physical harm, financial and medical assistance is given to the journalists, depending on the severity of the case. The HR Manager indicated that the organisation provides health insurance for every staff member, so if the health insurance can cover the treatment of the harm, the journalist will receive medical attention accordingly. However, if the extent of physical harm is severe such that the health insurance cannot cover treatment, the organisation provides financial assistance for medical treatment. Making reference to a journalist who suffered from a skull fracture upon being attacked by the police, the media manager stated the following:

In the case of [IDI PB], we had to support him financially because there were instances he needed to consult a specialist in hearing, neurology… and this is not covered by health insurance … sometimes, he had to travel out of the country for medical care, and we have been supporting him financially as best as we can ….

(FGD P3)

Furthermore, findings revealed that legal support is another post-coverage support given when the need arises to go to court to seek justice for affected journalists. Going to court helps to break down the stigma and the culture of silence in the newsroom where journalists are expected to be detached and objective at all costs. Supporting this finding, the HR Manager disclosed the following:

If we realise that the issue requires legal action, we offer legal support to the journalists involved. In the case of [IDI PB], the case is still in court, and we have been offering legal support to him (from 2018 to date).

(FGD P4)

IDI PB is a journalist from Multimedia Group Limited who was brutalised by the Ghana Police when he was covering an ongoing demonstration at the Police Headquarters in Accra. The case has been pending for almost eight years at the court with no closure in sight and the organisation has been offering legal support to date.

4.2. Perspectives of the Journalists on the Kinds of Support Given by the Organisation

The second research asks the following: What are the perspectives of the selected journalists on how the kinds of support given shaped their psychological safety? To answer this question, the interview data was used to establish how support before, during and after coverage affected their mental well-being. The journalists confirmed pre-coverage support from the organisation. They affirmed that the organisation offers mental health seminars and education periodically and indicated that on the day of the incident, they were reminded by their producer to be careful since the event had volatile or hostile tendencies. However, the newsroom does not have enough time to adequately prepare journalists for a breaking traumatic event.

… yes, they organise seminars and refresher courses on physical and psychological safety from time to time, but when the news is breaking, like on the day my incident happened, they [the organisation] don’t have the time to prep you before you leave.

(IDI PB)

He also added that he had access to a psychologist as part of the medical treatment he received from the Korle Bu Teaching Hospital when the police brutally assaulted him, confirming that the organisation secures the services of a clinical psychologist for journalists who need psychological attention.

However, IDI PA felt the awareness, education and sensitisation on trauma were insufficient because “more of the seminars and refresher courses were on how [they could] write good stories or improve as journalists than issues about [their] mental and emotional wellbeing”. The reason for this assertion may be that IDI PA’s case was the first to have occurred in the organisation, hence a learning curve that caused the organisation to start giving more attention to the issue of trauma afterwards. Also, IDI PB’s perspective on the insufficiency of the pre-coverage support stems from the fact that sometimes the awareness, education and sensitisation become inadequate due to the realities they contend with. To this effect, he noted that “though [he had] received some training and had awareness … being caught up in the cross-fire between the military and illegal miners was so overwhelming” (IDI PB).

Also, findings indicated that those in the newsroom have been advised to always stay closer to the police when reporting on hostile events because the police can easily and quickly intervene to ensure their physical safety and prevent repercussions on their psychological safety. However, in the case of IDI PA, there was no police presence at the time of the brutal attack on him, which made him vulnerable. Ironically, IDI PB was, however, attacked in the presence of the police and by the police at the Police Headquarters in Accra.

With regards to support given during coverage, findings showed that the primary concern of the newsroom was getting the news story ready rather than the journalists’ safety. The journalists felt that the attention from the newsroom was more about getting the stories for the audience than their psychological safety. Thus, they admitted that they received calls from the newsroom about happenings at the event, but the focus of the calls was more about the news stories than their welfare. IDI PA suggested that, upon being assigned to a sensitive or volatile story, the first concern of everyone was how to get the story on air. He asserted the following:

The first person to get in touch with you is the producer of that particular programme, and the first thing he/she will ask you to do is to paint a picture of what is happening to him/her. If he/she finds it to be interesting or newsworthy, then they will put you on air without asking whether you are safe or not. Then, after the story goes on air or in the course of reporting, probably after seeing the severity of the situation, they will ask about your safety.

(IDI PA)

IDI PB also noted that “the producer for the bulletin … was constantly in touch with [him] because [his] coverage was part of the live programme, hence [his] safety was secondary, and that is the reality of the newsroom”. These findings conflict with the claims that the newsroom monitors happenings at the event to recall journalists when necessary.

Per the findings on post-coverage support, the journalists affirmed they were given social and medical support. The journalists admitted that their colleagues in the newsroom and some top management members visited them at the hospital and at home to encourage and offer social support to them. IDI PA indicated that “…colleagues in the newsroom were constantly checking up on me and offering support and encouragement”. This helped a lot in enabling them to adjust to their situation. However, they indicated that the social support from colleagues dwindled with time. Findings also affirmed that the extent of financial and medical assistance depended on the severity of the case. IDI PA posited that he was not given any financial assistance to augment his medical treatment, but the health insurance took care of the needed medical assistance. He added, however, that when it became necessary for him to seek herbal treatment for the injuries sustained from the severe beatings while covering a demonstration, he had to bear the cost by himself without financial assistance from the organisation because herbal treatments were not covered by the health insurance.

But in the case of IDI PB, he had medical, financial and legal support from the company because he suffered a skull fracture and other serious injuries, and the severity of his case required advanced medical treatment. Hence, he confirmed that the organisation financially supported his medical care because he had to see specialists within Ghana and even seek medical attention abroad.

… The company took care of my medical bills locally. They support me when I have to travel outside Ghana to seek medical care due to complications resulting from the fractured skull I experienced, and my condition is improving… for four years, the company has been assisting, but now fatigue is setting in.

Aside from these assistances, the company continued to pay the monthly salaries of the two journalists, whether they were able to work for the company or they were inactive in the newsroom, for a number of years after their incidents until they resigned from the journalism practice. For instance, IDI PA indicated that his “incident occurred in 2012 and the organisation paid [his] salary till [he] resigned from journalism in 2023”. Though IDI PA’s case did not go to court, that of IDI PB did, and it has been pending for almost eight years. IDI PB revealed that the company offered legal support to him from the beginning of the incident to date. The company first tried to make the Ghana Police Service take responsibility for the incident, but they were unwilling; therefore, the case was taken to court to seek justice for IDI PB. From 2019 to date, Multimedia Group Limited has been offering legal support for IDI PB. Also, it has been demanding for justice for him from 2018 to date.

In addition, IDI PA averred that the overall assistance given to him was insufficient, but IDI PB felt otherwise. The differences in perspectives about the support received from the company may stem from the fact that the company has not institutionalised a mental health policy. Thus, mental health support from the organisation is not structured, and the support is given on an ad hoc basis. This, therefore, makes the application of such support discretionary, leaving room for subjective interpretations. Most importantly, the focus group data suggests that the company is in the process of formalising a mental health policy. The yet-to-be-institutionalised policy has some provisions that make it compulsory for editors to first debrief every journalist from the field, and demands that editors consciously be on the lookout for symptoms of traumatic exposure.

5. Discussion

The study’s findings established that Multimedia Group Limited offered some support to the journalists before, during and after coverage of traumatic events. The pre-coverage support was in the form of sensitisation and awareness creation about trauma and mental well-being of journalists through seminars, mental health screening, access to a clinical psychologist and sharing trauma and mental well-being information on common platforms. However, both journalists were of the view that the pre-coverage support was inadequate because of the lower frequency of such training and their insufficiency in helping them mitigate traumatic situations in the field. IDI PA’s perspective of imbalance in the attention the organisation gave to in-service training on writing/producing good and compelling stories as compared to training on trauma and psychological well-being sparked a feeling of injustice, which generated a negative emotion in him (Scheer et al., 2003) that the company did not give him much exposure to trauma and psychological well-being training. The essence of the organisation’s pre-coverage support was to enable the interviewees to deal with trauma in their practice. Yet this support did not come in handy when IDI PB was caught in a cross-fire between the military and illegal miners, nor did it help IDI PA when he found himself in the midst of protestors and no police presence.

Creating awareness and sensitising journalists on trauma in the newsroom and engaging experts in helping journalists deal with trauma go a long way to prepare journalists for future traumatic experiences in their practice, but this is only possible when there is comprehensive and consistent (but not periodic) training. If such training is expected to nurture resilience among journalists, then it needs to be a priority and part of everyday culture in the newsroom (Miller, 2023). Thus, the psychological safety of journalists at Multimedia Group Limited should not be topical only when a traumatic emergency occurs. It can be argued that the periodic nature of the awareness and sensitisation training on trauma by the organisation undermined the efficacy of the pre-coverage support afforded to the journalists. Hence, when the journalists were caught up in a traumatic encounter, they were unable to effectively use the knowledge and exposure from the training to their advantage. This is due to an absence of a mental well-being policy to guide management to consciously adopt and implement practices that prioritise the mental well-being of staff and make it an integral part of the newsroom culture at Multimedia Group Limited.

In addition, findings revealed that the newsroom monitored the journalists during coverage of the sensitive and hostile events. However, both journalists were of the view that the follow-ups from the newsroom during coverage were directed towards the news stories they were to provide rather than their security and psychological welfare. Thus, they were of the opinion that the primary concern of the producers was for the news stories or news angles, whereas their physical and psychological safety was secondary. Most importantly, this opinion was formed because their producers, as agents of Multimedia Group, stayed in touch with them to get them ready for live transmission. The journalists interpreted these actions by their producers as the intent of the organisation rather than the personal motives of the agents (Kurtessis et al., 2017). Hence, they drew the conclusion that the check-up calls from the newsroom were mainly about the stories rather than their welfare because the producers, instead of asking first about their welfare, asked about the news story or unfolding events. This made them feel that the producers failed to show care towards their well-being (Eisenberger & Stinglhamber, 2011), therefore causing them to have such a negative perspective of the company.

The conflict in perspectives regarding support given during coverage may be due to the fact that the journalists and the producers did not fully understand the prevailing situation surrounding the hostile events being covered at the time. The editor gave a different instance where he monitored through calls and replaced journalists upon detecting anxiety or anxiousness. This newsroom practice is recommended by Miller (2023), but it did not work in the case of the study’s participants. However, this conflict would have been avoided if the newsroom had used a safety protocol that permits two-way communication instead of the top-down mechanism, where it is the editor who detects anxiousness and recalls journalists from the field. Individuals have different risk tolerance levels (Bonanno & Burton, 2013), which implies that the producer might have erred in using his risk tolerance level to make judgments for the journalists. Rather, a safety protocol that permits the journalist at the scene of the event to initiate a call for extraction would ensure seamless and effective communication between the journalists and the newsroom in critical times. For instance, providing journalists covering sensitive and hostile events with safety gadgets with panic buttons would enable journalists to alert the newsroom when their risk tolerance reaches prohibitive levels (Miller, 2023). This underscores the need for leadership training that enables the managers of Multimedia Group Limited to recognise signs of distress (such as changes in behaviour or emotional fragility) and to respond with empathy.

Moreover, the newsroom provided the post-coverage support in an ad hoc manner to address the traumatic experiences of the journalists. IDI PA found the support given to him after his traumatic experience to be insufficient, while IDI PB felt the support he received was sufficiently average. The difference in perspectives among the journalists can be attributed to the ad hoc manner in which post-coverage support is provided to the journalists. Without an institutionalised policy, post-coverage support to journalists was done at the discretion of the agents of Multimedia and without standardised guidelines or frameworks. An institutionalised policy on support for Multimedia journalists who encounter traumatic experiences in the course of their journalistic duties brings consciousness and standardisation to the implementation of post-coverage support. This leaves no room for unhealthy comparison and subjective interpretations. Hypothetically, if the company had had a policy that indicated that financial assistance would be given to those who are required to seek medical attention abroad, it would have come with the understanding that would make IDI PA appreciate that he did not qualify for such financial assistance. Unfortunately, agents of Multimedia had to use their discretion on the severity of each case as a basis to determine the kind of assistance to be given, which enabled IDI PB to seek medical attention abroad and denied ID PA financial assistance for herbal treatment in Ghana for injuries sustained after the attack. The lack of standardisation made IDI PA feel that the overall support given to him was insufficient because IDI PB was given more financial assistance, while he was not given any for the herbal treatment he needed for his injuries. Hence, the variations in the care given towards their welfare (Eisenberger & Stinglhamber, 2011) informed their perspectives on the sufficiency or otherwise of the post-coverage support the company gave to them (Kurtessis et al., 2017). Thus, IDI PB felt that he was fairly treated by the company, he had the company’s support and experienced favourable conditions; therefore, his perceived organisational support (POS) was higher than IDI PA who felt he was not fairly treated, did not receive much support from the company and was not fairly treated; hence, he had a lower POS.

6. Conclusions and Recommendations

This paper utilised the theoretical lens of organisational support theory to examine the kinds of support Multimedia Group Limited afforded two of its journalists before, during and after coverage of traumatic events and explored the perspectives of the two journalists on how the support given shaped their psychological safety. Upon subjecting the study’s findings to international standards and best practices, outcomes revealed a positive attempt by Multimedia Group Limited to meet international standards for support systems. Regarding best practice of support systems, findings affirmed that the organisation informally has structures in place to ensure confidential counselling, a peer support network and routine mental health check-ins. These align with positive indicators for best practices for social support.

However, the organisation’s attempts at best practices for proactive and preventative measures, post-incident management, and cultural and leadership changes were poor. Findings on trauma awareness and well-being education, as well as rotation of journalists during coverage and time off for recovery after traumatic experience, align with trauma awareness training and trauma-informed scheduling dimensions of proactive and preventative measures. Yet, insufficiency of awareness and education and lack of pre-assignment risk assessment do not meet the regular and comprehensive training and pre-coverage thorough risk assessment requirements of best practices. In addition, findings showed that the company afforded the journalists debriefing sessions after exposure to their traumatic experience, but access to a clinical psychologist and to specialists within Ghana and abroad was limited to the journalist with the more severe case. Though these are good indicators for best practices for post-incident management, the absence of a mental well-being policy may account for the selective application of these indicators. This shows an unstructured organisational support and subjective means of applying the indicators, and therefore, a failure to meet the recommendations from international organisations like Dart Centre. Regarding the standard of cultural and leadership changes, the conflicting findings between management and the journalists on trauma-informed scheduling show a lack of leadership training on the identification of signs of distress, implying failure of the producers and the editors to correctly recognise the signs of distress among journalists while covering demonstrations/riots. Leadership training will not only equip the managers with distress identification ability, but it will also enable them to respond to distress with empathy and consciously shift the macho culture about trauma in their newsroom.

Most importantly, the absence of a mental health policy in the organisation needs serious consideration because it is foundational to the ability of the organisation to provide crucial guidance that supports consistency in making decisions and fosters accountability on issues about trauma in the newsroom. An explicit mental health policy in Multimedia Group Limited would change the prohibitive and restrictive culture around trauma and mental health in the newsroom into a key component of occupational health and safety. Such a policy is crucial for shifting the macho culture of silence about trauma in the newsroom because it will support operational and structural proactive measures in trauma training that directly equip producers and editors with abilities to lead and ensure mitigation of trauma and PTSD among Multimedia Group journalists who cover accidents, conflicts and other traumatic events. A formal policy helps destigmatise mental health issues by normalising them and providing structured mental health support that enables Multimedia Group journalists to carry out their journalistic duties without sacrificing their mental health.