Audience Exposure to Digital Media Coverage of the Civil War in Sudan and Its Relationship with Psychological Immunity and Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder

Abstract

This study examines the relationship between Sudanese audiences’ exposure to digital media coverage of the civil war and their psychological immunity and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms while also investigating the mediating role of psychological immunity. Data were collected through an online survey from a sample of 774 Sudanese respondents residing both inside and outside Sudan. The findings indicate a relatively high level of exposure to digital news coverage, particularly through social media platforms such as Facebook, reflecting the growing centrality of digitally mediated news environments in conflict reporting. The results also reveal moderate levels of psychological immunity and relatively high levels of PTSD symptoms, especially in the hyperarousal dimension. Statistical analysis shows a negative association between media exposure and psychological immunity, and a positive association between exposure and PTSD symptoms, with psychological immunity partially mediating this relationship. Beyond these findings, this study highlights important implications for journalism practice and media responsibility. The intensity and emotional nature of digital war coverage raise critical concerns regarding ethical news production, the circulation of distressing content, and the potential psychological impact on audiences. These findings underscore the need for more responsible digital journalism practices, including content moderation, trauma-sensitive reporting, and the promotion of media literacy, in order to mitigate the potential harm associated with repeated exposure to crisis-related news content.

1. Introduction

Over the past two decades, the Arab region has witnessed a series of profound political and social transformations accompanied by an unprecedented surge in digital news coverage of crises and armed conflicts. The rapid technological advancements and the integration of traditional media into the digital environment have contributed to turning crises into “live and visible” events for audiences at every moment, whereby users have become part of the processes of reception, interaction, and media reproduction (Hoskins, 2020). In this context, media coverage of crises is no longer merely a process of news transmission; rather, it has become a complex emotional and psychological experience in which information intersects with images, emotions, and collective sentiments (Abdelhay et al., 2025).

The civil war in Sudan, which erupted in mid-2023 between the army and the Rapid Support Forces, is considered one of the deadliest and most complex conflicts in Africa and the Arab world. It has led to large-scale displacement, successive humanitarian crises, and a sharp polarization in media discourse across the digital sphere. Social media platforms and digital news sites have become the primary sources of information for both Sudanese and Arab audiences due to the weakness of Sudan’s traditional media infrastructure during the crisis (Waqi Allah, 2024; Alquaary et al., 2026).

Amid this daily immersion in the flow of news, shocking images, and video clips documenting destruction and human suffering, fundamental questions arise regarding the psychological impact of continuous media exposure to scenes of war, particularly in the absence of professional and ethical filters that regulate digital content (Feinstein et al., 2026). Excessive and emotionally charged coverage may lead to cumulative psychological strain, known in psychological literature as vicarious trauma, which resembles in its symptoms the post-traumatic stress disorder experienced by those directly exposed to traumatic events (Greenberg et al., 2020).

Recent studies have confirmed that repeated exposure to tragic scenes through digital media may leave negative psychological effects, including anxiety, depression, hypervigilance, sleep disturbances, and feelings of helplessness (Garfin et al., 2020). Other research has shown that extensive media coverage of humanitarian crises and wars creates a state of collective tension that is associated with a higher likelihood of psychological disorders even among individuals geographically distant from the event (Xu et al., 2021).

In contrast, the positive trend in psychological studies indicates that possessing a high level of psychological immunity can serve as a protective mechanism that reduces the intensity of negative psychological impacts resulting from media-induced trauma. (Khalifa et al., 2026). From this perspective, the relationship between media exposure and psychological immunity represents an important area of research for understanding the psychological and social mechanisms of media influence during times of conflict.

In addition to media effect perspectives, the present study is situated within broader debates in journalism studies concerning war reporting, mediated suffering, and the role of audiences as distant witnesses to conflict. Contemporary research highlights that digital media environments have transformed how war is represented and consumed, often intensifying exposure to graphic and emotionally charged content (Allan, 2025; Lawton & Wawa, 2025; Feinstein, 2004). From this perspective, the concept of “mediated witnessing” becomes central, as audiences are increasingly exposed to real-time representations of violence through both journalistic.

In this study, “digital media coverage” refers to professionally produced journalistic content across online news platforms, official media outlets, and social media platforms, Digital media, particularly social media platforms, have become a fertile environment for constructing collective perceptions of war and shaping group emotions toward its parties. At the same time, however, these may contribute to creating a state of digital shock resulting from excessive interaction with violent or tragic content. Studies in the fields of health and psychological media indicate that individuals with high levels of psychological immunity exhibit greater resistance to the effects of such content, making them less susceptible to emotional disorders (Buodo et al., 2023). This highlights the importance of this study, which seeks to uncover the relationship between exposure to digital media coverage of the civil war in Sudan, psychological immunity, and post-traumatic stress disorder among the public. This study integrates both media and psychological perspectives and examines the role of the digital media environment in shaping individuals’ psychological responses amid prolonged crises.

This study also gains significance from addressing an audience that is experiencing the events closely, whether inside Sudan or in the diaspora, which allows it to contribute to enriching interdisciplinary literature that remains scarce in addressing the interplay between digital media and mental health in war contexts. Moreover, the findings may open practical avenues for designing media and health awareness programs aimed at enhancing individuals’ psychological immunity and training media institutions to cover crises in a humane and responsible manner.

2. Literature Review

2.1. Exposure to Digital Media Coverage During Crises

The digital environment has fundamentally transformed the concept of media exposure from being merely a passive process of content reception to a continuous, multidimensional interaction in which audiences participate through posting, commenting, sharing, and reproducing content. Studies in digital media confirm that crisis news coverage on digital platforms is characterized by qualitative features, most notably immediacy, interactivity, the intensity of images and live scenes, and, in many cases, the absence of professional verification (Hermida, 2012; Fayez et al., 2026b).

Recent scholarship has increasingly highlighted the psychological implications of exposure to crisis-related media content, particularly in digital environments. For instance, Frey (2018) demonstrates how individuals exposed to real-time social media coverage during violent events report heightened emotional distress and a sense of proximity to trauma, even when not directly affected. Similarly, Feinstein (2004) emphasizes that repeated exposure to war-related content whether experienced directly or mediated through journalism can produce significant psychological strain, including symptoms associated with trauma and stress disorders. During conflicts and wars, the importance of media exposure becomes magnified, as digital platforms turn into primary sources of information and real-time updates. This puts audiences in a state of constant vigilance and intensive monitoring, especially through outlets such as news websites and social-media-based news platforms. Studies have shown that heavy exposure to negative and violent news on these platforms is associated with increased levels of anxiety, stress, and sleep disturbances (Garfin et al., 2020; Khadragy et al., 2024).

Media Dependency Theory further reinforces this understanding: dependency on media is associated with a higher likelihood of emotional and psychological effects, potentially negative ones such as anxiety, stress, and fear, though the opposite may occur depending on the type of media content and the manner in which it is presented (Kanaan, 2017). In the context of the present study, news related to the ongoing civil war in Sudan and the scale of casualties and losses accumulated over the years may have significant effects that warrant examining the reciprocal relationship between following such content through digital media. This is represented by news websites and social-media-based news platforms, and its impact on levels of psychological immunity and post-traumatic stress disorder among the public.

Just as the media can foster reassurance among people during crises by disseminating facts and providing balanced coverage, it can also contribute to heightened levels of anxiety, stress, and blurred perceptions among the public, which negatively impacts various sectors. This is partly due to the nature of digital media itself, being open and difficult to control, where rumors and information spread rapidly and extensively, making it challenging to monitor and track everything circulating among people. Therefore, addressing a crisis through the media requires integrated efforts from both civil and governmental media actors—institutions and individuals—within a comprehensive strategy aimed at protecting the country and shielding it from the resulting influences (Abdelhay et al., 2025).

In the case of the civil war in Sudan, digital platforms, particularly news websites and social-media-based news platforms, have served as the primary means for reporting events and sharing field experiences. However, the intensity of violent and emotionally charged content has exposed audiences to what is referred to as chronic media stress, resulting from repeated exposure to graphic images, videos of displacement, and scenes of destruction (Waqi Allah, 2024).

Importantly, not all media exposure carries the same psychological impact. Prior research suggests that exposure to highly visual, emotionally intense, and repetitive representations of violence such as graphic images, live footage, and user-generated videos may be particularly associated with heightened distress (Khalifa et al., 2026; Fayez et al., 2026a; Abdelhay et al., 2023). In digitally networked environments, such content is often subject to algorithmic amplification and rapid virality, increasing the possibility of repeated and unintended exposure. This raises critical concerns regarding the role of platform design and content circulation mechanisms in shaping audience vulnerability to mediated trauma.

While the existing literature has extensively examined the psychological consequences of media exposure, less attention has been paid to the specific characteristics of digital news production and circulation that shape such effects (Feinstein et al., 2026; Chettah & Al Adwan, 2022). In contemporary media environments, exposure is not a neutral process but is structured by platform logics, including algorithmic amplification, engagement-driven visibility, and the rapid circulation of emotionally charged content. From a journalism studies perspective, these dynamics raise important questions about the ethical responsibilities of news organizations. The increasing prominence of visual and graphic representations of violence—often prioritized due to their perceived news value and shareability—may intensify audience engagement while simultaneously heightening the risk of psychological harm. Accordingly, understanding the psychological impact of digital media exposure requires not only examining audience characteristics but also interrogating the structural and content-related features of media systems, including production practices, platform dynamics, and the circulation of violent imagery.

2.2. Psychological Immunity as a Protective Mechanism Against Media-Induced Trauma

Psychological immunity is defined as an individual’s ability to protect oneself from the potential negative effects of stress, threats, frustrations, and psychological crises, and to overcome them through psychological immunity by utilizing personal resources and inherent personality capacities. These include positive thinking, creativity and problem-solving, self-regulation and balance, endurance and toughness, challenge and perseverance, effectiveness, optimism, flexibility, and adaptation to the environment (Zidan, 2013). This definition emphasizes understanding the dimensions of psychological immunity rather than its essence. It is also defined as the individual’s capacity to confront crises and adversities, tolerate difficulties, resist them, and withstand any experience that evokes fear, tension, anxiety, hostility, revenge, or pessimism. Psychological immunity provides the individual with additional positive energy that enables them to address any problem or crisis, whether related to psychological, social, or economic aspects (IJntema et al., 2023).

Psychological immunity encompasses a set of components that collectively constitute the dimensions of the concept, including positive thinking, self-confidence, a sense of self-regulation and balance, problem-solving ability, and psychological immunity and toughness (Abdel-Naeem & Saad, 2025; Suwaifi et al., 2022). Among various theoretical perspectives on the dimensions of psychological immunity, these dimensions were the most widely agreed upon by psychologists. Thus, they were adopted in formulating the psychological immunity scale used in the current study.

The concept of psychological immunity in this study is understood as a set of cognitive and emotional coping resources that enable individuals to regulate stress and maintain psychological stability in the face of adverse or distressing stimuli. Rather than being treated as a static trait, psychological immunity is conceptualized as a dynamic capacity that may be influenced by both individual characteristics and environmental conditions, including the nature and intensity of media exposure (McPhedran et al., 2023).

Within digitally mediated contexts, sustained exposure to distressing content may challenge these coping mechanisms, potentially weakening individuals’ ability to process traumatic information effectively. This perspective allows psychological immunity to be interpreted not only as an individual-level protective factor but also as a construct shaped by broader media and communication environments.

In the context of crisis-related media exposure, psychological immunity may play a buffering role by reducing individuals’ vulnerability to the negative emotional impact of repeated exposure to threatening or traumatic content (Fayez et al., 2026a). Several studies have shown that individuals with high psychological immunity possess a greater ability to withstand the effects of media-induced trauma. They engage with shocking content rationally and employ effective psychological coping strategies, such as temporarily withdrawing from coverage or selectively interacting with news (Fredrickson, 2013; Southwick et al., 2014).

Conversely, low psychological immunity is associated with a higher likelihood of becoming emotionally absorbed in tragic digital content, making individuals vulnerable to the development of (PTSD) symptoms, even without direct exposure to the events (Guha & Beri, 2023). Research in media and mental health confirms that psychological immunity serves as a crucial mediating variable in explaining the relationship between media exposure and mental health. It functions as a “psychological shield” that mitigates the impact of indirect trauma resulting from excessive exposure to human suffering (Garfin et al., 2020; Rozanov & Rutz, 2021).

2.3. Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder Resulting from Media Exposure to Crises

The American Psychiatric Association defines post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) as a category of psychological disorders that follow an individual’s exposure to an unusual direct or indirect psychological or physical stressor. Trauma involves the individual experiencing, witnessing, or confronting an event that includes death, actual harm, or a threat to the physical integrity of oneself or others, accompanied by an immediate response of intense fear, helplessness, or horror (Pinchevski, 2016). PTSD is also defined as a psychological condition that arises after exposure to or witnessing a traumatic event, characterized by symptoms, such as re-experiencing flashbacks, avoidance, hyperarousal, and negative changes in mood and cognition (Widiger & Hines, 2022). A significant number of specialists in psychology and mental health agree that the core dimensions constituting post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) are re-experiencing the trauma, avoidance and emotional numbing, and hyperarousal (Abdelhay et al., 2025; Mubarak et al., 2023; Alayarian, 2011).

Scientific studies indicate that post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is common in psychopathology, particularly after crises and disasters (Al-Wakeel, 2022). This suggests that individuals who have followed or witnessed the Civil War in Sudan may be susceptible to this type of psychological disorder, depending on the strength of their psychological immunity.

Although PTSD was historically associated with soldiers and disaster victims, recent studies indicate the emergence of trauma-like disorders among audiences who are heavily exposed to events through media, known as media-induced trauma or indirect post-traumatic stress disorder (Mou-Danha & Crawford, 2023; Rozanov & Rutz, 2021; Buodo et al., 2023). A study conducted after the Boston Marathon bombings showed that individuals who watched news coverage for several hours daily were more likely to exhibit PTSD symptoms than those who were physically present near the event (Mou-Danha & Crawford, 2023). Another study found that intensive exposure to violent video clips on social media is associated with higher feelings of fear, helplessness, and anger—symptoms associated with the early stages of post-traumatic stress disorder (Robert et al., 2021).

The severity of PTSD in the context of the Sudanese civil war is compounded by the prolonged duration of the conflict and the uninterrupted nature of digital coverage, placing the public in a state of chronic exposure to traumatic stimuli. This sustained exposure may result in long-term or recurrent PTSD.

In light of the above, it becomes crucial to examine the role of psychological immunity as a buffering factor between intensive exposure to war coverage via digital media and the resulting PTSD to understand potential protective mechanisms among individuals following these events.

From a theoretical perspective, cognitive models of post-traumatic stress disorder provide further explanatory insight. Clark and Ehlers (2004) argue that PTSD symptoms are closely linked to maladaptive cognitive processing of traumatic information, including persistent threat perception and negative appraisal patterns. In mediated environments, such processes may be activated through repeated exposure to distressing visual and narrative content, particularly within digital media platforms characterized by immediacy and emotional intensity.

2.4. The Interactive Relationship Among the Three Variables (Proposed Conceptual Model)

The conceptual model of this study is based on the hypothesis that intensive and continuous media exposure to coverage of the civil war in Sudan is associated with a higher likelihood of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms among the public. However, this effect is influenced by the level of psychological immunity, which acts as a mediating variable that reduces the severity of the negative impact.

The relationship can be represented as follows:

• Digital Media Exposure → Psychological Immunity → Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder

It is expected that a higher level of psychological immunity will weaken the positive relationship between media exposure and PTSD. Based on the above discussion, understanding the relationship between digital media coverage of crises and the psychological state of the public is no longer merely an academic luxury; it is a necessity to comprehend how the digital environment reshapes our psychological and social experiences. Media are no longer just a transmitter of events; these have become a generator of emotional experience and a direct influencer of mental health. Hence, the importance of this study lies in uncovering the deep psychological interactions among media exposure, psychological immunity, and PTSD among the Sudanese public in the context of the civil war.

3. Procedural and Methodological Framework of This Study

This study aims to identify the nature of the relationship between public exposure to digital media coverage of the civil war in Sudan, psychological immunity, and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), and to predict whether intensive exposure to war-related media content among the Sudanese public affects their level of psychological immunity, and consequently, their experience of PTSD symptoms.

3.1. Methodology of This Study

This descriptive study relies on surveying a sample of the respondents and analyzing patterns of their media exposure and psychological responses. Accordingly, this study adopted a quantitative survey approach, which is considered the most suitable for examining correlational relationships among psychological, behavioral, and social variables resulting from media exposure to crises. In addition, a correlational design was employed to determine the nature of the relationship between the level of exposure to digital media coverage of the civil war in Sudan, psychological immunity, and PTSD among the public.

This study relies on self-reported measures of both media exposure and PTSD symptoms, which is a common approach in survey-based research on media effects and psychological outcomes. While self-report data allow for the assessment of subjective experiences and perceptions, they may be subject to response biases, including recall bias and social desirability bias.

3.2. Study Population and Sample

The study population consists of the Sudanese public who follow digital media coverage of the civil war in Sudan across various platforms, such as news pages and groups on social media, and news websites. This includes:

• Followers residing within Sudan (Khartoum, Omdurman, Darfur, Port Sudan).
• Members of the Sudanese diaspora living in Egypt and the UAE.

The sample was selected from individuals who actively and continuously follow digital media coverage of the civil war in Sudan. The sample size was N = 774 respondents. To ensure the representation of diversity within the sample, it was distributed according to the variables detailed in the

Table 1. Respondents of this study.

Variable	Category	Frequency	Percentage (%)
Gender	Male	422	54.5
	Female	352	45.5
Age	18 to under 29 years	369	47.7
	29 to under 45 years	291	37.6
	45 years and above	114	14.7
Educational Level	High school or below	89	11.5
	Bachelor’s degree or equivalent	424	54.8
	Postgraduate studies	261	33.7
Place of Residence	Inside Sudan	426	55
	Outside Sudan	348	45
Total	—	774	100

below:

3.3. Data Collection

The data were collected electronically through a digital questionnaire posted on the most widely used platforms among Sudanese users (Facebook, WhatsApp, X) during the period from March to August 2025.

3.4. Study Instruments

This study utilized an electronic questionnaire developed by the researchers, comprising three main sections:

(1)

Exposure to Digital Media Coverage of the Civil War in Sudan:

The exposure scale was developed based on established measures in prior media effect and crisis communication research, and adapted to reflect the specific context of digital war coverage (Holman et al., 2014; Fayez et al., 2026a; Thompson et al., 2019). The exposure section included general questions measuring exposure, duration of exposure, type of content, type of medium, and interaction. It also included items specifically designed for the current study based on previous studies similar to and closely related to the current research topic, and the main dimensions of exposure include:

• Frequency of following: number of hours per day, frequency of exposure.
• Type of media used: social media platforms vs. news websites.
• Type of content: news, humanitarian, analytical, military.
• Pattern of interaction: passive viewing/commenting/sharing/reposting.
• Self-assessment of coverage: perceived trustworthiness, credibility, and emotional impact.

The dimensions of this section included diverse and multiple alternatives, allowing respondents to express the level and characteristics of their media exposure accurately.

(2)

Psychological Immunity Scale:

This study developed a psychological immunity scale based on several previous studies that provided a foundation for constructing the scale (Abdelhay et al., 2025; Suwaifi et al., 2022; Ashour, 2020). The final scale consisted of 29 items distributed across five dimensions:

• Positive thinking: 6 items.
• Self-confidence: 7 items.
• Self-regulation and balance: 5 items.
• Problem-solving: 6 items.
• Resilience and psychological toughness: 5 items.

The items were composed of 16 positive statements and 13 negative statements.

(3)

Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) Scale:

For the PTSD scale, this study depended on Al-Sharafi (2021) and the modified version of the PCL-5 scale issued by the American Psychiatric Association (Weathers et al., 2013). The final scale consisted of 16 items divided into three dimensions:

• Re-experiencing the traumatic event: 6 items.
• Avoidance of the traumatic event: 6 items.
• Hyperarousal: 4 items.

The items included 10 negative statements and 6 positive ones.

3.5. Scale Scoring Method

The questionnaire was designed based on a five-point Likert scale, where 5 represents “Strongly Agree”, whereas 1 represents “Strongly Disagree”. To determine the value associated with each score, the range was calculated by subtracting the minimum value from the maximum value, i.e., (5 − 1) = 4, and then dividing it by the five levels (very high, high, medium, low, very low). This value—i.e., the quotient of 4 ÷ 5 = 0.80—was then added to the lowest value of the scale, which is 1. Accordingly, the distribution of scores for respondents was as follows: very low (1–1.80), low (1.81–2.61), medium (2.62–3.42), high (3.43–4.23), and very high (4.24–5).

3.6. Validity and Reliability

1. Validity: Internal consistency validity was calculated using Pearson’s correlation coefficient as an indicator of the questionnaire and scales’ validity. This was applied to a pilot sample of 40 young respondents. The significance values for the correlation of items with the total questionnaire score ranged between 0.78 and 0.86 for the questionnaire, and between 0.88 and 0.93 for the correlation of items with the total score of the psychological immunity scale. For the post-traumatic stress disorder scale, item-to-total score correlations ranged from 0.79 to 0.91. All these correlation values indicate a high level of validity for the instruments. In addition, expert validity was ensured by sending the instrument to a group of specialized professors in the fields of media, psychology, and mental health. Their feedback and suggestions were considered in developing the instrument in its current form.

2. Reliability procedures: Reliability refers to the consistency of the results produced by the research instrument. To verify this, the reliability of the questionnaire was calculated using Cronbach’s alpha. The reliability coefficients were 0.83 for exposure to digital media coverage of the civil war in Sudan, 0.86 for the psychological immunity scale, and 0.85 for the post-traumatic stress disorder scale. These values confirm that the instrument possesses a high level of reliability.

3.7. Study Hypotheses

Hypothesis 1. 

There is a statistically significant correlation between the level of public exposure to digital media coverage of the civil war in Sudan and their psychological immunity.

Hypothesis 2. 

There is a statistically significant correlation between the level of public exposure to digital media coverage of the civil war in Sudan and their post-traumatic stress disorder.

Hypothesis 3. 

Psychological immunity plays a mediating role in the relationship between media exposure and post-traumatic stress disorder.

Hypothesis 4. 

There are statistically significant differences in the levels of psychological immunity and post-traumatic stress disorder according to the variables of gender, place of residence, age, and educational level.

3.8. Statistical Methods

After data collection and coding, the data were analyzed, and statistical results were extracted using the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS V. 28). The following statistical procedures were employed:

• Frequencies and percentages to describe the characteristics of the sample.
• Pearson’s correlation coefficients to examine relationships between variables.
• Arithmetic mean to determine the rank of values.

Standard deviation to assess variability.

• Cronbach’s alpha to calculate reliability.
• Independent sample t-test to determine the significance of differences between independent groups.
• Kruskal–Wallis test for non-parametric comparisons.
• Path analysis to test the mediating model of psychological immunity.

4. Results

This section presents the field study results and analyzes them statistically to verify the research objectives and test their hypotheses. This is achieved by examining the relationship between the level of exposure of the Sudanese respondents to digital media coverage of the civil war in Sudan, their level of psychological immunity, and the degree of post-traumatic stress disorder resulting from such coverage. To avoid redundancy, the narrative focuses on highlighting the most relevant and statistically significant findings, rather than repeating all values presented in the tables.

4.1. Level of Exposure to Digital Media Coverage of the Civil War in Sudan

Below we present the results of the exposure measurement for digital media coverage of the civil war in Sudan, as shown in

Table 2. The means, standard deviations, and rankings for the Exposure to Digital Media Coverage Scale.

Dimensions	Mean	Standard Deviation	Rank	Level of Exposure
Follow-up Degree	4.18	0.74	1	High
Type of Media	4.05	0.81	2	High
Type of Content	3.82	0.92	3	High
Interaction Pattern	3.71	0.89	4	High
Self-assessment of Credibility	3.55	0.91	5	High
Overall Mean	3.86	0.78	—	High

:

Based on the results in Table 2, the overall mean of the exposure level (3.86 out of 5) indicates that the Sudanese public is relatively highly exposed to digital media coverage of the civil war, particularly through social networking sites, most notably Facebook, and to a slightly lesser extent via online news websites, which also received a high level of engagement. This reflects the strong presence of digital media in shaping news and events in real time. The dimensions encompassed all patterns of engagement, including follow-up intensity, diversity of media channels, and variety of content observed by respondents regarding the war. The content primarily included news related to developments in military events. Interaction patterns varied as well, with the predominant forms being the use of emojis, followed by comments and sharing.

4.2. Level of Psychological Immunity Among the Respondents

Below we present the results of the dimensions of the psychological immunity scale, as shown in

Table 3. The means, standard deviations, and rankings for the dimensions of the psychological immunity scale.

Dimensions	Mean	Standard Deviation	Rank	Level of Immunity
Self-Confidence	3.42	0.83	3	Medium
Positive Thinking	3.60	0.79	1	High
Resilience and Psychological Strength	3.27	0.85	5	Medium
Self-Control and Stability	3.39	0.80	4	Medium
Problem-Solving	3.42	0.82	2	Medium
Overall Mean of the Psychological Immunity Scale	3.42	0.81	—	Medium

:

As observed in Table 3, the overall result of the scale indicates a medium level of psychological immunity among the sample, suggesting that individuals possess some positive coping mechanisms, though these are not sufficient to withstand the intense pressures imposed by the war and its distressing news.

A more nuanced interpretation of the findings emerges when examining the internal dimensions of psychological immunity. While the dimension of positive thinking was relatively high among participants, resilience and psychological strength were comparatively lower. This discrepancy may be explained by the differential nature of these constructs. Positive thinking is largely a cognitive orientation that reflects general attitudes and beliefs, which may remain relatively stable even in the presence of distressing stimuli. In contrast, resilience and psychological strength involve more dynamic and resource-dependent processes, including the ability to cope with stress, regulate emotional responses, and adapt to repeated exposure to adverse experiences.

In digitally mediated environments characterized by continuous and often intense exposure to conflict-related content, these adaptive capacities may be more vulnerable to depletion. Repeated encounters with distressing media content may not immediately alter general cognitive outlooks, but they can gradually erode individuals’ capacity to sustain emotional regulation and psychological endurance. This pattern suggests that different components of psychological immunity do not respond uniformly to media exposure, highlighting the importance of examining these dimensions separately when assessing psychological outcomes in digital media contexts.

4.3. Level of Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder Among the Respondents

The results in

Table 4. The means, standard deviations, and rankings for the dimensions of the post-traumatic stress disorder scale.

Dimensions	Mean	Standard Deviation	Rank	Level of Distress
Hyperarousal	3.61	0.88	1	High
Re-experiencing the Traumatic Event	3.47	0.84	3	High
Avoidance of the Traumatic Event	3.59	0.86	2	High
Overall Mean of the Post-traumatic stress disorder Scale	3.55	0.86	—	High

indicate that a significant percentage of the sample experiences high levels of post-traumatic stress disorder symptoms due to intensive exposure to tragic news content, reflecting the profound psychological impact of digital media coverage of the civil war in Sudan.

4.4. Testing Hypotheses

Hypothesis 1. 

There is a statistically significant correlation between the level of public exposure to digital media coverage of the civil war in Sudan and their psychological immunity.

Based on

Table 5. The correlation coefficient between the level of public exposure to digital media coverage of the civil war in Sudan and psychological immunity.

Variables	Psychological Immunity
Level of public exposure to digital media coverage of the civil war in Sudan	R-Value	Significance Level	Type of Significance
	** 0.36-	0.00	Statistically significant

(**) significant at the 0.00 level.

, there is a statistically significant negative correlation between the level of public exposure to digital media coverage of the civil war in Sudan and their psychological immunity. The negative correlation between exposure and psychological immunity reflects a moderate-to-strong effect, suggesting a meaningful relationship rather than a trivial statistical finding.

Hypothesis 2. 

There is a statistically significant correlation between the level of public exposure to digital media coverage of the civil war in Sudan and their post-traumatic stress disorder.

Based on the results in

Table 6. The correlation coefficient between the level of public exposure to digital media coverage of the civil war in Sudan and post-traumatic stress disorder.

Variables	Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder
Level of public exposure to digital media coverage of the civil war in Sudan	R-Value	Significance Level	Type of Significance
	0.58 **	0.00	Statistically significant

(**) significant at the 0.00 level.

, there is a statistically significant positive correlation between the level of public exposure to digital media coverage of the civil war in Sudan and post-traumatic stress disorder. This indicates that media exposure to war coverage is associated with the level of post-traumatic stress disorder symptoms, which rises. This effect is attributed to the highly emotional nature of digital news content, particularly violent video clips frequently circulated on digital platforms, as well as the nature of the event itself, the civil war in Sudan, and the associated distressing occurrences, which can leave lasting psychological effects.

The observed correlation between media exposure and PTSD symptoms (r = 0.58) can be considered a large effect size according to conventional benchmarks, indicating a strong association between the two variables. Beyond statistical significance, the findings carry important practical implications. The strong association between media exposure and PTSD symptoms suggests that patterns of digital news consumption during conflict situations may have meaningful consequences for audience well-being. This highlights the need for more responsible journalism practices, including careful selection of visual content, content warnings, and the adoption of trauma-sensitive reporting approaches.

Hypothesis 3. 

Psychological immunity acts as a mediating variable in the relationship between media exposure and post-traumatic stress disorder.

Based on the results in

Table 7. The role of psychological immunity in the relationship between media exposure and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD).

Path	Description	Estimate (β)	SE	t/z Value	p Value	95% Confidence Interval
c (total effect)	Total effect of media exposure on PTSD	0.6874	0.0457	15.03	<0.001	—
a (exposure → immunity)	Effect of media exposure on psychological immunity	−0.4182	0.0526	−7.96	<0.001	—
b (immunity → PTSD)	Effect of psychological immunity on PTSD (controlling for exposure)	−0.3714	0.0395	−9.40	<0.001	—
c′ (direct effect)	Direct effect of media exposure on PTSD (controlling for immunity)	0.5321	0.0446	11.93	<0.001	—
a × b (indirect effect)	Indirect (mediated) effect through psychological immunity	0.1552	—	—	—	[0.109, 0.208] (Bootstrap 95% CI)

, the following can be observed:

• Total effect (c): The first overall model examining the relationship between media exposure and the level of post-traumatic stress disorder yielded a statistically significant positive estimate (c = 0.6874, p < 0.001). This indicates that for each one-unit increase in media exposure, the average PTSD score is expected to rise by approximately 0.687 units before accounting for psychological immunity.
• Path a (Exposure → Immunity): The negative and significant effect (a = −0.4182, p < 0.001) indicates that increased media exposure is associated with a decrease in psychological immunity. Specifically, each one-unit increase in exposure corresponds to an estimated decrease of about 0.418 units in the immunity score.
• Path b (Immunity → Stress) after controlling exposure: The negative estimate (b = −0.3714, p < 0.001) demonstrates that higher psychological immunity reduces post-traumatic stress disorder symptoms. Practically, each one-unit increase in immunity corresponds to an estimated decrease of approximately 0.371 units in PTSD, after controlling for media exposure.
• Direct effect after including the mediator (c′): The direct effect of media exposure on PTSD remains positive and significant (c′ = 0.5321, p < 0.001) after including psychological immunity in the model. This reveals that psychological immunity serves as a partial mediator; it explains part of the effect, but there remains a strong direct effect of exposure on PTSD even after accounting for immunity.
• Mediated effect and statistical significance: The calculated indirect effect (a × b ≈ 0.1552) is statistically significant; the 95% bootstrap confidence interval [0.1094, 0.2082] does not include zero, confirming that the effect is nonzero and meaningful. This means that a portion of the total effect of exposure on PTSD (approximately 0.155 units out of the total 0.687) operates through the reduction in psychological immunity.

The mediation model explained approximately 47% of the variance in PTSD symptoms (R² = 0.47). The mediation analysis indicated that the indirect effect of media exposure on PTSD symptoms through psychological immunity was statistically significant (β = 0.1552, 95% bootstrap CI [0.109, 0.208]). The total effect of media exposure on PTSD symptoms was β = 0.6874, while the direct effect remained significant after controlling for psychological immunity (β = 0.5321), indicating partial mediation. The proportion of the total effect mediated by psychological immunity was approximately 22.6%, suggesting a moderate mediating role.

Based on the previous results, it seems that psychological immunity functions as a partial mediator with a moderate effect between media exposure and the development of PTSD symptoms. In other words, it partially mitigates the impact of media exposure but does not eliminate the direct effect of exposure. But we must emphasize that although the proposed mediation model focuses on the relationships between media exposure, psychological immunity, and PTSD symptoms, it represents a theoretically bounded framework that does not explicitly differentiate between types of media content or platform-specific characteristics. In contemporary digital environments, exposure is not homogeneous; rather, it varies significantly depending on content features such as visual intensity, narrative framing, and modality (e.g., visual versus textual content), as well as platform-specific dynamics. These factors may shape both the intensity of emotional responses and the ways in which individuals cognitively process experiences of conflict. Figure 1 illustrates a mediation model based on path analysis.

Hypothesis 4. 

There are statistically significant differences in levels of psychological immunity and post-traumatic stress disorder according to the variables of gender and place of residence.

(a)

Differences by Gender and Place of Residence:

It is evident, based on

Table 8. The significance of differences among the respondents in levels of psychological immunity and post-traumatic stress disorder according to gender and place of residence.

Variables	Male		Female		T-Value	Significance Level
	M	SD	M	SD
Psychological Immunity	3.42	0.92	3.40	0.78	0.62	0.968
	Inside Sudan		Outside Sudan
	M	SD	M	SD
	3.37	0.68	3.43	0.71	2.13	0.05
Post-traumatic stress disorder	M	SD	M	SD		Significance Type
	3.44	0.78	3.49	0.92	1.82	0.09
	Inside Sudan		Outside Sudan
	M	SD	M	SD
	3.52	0.96	3.43	0.99	2.26	Significance Type
						0.02

, that there are no statistically significant differences among the respondents in levels of psychological immunity or post-traumatic stress disorder according to gender. However, differences were observed in psychological immunity according to place of residence, favoring those living outside Sudan, and differences in post-traumatic stress disorder were found in favor of those living inside Sudan.

(b)

Differences by Age

To determine the significance of differences, the Kruskal–Wallis test, as shown in

Table 9. The results of the Kruskal–Wallis test for differences in psychological immunity and post-traumatic stress disorder according to age.

Variables	Age	Number	Rank Mean	χ2	Significance Level
Psychological Immunity	18 to less than 29 Y	369	335.60	** 13.89	0.00
	29 to less than 45 Y	291	369.56
	45+	114	407.05
Post-traumatic stress disorder	18 to less than 29 Y	369	419.10	** 47.72	0.00
	29 to less than 45 Y	291	404.04
	45+	114	284.77

(**) significant at the 0.00 level.

, was used.

Based on Table 9, there are statistically significant differences in psychological immunity according to age group (45 years and above). Additionally, significant differences were observed in post-traumatic stress disorder among individuals in the age group of 18 to less than 29 years. This indicates that younger respondents exhibited the lowest levels of psychological immunity and the highest levels of post-traumatic stress disorder due to intensive exposure to content related to the civil war in Sudan, reflecting the fragility of their psychological balance when facing the high volume of digital news.

(c)

Differences by Educational Level

Based on

Table 10. The results of the Kruskal–Wallis test for differences in psychological immunity and post-traumatic stress disorder according to educational level.

Variables	Education Level	N	Mean Rank	χ2	Significance Level
Psychological Immunity	High School or below	89	211.00	** 10.96	0.00
	Bachelor’s Degree	424	350.49
	Postgraduate Studies	261	304.59
Post-traumatic stress disorder	High School or below	89	390.50	** 24.54	0.00
	Bachelor’s Degree	424	382.29
	Postgraduate Studies	261	292.10

(**) significant at the 0.00 level.

, statistically significant differences in psychological immunity are observed according to educational level, favoring respondents with a university degree. Additionally, significant differences were found in post-traumatic stress disorder, with the highest levels observed among respondents with high school education or below. This indicates that the less-educated individuals exhibited the lowest levels of psychological immunity and the highest levels of post-traumatic stress disorder due to intensive exposure to content related to the civil war in Sudan, implying a weaker capacity for critical evaluation of news content within this group.

5. Discussion

This study aimed to examine the relationship between public exposure to digital media coverage via news pages on social media platforms and online news websites of the civil war in Sudan, and levels of psychological immunity and post-traumatic stress disorder among a purposive sample of Sudanese individuals following war-related news. It also aimed to examine the mediating role of psychological immunity in the relationship between media exposure and public experience of post-traumatic stress disorder.

The results demonstrated a high level of exposure among the Sudanese respondents, both inside and outside Sudan, to news and content related to the civil war across various digital platforms, particularly news pages on social media. This underscores the current significance of social media for the public, and for youth in particular, as one of the most important forms of new media and the most closely followed by the respondents. These findings are consistent with previous studies (Al Adwan et al., 2024, 2025; Hassan et al., 2024).

These results, from another perspective, reflect the value of digital media platforms specifically, and how audiences assign them importance and priority in following the news. The services they provide, such as live streaming, reels, and video clips, enable individuals to post and follow events in real time and engage with them, thereby increasing trust in these platforms. This aligns with the study by Ashour (2020), which indicated that news pages on social media platforms ranked at the forefront of digital media sources from which respondents obtained information and news regarding crises and disasters. Furthermore, this finding confirms that the shift toward the digital environment is no longer merely an alternative to traditional media but has become the primary source of information for audiences, consistent with previous studies such as Khalifa et al. (2026), Widdatallah (2025), and Fayez (2022, 2024), which emphasized the centrality of digital platforms in meaning-making during crises.

Regarding the results of the psychological immunity scale, the means ranged between 3.27 and 3.60, with the dimension of positive thinking ranking first, whereas the dimension of persistence and mental toughness ranked last. This indicates that the Sudanese public possesses moderate levels of psychological immunity. This finding confirms that individuals have some psychological coping mechanisms, but they are insufficient to withstand the intense pressures resulting from continuous exposure to traumatic events. This result is consistent with the findings of Sabon (2024), which indicated that positive psychological factors may decline under the sustained pressure resulting from excessive exposure to crises.

Conversely, the results of the post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) scale indicated that the means ranged between 3.47 and 3.61, with the dimension of event arousal ranking first. This suggests that a significant percentage of the audience experiences heightened PTSD symptoms due to repeated exposure to violent and dramatic digital content associated with the civil war. These findings are consistent with those of Garfin et al. (2020), who noted that repeated exposure to tragic news through digital media is closely linked to increased levels of anxiety, depression, and post-traumatic stress disorder.

An additional factor that may help explain the elevated levels of PTSD symptoms—particularly hyperarousal—is the algorithmic nature of digital media platforms. In contemporary digital environments, exposure is not solely determined by user choice, but is significantly shaped by algorithmic curation systems that prioritize content based on engagement, emotional intensity, and prior user behavior. Such systems may contribute to the formation of “echo chambers,” where individuals are repeatedly exposed to similar narratives and emotionally charged content. In the context of war coverage, this may result in what can be described as “trauma loops,” whereby distressing images and narratives are continuously circulated and re-encountered by users across platforms.

This pattern of repeated and algorithmically amplified exposure may intensify emotional activation and sustain heightened states of alertness, offering a plausible explanation for the high levels of hyperarousal observed in the study sample. This perspective suggests that media exposure should not be understood solely as an individual behavior, but also as a structurally mediated process shaped by platform design and content prioritization mechanisms.

Furthermore, the results revealed a statistically significant negative correlation between the level of media exposure and psychological immunity, indicating that excessive consumption of digital news coverage diminishes individuals’ capacity for mental immunity. This explains the low emotional resistance among the Sudanese respondents in response to repeated traumatic events. This finding aligns with the explanatory model proposed by Sabon (2024) and Garfin et al. (2020), which posits that intensive media exposure to violent events weakens emotional regulation mechanisms and is associated with higher susceptibility to psychological burnout.

In the same vein, a negative correlation emerged between exposure to war news and the level of psychological immunity among the audience, alongside a statistically significant positive correlation between the level of media exposure and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). This finding reinforces what has been reported in studies by Garfin et al. (2020), Thompson et al. (2019), and Hall et al. (2019), which found that digitally mediated traumatic content is related to elevated emotional arousal and physiological activity, thereby increasing the likelihood of developing PTSD symptoms. However, it differs from the study by Ashour (2020), which found a positive correlation between psychological immunity and information-seeking about the COVID-19 pandemic via social networks.

The relatively strong association observed between media exposure and PTSD symptoms may be explained by the nature of digital media environments, which facilitate repeated and often unfiltered exposure to emotionally intense and visually graphic content. Unlike traditional media, digital platforms enable continuous updates, user-generated content, and algorithmically amplified visibility, increasing the likelihood of repeated exposure to disturbing content. This high level of exposure, combined with the immediacy and immersive nature of digital content, may contribute to stronger emotional and cognitive responses, thereby explaining the magnitude of the observed effects. Although this study did not conduct platform-specific comparative analysis, the findings should be interpreted in light of the dominant role of social media platforms, particularly Facebook, as primary sources of exposure. These platforms are characterized by high levels of content circulation, interactivity, and algorithmic amplification, which may intensify exposure patterns compared to more traditional or structured news environments.

An important consideration in interpreting these findings relates to the potential long-term psychological implications of sustained exposure to conflict-related media content. Given that the conflict context examined in this study is ongoing, exposure to distressing information is not a one-time event but may occur continuously over extended periods. In this context, it is useful to distinguish between acute and chronic manifestations of PTSD symptoms. While acute responses may emerge following short-term or intense exposure to traumatic content, prolonged and repeated exposure—particularly within digitally mediated environments—may contribute to more persistent or chronic patterns of psychological distress.

Continuous digital immersion, facilitated by always-on media access and algorithmically driven content circulation, may sustain or even intensify these responses over time. This raises the possibility that the psychological effects observed in this study may not only reflect immediate reactions but could also indicate longer-term processes of stress accumulation.

The present findings can also be further interpreted through a cognitive–psychological lens, particularly in light of the framework proposed by Clark and Ehlers (2004), which emphasizes the role of maladaptive cognitive appraisals in the development and persistence of PTSD symptoms. In the context of digital media exposure, repeated engagement with distressing war-related content may reinforce negative cognitive schemas, such as heightened perceptions of threat and vulnerability.

Moreover, the results align with prior research highlighting the psychological risks associated with mediated exposure to conflict. Feinstein (2004) notes that even indirect exposure to war-related content can have significant psychological consequences, while Frey (2018) demonstrates that social media environments can intensify emotional engagement with traumatic events due to their real-time, immersive, and interactive nature.

Within this framework, the negative association between media exposure and psychological immunity observed in the current study may be interpreted as reflecting a gradual erosion of individuals’ cognitive and emotional coping resources under conditions of sustained exposure to distressing media content. At the same time, the positive association between exposure and PTSD symptoms supports the view that digitally mediated experiences of conflict can function as indirect stressors with measurable psychological effects.

These results confirm that events associated with crises and wars, and the human losses they entail, evoke significant empathy and engagement from the audience. Consequently, individuals’ psychological states are affected by the scenes of destruction and the victims they witness. In such cases, psychological immunity may be compromised, and vivid images and scenes are imprinted in their minds, making them difficult to forget, thereby eliciting a form of trauma-related distress tied to the occurrence of these events.

As for the results of the path analysis, they indicated that psychological immunity functions as a partial mediator between media exposure and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). That is, it partially mitigates the negative impact of exposure but does not eliminate it. This finding highlights the protective role of psychological immunity as a coping mechanism that helps reduce the effects of media-induced trauma; however, its effectiveness remains limited in the context of a high influx of tragic content. This result aligns with the work of Fletcher and Sarkar (2013), who noted that psychological immunity is not a fixed trait but is influenced by the level of exposure to stress-inducing stimuli.

The findings of this study should also be interpreted in light of important contextual factors that were not explicitly included in the mediation model. In particular, variations in content type—such as the distinction between highly visual and text-based representations of conflict—may play a significant role in shaping psychological responses. Visual and graphic content, often amplified in digital environments, may produce stronger emotional engagement and contribute more directly to distress. Additionally, audience-related factors such as media trust and individual agency in selecting, interpreting, or avoiding content may influence the relationship between exposure and psychological outcomes. Similarly, platform-specific characteristics, including algorithmic curation and content prioritization, may affect both the frequency and nature of exposure.

The results also showed no statistically significant differences between males and females in levels of psychological immunity and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), indicating that engagement with war-related content transcends traditional gender differences, particularly in the digital environment. This is consistent with the findings of Hall et al. (2019) and Barthel (2016), which indicated that gender differences in emotional responses to digital crises are not statistically significant.

However, significant differences emerged based on the variable of place of residence, favoring individuals residing outside Sudan in terms of psychological immunity, and favoring residents within Sudan regarding PTSD symptoms. This reflects the influence of the immediate living environment on either enhancing or undermining psychological stability. Additionally, the results revealed that the older age group (45 years and above) exhibited higher levels of psychological immunity, whereas the younger age group (18–29 years) displayed higher levels of PTSD, indicating the vulnerability of young people’s psychological balance due to their deep immersion in the digital media environment and continuous exposure to traumatic content.

Regarding the educational level, it was found that individuals with higher education (university degree holders) exhibited higher levels of psychological immunity, whereas post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms were higher among those with lower educational attainment. This indicates that media literacy and critical knowledge contribute to reducing susceptibility to traumatic content. The observed differences favoring younger and less-educated groups underscore the need for psychological media-awareness programs targeting these populations to build digital immunity against informational trauma. Although this study does not directly measure media literacy, the findings point toward its potential importance as a protective factor in digitally mediated conflict environments. Prior research suggests that individuals with higher levels of critical media engagement may be better equipped to interpret, contextualize, and emotionally regulate exposure to distressing content (Alquaary et al., 2026). From this perspective, media literacy can be understood as a component of psychological immunity, as it may enhance individuals’ ability to critically process media messages, avoid overexposure, and reduce susceptibility to emotionally overwhelming content.

Overall, the results underscore the significant psychological impact of digital media on audiences in the modern era. They also support media theories suggesting that audience proximity to an event increases susceptibility to its content. Furthermore, the findings indicate that psychological immunity is a critical factor in explaining the relationship between media exposure and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). It may contribute to the development of psychological and media-awareness strategies aimed at mitigating the negative psychological effects of following war coverage by promoting positive thinking, enhancing self-directed psychological coping mechanisms, and training individuals in critical evaluation of media content during times of crisis.

Also, the findings raise important critical questions regarding the role of journalism practices in shaping audience exposure to conflict-related content. In digitally mediated environments, the boundaries between informing the public and exposing audiences to potentially harmful material become increasingly blurred (Al Adwan et al., 2023). The high levels of exposure observed in this study may reflect not only audience demand but also editorial decisions regarding what types of content are prioritized, framed, and circulated. These findings invite a more explicit consideration of journalism ethics in the context of war reporting. In particular, they raise the question of whether limits should be placed on the circulation of highly graphic or emotionally distressing content, especially when such content is widely shared via digital platforms without contextual framing or content warnings.

While visual documentation of conflict can serve important journalistic functions, including raising awareness and bearing witness, its unregulated dissemination may also contribute to cumulative psychological harm among audiences. This tension reflects a fundamental ethical dilemma in contemporary journalism: balancing the imperative to inform with the responsibility to minimize harm.

Moreover, the role of platform-driven dynamics should be considered in interpreting these findings. Digital platforms often prioritize content that generates high levels of engagement, which frequently includes emotionally intense or sensational material. This form of algorithmically amplified visibility may contribute to the repeated exposure of audiences to distressing content, potentially intensifying psychological responses.

From a practical perspective, these findings suggest the need for more responsible journalism practices in conflict reporting. This may include adopting trauma-sensitive reporting guidelines, providing contextual framing for distressing content, and implementing content warnings where appropriate. Editors and media organizations may also need to critically evaluate the extent to which the circulation of graphic material serves public interest versus contributing to audience harm.

6. Limitations

This study has several limitations that should be considered when interpreting the findings.

First, the proposed mediation framework does not explicitly account for differences in content type (e.g., visual versus textual), levels of media trust, or audience agency in media use. Moreover, platform-specific dynamics, such as algorithmic amplification and content prioritization, were not directly measured. Future research is encouraged to extend the model by incorporating these variables, which may serve as moderators or additional explanatory factors in understanding the complex relationship between digital media exposure and psychological outcomes.

Second, the data were collected using self-report measures, which may be subject to common method bias, recall inaccuracies, and social desirability effects. The respondents’ responses may reflect subjective perceptions rather than objective behavioral patterns of media use or clinical psychological conditions. Also, PTSD was assessed using a self-report measure rather than a clinical diagnostic interview. Therefore, the results reflect perceived symptom severity rather than clinically diagnosed PTSD.

Third, this study employed an online survey, which may introduce certain sampling limitations. In particular, participants were recruited through digital platforms, which may lead to self-selection bias, as individuals who are more active or engaged with digital media are more likely to participate. Additionally, the sample may overrepresent younger and more digitally connected populations, who tend to have higher levels of media use. While this reflects the reality of contemporary digital media environments, it may limit the generalizability of the findings to less digitally engaged groups.

Despite these limitations, this study provides valuable insights into the relationships between media exposure and psychological responses in a real-world conflict context and offers a foundation for future longitudinal and multi-method research.

7. Conclusions

This study aimed to measure the relationship between exposure to digital media coverage of the civil war in Sudan and the levels of psychological immunity and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) among the Sudanese respondents. This was conducted on a representative sample of 774 respondents, who completed an online questionnaire comprising a section on exposure to digital media, a psychological immunity scale, and a PTSD scale.

The results demonstrated that intensive exposure to digital media coverage of the civil war in Sudan was related to weakening psychological immunity and increasing post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms among the Sudanese respondents, particularly among youth, the less-educated, and residents within conflict-affected areas. The findings also indicated that psychological immunity serves as an important mediating factor in this relationship, acting as a partial buffer that mitigates the negative emotional effects of media exposure, though it cannot eliminate them entirely. These results highlight the necessity of adopting responsible media policies during crises that consider the psychological well-being of audiences and limit excessive repetition of traumatic scenes. Additionally, the findings emphasize the importance of designing awareness and educational programs to strengthen psychological immunity and promote conscious, critical engagement with media content. This study recommends intensifying academic efforts to investigate the psychological effects of digital media during conflicts and develop media and health tools that balance the public’s right to information with protection from psychological harm resulting from overexposure to tragic content.

The findings of this study also highlight the potential role of media literacy as a proactive tool for strengthening psychological immunity. Rather than focusing solely on reducing exposure, media literacy initiatives may help individuals develop critical skills for navigating digital content, including the ability to evaluate sources and recognize emotionally manipulative content.

At the level of journalists, the findings highlight the importance of adopting trauma-sensitive reporting practices. This includes carefully selecting visual materials, avoiding unnecessary repetition of graphic content, and providing contextual framing that helps audiences interpret distressing events without amplifying emotional harm. Journalists covering conflict situations may also benefit from specialized training programs focused on ethical reporting, psychological impact awareness, and responsible storytelling in crisis contexts.

For news organizations, the results suggest the need to develop clear editorial guidelines governing the publication and circulation of conflict-related content. Such guidelines may include the use of content warnings, limitations on the display of highly graphic imagery, and internal review processes for sensitive material. Media institutions should also consider integrating audience well-being into their editorial decision-making frameworks, balancing the public’s right to know with the responsibility to minimize harm. At the level of digital platforms, the findings point to the importance of moderation strategies that address the amplification of distressing content. This may involve algorithmic adjustments to reduce the visibility of highly graphic material, the implementation of content-labeling systems, and the promotion of credible, context-rich sources of information. Platforms may also play a role in supporting media literacy initiatives by providing users with tools to better manage their exposure to sensitive content.

Taken together, these recommendations underscore the need for a more integrated approach that combines ethical journalism practices, responsible platform governance, and informed audience engagement in order to mitigate the potential psychological risks associated with exposure to conflict-related media content.