Rethinking Cremation and Kikuyu Burial Rites in the Presbyterian Church of East Africa

Abstract

The Presbyterian Church of East Africa (PCEA) formally recognizes cremation within its authorized liturgy, yet its implementation raises pastoral questions where Kikuyu understandings of burial remain associated with family land, lineage, bodily dignity, and communal remembrance. This article examines how the PCEA may interpret and implement its cremation liturgy in a manner that remains faithful to Reformed theology while responding sensitively to these cultural meanings. It adopts a conceptual and constructive practical-theological approach based on critical analysis of biblical texts, PCEA ecclesial materials, Reformed liturgical scholarship, and the literature concerning Kikuyu and wider African understandings of death and burial. African Practical Theology serves as the article’s sole theoretical framework, while inculturation and African theological scholarship provide supporting interpretive resources. The biblical analysis shows that burial is the predominant scriptural practice but that texts concerning sacrifice, warfare, punishment, and judgement cannot be applied directly to contemporary cremation. It argues that Scripture neither makes bodily preservation a condition for resurrection nor prohibits cremation. The article therefore locates the principal pastoral challenge not in the PCEA’s formal acceptance of cremation but in the culturally attentive implementation of its authorized liturgy. It proposes a contextual pastoral approach incorporating theological preparation of families, dignified commendation and committal, careful treatment or interment of ashes, communal remembrance, and theological education for ministers, elders, and congregants. The proposal seeks to avoid both cultural erasure and uncritical syncretism while maintaining Christian resurrection hope. As a non-empirical study, the article presents these recommendations as provisional and identifies congregational reception, ministerial practice, and family experiences as priorities for future empirical research.

1. Introduction

Across many African societies, death is not understood merely as the end of biological life but as a transition into the realm of the ancestors, where the deceased continues to exist in relationship with the living community as part of an extended kinship system (Turaki 2006; Diko 2025). This worldview situates funerary practices at the center of cultural identity, spiritual continuity, and communal cohesion (Mbiti 1969; Baloyi and Makobe-Rabothata 2014; Baloyi 2024). Burial rites are embedded within broader systems of meaning that regulate relationships between the living, the dead, and future generations, reinforcing lineage continuity and social order (Ngubane 2004; Nkosi et al. 2019).

However, contemporary socio-economic transformations such as rapid urbanization, population growth, and increasing scarcity of burial land are gradually challenging traditional burial systems across Africa. These pressures have contributed to renewed consideration of cremation as an alternative funerary practice in some African settings (Baloyi and Musili 2017; Davies 2017). Globally, cremation has become more widely accepted due to its economic, environmental, and spatial advantages (Davies 2017). Yet, within many African contexts, its adoption remains highly contested because it is perceived as culturally alien and potentially disruptive to ancestral continuity and communal identity (Jindra and Noret 2011).

Within the Presbyterian Church of East Africa, cremation is formally recognized through its authorized liturgy, reflecting the Reformed conviction that resurrection does not depend on the physical preservation of the body (Presbyterian Church of East Africa [PCEA] 2011; Letsosa 2010; Masango 2005). Theological doctrine affirms that resurrection is an act of divine power that is not dependent on the physical state of the body after death. Nonetheless, in African church contexts, theological interpretation is seldom detached from cultural meaning-making processes. As Beyers (2017) argues, religion and culture are closely intertwined, such that doctrinal teachings are often interpreted through culturally embedded worldviews. This has resulted in complex interactions between inherited Christian theology and indigenous African cosmologies in shaping attitudes toward funerary practices.

Among the Kikuyu community, which foregrounds this study, burial practices carry profound cultural and spiritual significance. The body is considered a vital link between the individual, the family, and the ancestral lineage, and burial in ancestral land is seen as essential for ensuring continuity with the living-dead (Kenyatta [1938] 2015). Cremation may therefore raise cultural and pastoral concerns for some Kikuyu Christian families where burial remains associated with family land, lineage, and communal continuity (Kenyatta [1938] 2015). Existing scholarship acknowledges the broader resistance to cremation in African societies (Kavulavu and Achar 2023; Omondi 2022), but limited research has examined the specific interaction between Kikuyu cultural beliefs and Reformed theology within the PCEA context.

Methodological Approach

This article adopts a conceptual and constructive practical-theological approach. It does not report original empirical research involving PCEA ministers, elders, congregants, or families who have considered or chosen cremation. Instead, it undertakes a critical analysis of biblical texts, Reformed theological and liturgical scholarship, PCEA ecclesial materials, and the published literature on Kikuyu and wider African understandings of death and burial. African Practical Theology provides the framework for interpreting these sources in relation to the pastoral questions raised by cremation and for developing a contextually grounded ecclesial proposal.

The practical character of the study lies in its orientation towards a concrete ecclesial problem and its development of pastoral, liturgical, and educational recommendations intended to inform PCEA practice. Practical Theology need not be exclusively empirical; its methodological character depends on the relationship among the problem under investigation, the form of knowledge produced, and the intended contribution to practice (de Kock and Klomp 2025; Hermans and Schoeman 2015; Magezi 2019, 2023). Nevertheless, because the article relies on documentary and secondary sources, it does not claim to represent the current experiences or attitudes of all PCEA ministers, congregations, or Kikuyu Christian families. The proposed pastoral response is therefore constructive and provisional. Future empirical research should examine how cremation is understood and negotiated through interviews, congregational case studies, focus groups, and analysis of actual pastoral and liturgical practice.

2. Cultural Erasure in Liturgical Practices

Cultural erasure within African Christian liturgical practices has emerged as a significant concern in contemporary theological discourse, particularly where inherited Western ecclesial traditions are applied without sufficient contextualization. This concern is evident in funerary practices, where movement from traditional burial systems towards alternatives such as cremation raises critical questions concerning the preservation of African cultural identity and religious meaning (Wiredu 1998; Sakupapa 2018).

In many African societies, including the Kikuyu community, burial is not merely a cultural preference but a deeply embedded practice associated with ancestral theology, communal identity, and cosmological understandings of life and death. The physical integrity of the body and its interment in family land may be understood as important to continuity between the deceased, the family, and the wider community (Mbiti 1969; Ngubane 2004; Baloyi and Makobe-Rabothata 2014). Studies of African funerary practices further demonstrate that funerals can function as social institutions that reinforce belonging, moral obligation, and intergenerational relationships (Jindra and Noret 2011; Nkosi et al. 2019).

Increasing urbanization, land scarcity, and economic pressures have contributed to greater consideration of cremation as an alternative funerary practice within Kenyan contexts. Although cremation has received increasing attention in some urban settings, the existing literature indicates that it remains culturally contested where burial is associated with the body, ancestry, family land, and communal continuity (Kavulavu and Achar 2023; Omondi 2022). Within the PCEA, this tension arises because cremation is formally recognized within the church’s authorized liturgy, while some families may continue to interpret burial through culturally embedded understandings of the body, land, ancestry, and communal belonging (Presbyterian Church of East Africa [PCEA] 2011). Although Reformed theology affirms that resurrection does not depend on bodily preservation, African and Kikuyu scholarship suggests that cultural understandings of land, bodily dignity, ancestry, and communal continuity may influence how cremation is interpreted in Christian settings (Beyers 2017; Kenyatta [1938] 2015).

The relationship between theological permissibility and cultural resistance presents a complex pastoral question. Where cremation is considered, ministers may be required to navigate the relationship between the PCEA’s authorized liturgy and culturally grounded expectations concerning burial and communal remembrance. Practical-theological scholarship emphasizes the need for pastoral approaches that engage the lived realities and culturally situated experiences of African communities (Kgatle and Segalo 2021; Magezi 2019, 2023). However, existing studies have examined cremation from broader African cultural or Christian theological perspectives, with limited attention to the specific relationship among Kikuyu burial meanings, PCEA Reformed theology, and the church’s authorized cremation liturgy.

The literature does not adequately explain how the PCEA’s formal recognition of cremation may be interpreted and implemented where Kikuyu burial values remain pastorally significant. The resulting scholarly gap concerns the relationship among authorized liturgy, Reformed theology, cultural memory, and contextual pastoral practice. Therefore, the problem addressed in this article is the limited practical-theological analysis of how the PCEA’s authorized recognition of cremation can be implemented in a manner that remains faithful to Reformed theology while engaging Kikuyu meanings of land, kinship, bodily dignity, and communal remembrance.

3. Burial Practices in the PCEA: Between Mission Heritage and Kikuyu Traditional Practices

This section situates the study within its broader ecclesial and cultural context by examining the intersection of church practice, emerging social trends, and indigenous traditions. It begins with an overview of the Presbyterian Church of East Africa (PCEA)’s liturgical heritage on burial practices, followed by an exploration of cremation as an increasingly emerging mode of body disposal. The section then considers the cultural and spiritual foundations of Kikuyu traditional burial rites, before analyzing the tensions that arise between these indigenous practices and Western missionary-influenced burial models within the church. Together, these discussions provide the necessary background for understanding the cultural–theological dynamics that shape attitudes toward cremation in the PCEA context.

3.1. Overview of PCEA’s Liturgical Heritage

The liturgical heritage of the Presbyterian Church of East Africa (PCEA) is grounded in the Reformed theological tradition, shaped by Western missionary influence particularly through the Scottish (East African Scottish Mission) and American (Gospel Missionary Society) mission heritage and guided by formal ecclesial documents such as the Westminster Documents including the Shorter and Larger Catechisms, Confession of Faith and Directory for Public Worship (Presbyterian Church of East Africa [PCEA] 1998). The theology of death is espoused in the Church’s Practice and Procedure Document, and liturgical framed in the Church Service books in English, Kiswahili, and Kikuyu languages (Presbyterian Church of East Africa [PCEA] 1998, 2011). Within this tradition, burial practices emphasize simplicity, scriptural proclamation, prayer, and the affirmation of resurrection hope, reflecting core Reformed concerns with the sovereignty of God and the authority of Scripture (Letsosa 2010; Presbyterian Church of East Africa [PCEA] 2011). These liturgical forms prioritize theological clarity but often give limited attention to the symbolic and communal dimensions of death embedded within African worldviews.

In African contexts, however, funeral practices extend beyond doctrinal expression to encompass communal identity, ancestral continuity, and cultural meaning-making. Scholars have consistently shown that African funerary rites serve as mechanisms for reinforcing social cohesion, spiritual relationships, and intergenerational continuity (Mbiti 1969; Baloyi and Makobe-Rabothata 2014; Jindra and Noret 2011). As Beyers (2017) argues, religion and culture are deeply interconnected, making it difficult to separate ecclesial practices from the cultural frameworks within which they are interpreted. Consequently, the transplantation of Western missionary liturgical models into African churches such as the PCEA has often resulted in a partial disconnection between formal church practices and indigenous cultural expectations surrounding death and burial.

This tension highlights the need for contextual theological reflection within African ecclesial settings. Practical theologians emphasize that pastoral practices, including funeral liturgies, must be responsive to lived realities and culturally grounded experiences of faith (Magezi 2006; Kgatle and Segalo 2021). Within the PCEA, burial liturgy therefore exists within an ongoing process of negotiation between inherited Reformed traditions and culturally embedded understandings of death, identity, and ancestral belonging.

3.2. Cremation as an Emerging Disposal Practice

Cremation is increasingly emerging as an alternative mode of body disposal within contemporary societies, driven by urbanization, population growth, environmental concerns, and the rising costs associated with traditional burial practices. Globally, cremation has gained significant acceptance due to its perceived efficiency, affordability, and reduced demand for land, particularly in densely populated urban settings (Davies 2017). These global shifts are gradually influencing African contexts, where rapid urban expansion and limited burial space are prompting reconsideration of long-standing funerary practices.

However, the adoption of cremation in African societies remains uneven and highly contested. Unlike in many Western and Asian contexts where cremation is normalized, African cultural systems attach deep symbolic and spiritual meaning to the physical body and its relationship with land, ancestry, and community. Funerary practices in Africa are not merely technical responses to death but are embedded within broader socio-cultural systems that regulate identity, belonging, and continuity between the living and the dead (Mbiti 1969; Jindra and Noret 2011). As Mapaya and Mugovhane (2014) argue, African funeral practices represent “humanism in action,” expressing communal values and reinforcing the moral fabric of society, thereby making any alternative such as cremation culturally sensitive.

Resistance to cremation is therefore largely rooted in deeply embedded cosmological beliefs. African traditional worldviews emphasize the continuity between the living and the ancestors, where burial serves as a critical ritual for incorporating the deceased into the ancestral realm (Baloyi and Makobe-Rabothata 2014). Scholars further note that the physical body is regarded as central to maintaining this relationship, and its destruction through cremation is often perceived as disrupting the spiritual and relational order (Ngubane 2004; Nkosi et al. 2019). In this sense, cremation is not simply rejected as a practice but as a disruption of the moral and spiritual logic that underpins African concepts of death and personhood.

This resistance is reinforced by communal expectations and social norms surrounding death and mourning. African funerals are collective events that reaffirm social ties and cultural identity, often involving extended rituals, communal participation, and symbolic acts that cannot easily be reproduced within cremation practices (Bopape 1995; Lukhele 2016). As Jindra and Noret (2011) observe, funerals function as critical sites of social reproduction, and deviations from established practices such as cremation can generate social anxiety, conflict, and perceptions of cultural erosion. Furthermore, studies on African bereavement highlight that mourning rituals are essential for psychological, social, and spiritual healing, making culturally acceptable burial practices central to community wellbeing (Stroebe et al. 1993; Nwoye 2000).

In the Kenyan context, and particularly among Kikuyu communities, cremation has begun to gain visibility, especially in urban areas where land scarcity and economic pressures are most pronounced. Nevertheless, its acceptance remains limited due to strong cultural resistance rooted in beliefs about bodily integrity, ancestral connection, and communal identity (Kavulavu and Achar 2023; Omondi 2022). Cremation is frequently understood not simply as an alternative method of disposal but as a practice that challenges fundamental assumptions about continuity, memory, and belonging. Similar patterns have been observed across African contexts, where modernization pressures introduce new practices that are often negotiated within culturally conservative frameworks (Jindra and Noret 2011).

Within the Presbyterian Church of East Africa (PCEA), the emergence of cremation introduces additional theological and pastoral complexities. While Reformed theology does not explicitly prohibit cremation and affirms that resurrection is not dependent on bodily preservation, many congregants interpret cremation through culturally embedded worldviews. As Beyers (2017) notes, religious practice is inseparable from cultural context, leading to tensions where doctrinal flexibility encounters cultural conviction. This creates a situation in which cremation is not only a practical or theological issue but also a deeply cultural and existential concern.

3.3. The Context of Kikuyu Traditional Burial Rites

Among the Kikuyu community, burial rites occupy a principal place within the broader framework of cultural identity, spirituality, and social continuity. Death is not understood as an end but as a transition into the realm of the living-dead (ngomi), where the deceased continues to exist in relationship with the living community (Mbiti 1969; Kenyatta [1938] 2015). Consequently, burial practices are not merely procedural but deeply ritualized processes that ensure the proper incorporation of the deceased into the ancestral lineage, reinforcing both familial bonds and communal cohesion.

Kikuyu burial traditions emphasize the significance of the physical body as a symbolic and relational link between the individual, the family, and the land. Burial, particularly within ancestral land, is regarded as essential for maintaining continuity with the ancestors and preserving collective identity (Kenyatta [1938] 2015; Gathogo 2020). The body must therefore be treated with dignity and interred according to established cultural norms, as failure to do so is believed to disrupt the spiritual order and potentially expose the family to misfortune or ancestral displeasure (Baloyi and Makobe-Rabothata 2014). In this sense, burial is both a cultural obligation and a spiritual necessity.

These practices are embedded within structured rituals that mark the transition of both the deceased and the bereaved community. Such rituals often include cleansing practices, communal mourning, and adherence to prescribed burial customs that are guided by longstanding traditions (Ngubane 2004; Nkosi et al. 2019). Beyond their symbolic significance, these rituals serve important psychological, social, and spiritual functions by enabling communities to process grief while reaffirming shared values and identity (Nwoye 2000).

Central to the continuity of these practices is the authority of elders and the influence of ancestral beliefs. Elders function as custodians of cultural knowledge and key decision-makers in funerary matters, ensuring that burial rites conform to accepted norms and ancestral expectations (Kenyatta [1938] 2015; Gathogo 2020). Burial arrangements are therefore collective rather than individual decisions, reflecting the communal nature of Kikuyu society. Intricately linked to this is the belief that the deceased transitions into the status of ngomi, who continue to observe and influence the living. Proper burial rites are thus essential for maintaining harmony between the living and the ancestral realm, while any deviation is perceived as a violation that may result in spiritual disconnection or social disapproval (Mbiti 1969; Baloyi and Makobe-Rabothata 2014).

Within this cultural framework, cremation presents significant challenges. It is widely perceived as incompatible with Kikuyu cosmology because it alters the physical form of the body and disrupts the expected process through which the deceased is integrated into the ancestral realm. The destruction of the body through burning is often interpreted as severing the link between the living and the dead, thereby undermining continuity within the lineage (Omondi 2022; Kavulavu and Achar 2023). This perception contributes to strong resistance to cremation, even in contexts where practical considerations such as cost and land scarcity might favor its adoption.

Although Christianity has influenced Kikuyu burial practices over time, many indigenous beliefs and rituals continue to shape how death is understood and managed within the community. The persistence of these cultural frameworks demonstrates the resilience of Kikuyu cosmology and underscores the importance of engaging burial practices within their cultural and theological context. Such understanding is essential for analyzing contemporary debates surrounding cremation within the Presbyterian Church of East Africa.

3.4. PCEA Reformed Theology, Funeral Liturgy, and Pastoral Practice

Funeral practice within the Presbyterian Church of East Africa (PCEA) is grounded in its Reformed theological identity and expressed through Scripture reading, prayer, preaching, thanksgiving, pastoral consolation, and committal. These liturgical elements interpret death in the light of the gospel, comfort the bereaved, and proclaim Christian hope in the resurrection of the dead (Letsosa 2010; Presbyterian Church of East Africa [PCEA] 1998, 2011). A PCEA funeral is therefore not merely concerned with the treatment of human remains. It is an act of communal worship through which the church accompanies the bereaved and confesses God’s sovereignty over life and death.

The PCEA’s funeral practice has historically developed around burial and bodily committal, as reflected in its ecclesial and liturgical materials (Presbyterian Church of East Africa [PCEA] 1998, 2011). Burials provide a visible setting in which the congregation gathers, remembers the deceased, supports the family, and commits the body to the earth. Cremation modifies this familiar sequence because funeral worship, cremation, and the subsequent treatment or interment of ashes may occur at various times and locations. It therefore raises liturgical questions concerning the relationship between commendation and committal, family and congregational participation, and the appropriate handling of cremated remains.

The PCEA formally recognizes cremation as an acceptable funeral practice and includes provision for it within its authorized liturgy (Presbyterian Church of East Africa [PCEA] 2026, pp. 180–82). Where a member or family chooses cremation, the church oversees the funeral process through the prescribed liturgical order. Cremation should therefore not be presented as institutionally prohibited or as falling outside recognized PCEA funeral practice. Its liturgical inclusion is consistent with the Reformed conviction that resurrection rests on the creative power and faithfulness of God rather than on the physical preservation of the corpse (Letsosa 2010; Masango 2005).

Cremation is not currently the subject of active debate within the PCEA General Assembly ([authorized source or personal communication]). Its inclusion in the authorized liturgy indicates that the church has already accorded the practice formal ecclesial recognition. The institutional question is therefore not whether the PCEA accepts cremation but how its liturgical provision is interpreted and implemented pastoral and cultural settings.

The authorized liturgy also establishes a basis for the church to officiate at cremation-related services when requested by a member or family. However, formal acceptance does not automatically resolve every matter arising in individual cases. The relevant ecclesial documents should be consulted regarding the responsibilities of ministers, the relationship between cremation and committal, and any discretion available when cultural expectations or family preferences conflict with the church’s liturgical provisions (Presbyterian Church of East Africa [PCEA] 1998; 2026, pp. 180–82). Formal recognition, liturgical provision, and pastoral implementation are therefore related but analytically distinct dimensions of the PCEA’s response.

The inclusion of cremation in the authorized liturgy does not establish how the practice is received in every congregation. This article is based on documentary and secondary sources and did not include interviews with ministers, elders, congregants, or bereaved families. It cannot, therefore, determine whether ministers encounter informal resistance when officiating at cremation-related services or whether implementation differs among congregations. Such questions concern the reception and lived application of the liturgy and require further empirical investigation.

The pastoral significance of these institutional realities becomes clearer when considered alongside Kikuyu understandings of burial. Classical accounts of Kikuyu social life associate burial with family land, lineage, belonging, and continuity within the community (Kenyatta [1938] 2015). Wider African theological scholarship similarly interprets death and burial as relational and communal rather than exclusively private experiences (Magesa 1997; Mbiti 1969). Burials may consequently signify not only respect for the physical body but also the deceased’s place within family history and communal memory.

These accounts should not be applied uniformly to contemporary PCEA members. Kikuyu Christians do not constitute a culturally or theologically homogeneous group, and classical descriptions of burial cannot be assumed to represent every contemporary perspective. The relationship between burial, family land, and lineage should be understood as a continuing cultural influence rather than a belief held identically by all Kikuyu Christians (Kenyatta [1938] 2015).

For some families, cremation may nevertheless be perceived as weakening the symbolic relationship among the deceased, the family, the community, and the land (Kavulavu and Achar 2023; Kenyatta [1938] 2015; Omondi 2022). Formal ecclesial acceptance does not automatically remove such concerns. Decisions concerning cremation may involve grief, family negotiation, cultural expectations, and different interpretations of Christian faith. Pastoral accompaniment must therefore communicate Christian resurrection hope while engaging sensitively with the meanings that families attach to burial, land, and communal remembrance (Beyers 2017; Kgatle and Segalo 2021; Letsosa 2010).

The contemporary pastoral challenge can thus be located at the intersection of three considerations. First, Reformed theology grounds resurrection in God’s power rather than in bodily preservation. Second, the PCEA formally recognizes cremation through its authorized liturgy, although its customary funeral practice has historically developed around burial and bodily committal. Third, Kikuyu cultural traditions may associate burial with land, lineage, belonging, and communal remembrance. These considerations arise within a changing social context shaped by urbanization, family mobility, burial expenses, and pressure on available land (Kavulavu and Achar 2023; Baloyi and Musili 2017; Davies 2017).

The issue should therefore not be framed principally as a conflict between Western missionary practice and African culture. Although missionary forms of Reformed Christianity contributed to the historical development of the PCEA, the contemporary pastoral question concerns how the church’s authorized cremation liturgy can be interpreted and implemented within culturally diverse congregations. The challenge lies not in establishing whether the PCEA accepts cremation but in ensuring that its theological and liturgical position is communicated clearly and applied sensitively where families hold diverse cultural and theological expectations.

The PCEA’s formal recognition of cremation provides an important institutional foundation. Complementary pastoral guidance may nevertheless be valuable in addressing family disagreement, ministerial discretion, the relationship between commendation and committal, the treatment or interment of ashes, and culturally significant understandings of family land. Section 4 introduces African Practical Theology as the framework for interpreting these questions, Section 5 examines the relevant biblical and Reformed resources, and Section 6 develops the article’s constructive pastoral and liturgical proposal.

4. African Practical Theology as the Theoretical Framework

This article employs African Practical Theology (APT) as its sole theoretical framework. APT is appropriate because it brings theological reflection into critical engagement with the lived cultural, social, and spiritual realities of African communities. It enables cremation to be examined not merely as a question concerning bodily disposal but as a pastoral issue involving grief, kinship, land, communal memory, cultural identity, and Christian resurrection hope.

Magezi’s formulation of practical theology in Africa emphasizes contextual experience, lived religion, social transformation, and public responsibility as organising concerns for theological praxis (Magezi 2019, 2023). Death, mourning, and burial are embedded within communal relationships and culturally informed systems of meaning. Funeral practices cannot therefore be evaluated adequately through theological propositions detached from the communities in which bereavement occurs. APT provides the organising framework for examining how the Presbyterian Church of East Africa might engage cremation while remaining faithful to its Reformed identity and attentive to Kikuyu understandings of death, burial, and belonging.

APT structures the inquiry through four interrelated tasks. The descriptive task identifies the pastoral circumstances in which cremation is being considered. The interpretive task examines the cultural and theological meanings that make the practice contested. The normative task evaluates these meanings through Scripture, Reformed theology, and the PCEA’s ecclesial commitments. The constructive task develops contextually appropriate pastoral and liturgical proposals. APT thus moves the discussion from description and interpretation to theological evaluation and ecclesial response.

The article adopts a conceptual and constructive practical-theological approach rather than an empirical research design. It draws on the biblical, theological, ecclesial, and cultural literature and does not report original evidence from interviews, surveys, or participant observation. Claims about Kikuyu burial practices are based on existing scholarship. The proposed pastoral response should therefore be understood as a constructive theological contribution requiring future empirical examination among PCEA ministers, elders, families, and congregations. Its practical orientation lies in producing knowledge directed towards ecclesial reflection and pastoral practice rather than making empirical claims about all contemporary PCEA members (Hermans and Schoeman 2015).

Inculturation and African theological scholarship function within APT as supporting interpretive resources rather than additional frameworks. Inculturation facilitates critical engagement between Christian faith and local culture without requiring either cultural rejection or uncritical incorporation (Hesselgrave and Rommen 1989; Sakupapa 2018). African theological scholarship illuminates the communal and relational meanings attached to death, mourning, and ritual (Kunhiyop 2008; Magesa 1997; Mbiti 1969), while Kikuyu-specific scholarship associates burial with family land, lineage, belonging, and intergenerational continuity (Kenyatta [1938] 2015). These accounts provide contextual interpretation but should not be treated as evidence that all contemporary Kikuyu Christians hold identical beliefs.

APT therefore enables the article to avoid two errors: cultural erasure, which dismisses Kikuyu meanings of death and communal memory, and uncritical syncretism, which incorporates cultural assumptions without theological discernment. Cultural meanings are taken seriously, while Scripture, Reformed theology, and the PCEA’s ecclesial commitments provide the normative basis for the article’s pastoral proposal.

5. Biblical and Reformed Perspectives on Cremation

The Bible does not use the modern term cremation or directly address contemporary cremation as a technologically organized funerary practice. Practices concerning the treatment of human remains in ancient Near Eastern and Greco-Roman contexts differed significantly from modern cremation. Biblical references to burial, burning, bones, and bodily destruction occur in distinct historical and literary settings, including ordinary burial, warfare, cultic sacrifice, punishment, judgement, and communal remembrance. These practices should not be treated as direct equivalents of contemporary cremation or used as simple proof texts either to endorse or prohibit it (Masango 2005).

Burial is the predominant practice represented in the biblical narratives. Abraham’s burial of Sarah in the cave of Machpelah established a family burial place associated with memory, identity, and covenantal belonging (Gen. 23:1–20; 49:29–32). Joseph similarly instructed the Israelites to carry his bones from Egypt when God fulfilled the promise of deliverance (Gen. 50:24–26). Moses carried Joseph’s bones during the exodus, and they were eventually buried at Shechem (Exod. 13:19; Josh. 24:32). These passages do not describe cremation. Rather, the preservation and burial of Joseph’s remains expresses covenantal faith, historical memory, and attachment to the promised land.

Biblical references to burning must likewise be interpreted within their literary and historical contexts. Leviticus 18:21 and 20:1–5 concern the offering of children to Molech and condemn idolatrous sacrifice and covenantal unfaithfulness rather than funerary cremation. Ezekiel 23:27 forms part of a prophetic judgement oracle that uses political and religious imagery to announce the termination of idolatrous practices; it does not describe the respectful disposal of a deceased person’s remains. These texts therefore cannot be treated as direct prohibitions of contemporary cremation. Their theological concern is idolatry and covenantal judgement, not Christian funeral practice (Masango 2005).

The treatment of Saul and his sons illustrates the importance of contextual interpretation. After the Philistines had dishonored their bodies, the inhabitants of Jabesh-Gilead recovered and burned them, buried the remaining bones, and observed seven days of fasting (1 Sam. 31:8–13). This was an exceptional response to warfare and bodily desecration. The recovery of the bodies, burial of the bones, and communal mourning demonstrate continuing concern for dignity and remembrance. The passage neither prescribes cremation nor presents burning as necessarily incompatible with respectful treatment of the dead.

The New Testament continues to reflect burial as the customary practice. Lazarus was placed in a tomb (John 11:17–44), while Jesus was wrapped in linen and laid in a tomb following the crucifixion (John 19:38–42). Jesus’ burial has theological significance because it forms part of the apostolic proclamation that Christ died, was buried, and was raised (1 Cor. 15:3–4). Nevertheless, the burial of Jesus does not constitute a universal command prescribing burial as the only permissible treatment of human remains. Its theological significance lies within the proclamation of Christ’s genuine death and bodily resurrection rather than the establishment of a comprehensive Christian funeral code.

Paul’s account of resurrection provides a more direct theological basis for evaluating the significance of the body’s condition after death. In 1 Corinthians 15:42–44, what is sown perishable is raised imperishable, and what is sown a natural body is raised a spiritual body. The imagery affirms the significance of embodied existence while locating resurrection in divine transformation rather than the preservation of the corpse. Romans 8:11 attributes resurrection to the Spirit of God, while Philippians 3:20–21 presents the transformation of the mortal body as the work of Christ.

Christian resurrection hope therefore rests on divine agency. Cremation does not place the deceased beyond God’s creative and redemptive power, just as the decomposition of a buried body presents no obstacle to resurrection. This conclusion does not make the treatment of human remains theologically insignificant. Christian understandings of creation, incarnation, death, and resurrection affirm the dignity of embodied human life. Human remains should consequently be treated with reverence and care, whether burial or cremation is chosen (Letsosa 2010; Masango 2005).

From a Reformed perspective, cremation is neither explicitly commanded nor universally prohibited in Scripture. Burial remains the predominant biblical and historic Christian practice, and its symbolism of rest, sowing, and resurrection retains theological significance. Bodily preservation, however, is not a condition for resurrection. A Christian evaluation of cremation should therefore consider whether the practice honors the deceased, proclaims resurrection hope, comforts the bereaved, and avoids symbolic meanings inconsistent with Christian confession (Letsosa 2010; Masango 2005). Letsosa specifically connects contextual Reformed funeral liturgy with respect for the deceased, resurrection hope, and the avoidance of ancestral veneration.

For the Presbyterian Church of East Africa, this interpretation creates both theological freedom and pastoral responsibility. Cremation need not be rejected on the assumption that burning the body prevents resurrection. At the same time, theological permissibility does not resolve every question concerning funeral worship, commendation, committal, communal remembrance, or the treatment and interment of ashes. These matters require careful engagement with the church’s authorized liturgical materials and Reformed ecclesial commitments (Presbyterian Church of East Africa [PCEA] 1998, 2011).

The biblical evidence thus supports a measured conclusion. Scripture presents burial as the predominant practice but does not make bodily preservation a condition for resurrection or provide an explicit universal prohibition of contemporary cremation. Texts concerning child sacrifice, warfare, punishment, and judgement should not be applied uncritically to modern funeral practices. The church’s response should instead be guided by Christian commitments to bodily dignity, resurrection hope, pastoral consolation, communal remembrance, and theologically responsible funeral practice (Letsosa 2010; Masango 2005).

6. Towards a Constructive Practical-Theological Proposal

Granted the African conceptual notions of burial practices as a communal ritual of transitioning the community member into the realm of ancestorhood, this study has shown why burial remains predominant in terms of the cultural understanding of life and death. However, increasing preference for cremation as an appropriate disposal presents a pastoral challenge for congregations serving within African cultural contexts. Since cremation is not theologically prohibited within the PCEA context, this section examines several pastoral implications for pastoral ministry practices as well as theological education.

First, a preliminary consideration is the current institutional status in the Presbyterian Church of East Africa (PCEA). While the General Assembly through the Business Committee recently completed review of The Church Service Book to commemorate the centennial celebration of the first ordained African ministers in 2026, the debates on both sides of the issue happen at the congregational context. This paper has provided a reformed theological engagement with some of the pastoral, theological and cultural aspects surrounding the debate. The Practice and Procedure allows for ministers to engage in ministry practice as they are convinced in their own conscience—so they are not necessarily expected to conduct a cremation service if their conscience does not allow. However, the new Church Service Book now includes an expanded cremation liturgy for those who may desire to accompany families in their congregations exploring the practice of cremation.

Second, where cremation is preferred, pastoral caregivers should provide both the theological foundations that can help deal with both spiritual and cultural fears. Cremation is understood as an imported practice from the west or from eastern religious backgrounds, or for the wealthy. Pastors who are requested to lead liturgies for families who prefer cremation should emphasize the theology of resurrection which teaches that we will have new resurrection bodies. Further, such theological foundations can focus on dignifying the departed, honoring their agency while pastorally affirming and comforting the bereaved family. This can be understood as an act of dignifying people, which is an appropriate locus for theological praxis.

Third, this study can guide the development or review of liturgies for cremation that are theologically grounded and culturally sensitive, to provide a redemptive theological appraisal of the practice. Kikuyu cultural practices focus on the role of land, kinship, communal memory, and ancestry. On the other hand, creation is theologically understood by some as a departure from reformed Christian thought, which undergirds the theological perspective of the PCEA. However, since Christian resurrection hope rests on the sovereignty of God rather than preservation of the corpse and considering resurrection bodies in the new heavens and new earth, cremation can be justified from a reformed theological perspective. Yet, it is in liturgy where theology lives, as liturgy has the profound task of teaching Christian faithful the mysteries of Christian faith including death and thus offering comfort to the families, as Letsosa (2010) argues:

Liturgy in death situations teaches people the meaning of death and it gives them the words, images, and rituals with which to speak honestly about death and dying. Funeral services provide them with the tools to undertake the task of ‘dying well’.

While the revised cremation liturgy includes important aspects, a concrete PCEA cremation liturgy could retain the Reformed structure of worship while allowing culturally meaningful symbols to speak to Kikuyu concerning land, kinship, and communal memory. First, the service may begin with a call to worship, prayer of invocation, and scriptural sentences affirming God’s sovereignty over life and death, followed by readings such as John 11:25–26, Romans 8:38–39, and 1 Corinthians 15:42–44 to proclaim resurrection hope rather than bodily preservation as the basis of Christian confidence (Letsosa 2010; Presbyterian Church of East Africa [PCEA] 2011). Second, the pastor may invite a brief family testimony or naming of lineage, not as ancestral veneration but as communal remembrance that acknowledges the deceased’s place within family, church, and community. Third, before or after the cremation, the minister may lead a commendation prayer that honors the body, entrusts the deceased to God, and comforts the bereaved. Fourth, where ashes are received, the family may gather for an interment or placement rite in which ashes are buried in family land, placed in a church-designated memorial space, or accompanied by soil from the family home as a symbolic affirmation of belonging. Finally, the liturgy may conclude with a prayer of thanksgiving, the Lord’s Prayer, a benediction, and pastoral exhortation that the final Christian hope rests in God’s promise of resurrection and new creation, while the community continues to remember the deceased with dignity and care (Mbiti 1969; Kenyatta [1938] 2015; Magezi 2006; Sakupapa 2018). While the revised Presbyterian Church of East Africa [PCEA] (2026) includes a cremation liturgy, the structure misses points two to four above.

Fourth, theological education on cremation is necessary. This can take three forms: ministerial formation and continuous theological education for ruling and teaching elders, pastoral preparation for families and integration in the theological education by extension (TEE) curriculum. Theological students, ordained ministers (teaching elders) and ruling elders, are the ones who provide theological and pastoral guidance for congregations and parishes. Training them on cremation therefore equips them with the pastoral and theological framework to lead burial practices and offer pastoral care. Pastoral preparation for families prior to the burial rites being undertaken is also a critical aspect of walking alongside families as they process the loss of their loved one and provide them with the scaffolding needed to deal with the transition well. Lastly, theological education for lay members of the church is an additional way of teaching members, to effectively curb the stigma generated by cremation and offer sensitivity for members as they provide the ministry of presence and consolation to bereaved families, often as the first points of contact with those who are grieving.

These four pastoral proposals are seen as protecting churches from two extremes surrounding death and burial practices: cultural erasure, in which inherited or modern practices dismiss Kikuyu meanings of death and burial, and uncritical syncretism, in which Christian claims are absorbed into cultural assumptions without theological evaluation. A contextual practical-theological approach would instead create space for dialogue between Scripture, Reformed theology, Kikuyu cultural memory, and contemporary social realities such as urbanization and land scarcity. In this way, the constructive proposal positions the PCEA to respond to cremation not through silence, fear, or mere accommodation but through theologically informed and culturally attentive pastoral practice.

7. Conclusions

This article argues that cremation within the PCEA cannot be understood only as a practical response to land scarcity, cost, or urbanization. It is also a culturally and theologically charged practice that intersects Kikuyu understandings of the body, ancestry, land, communal belonging, and continuity with the living-dead. While Reformed theology does not make bodily preservation a condition for resurrection hope, pastoral responses to cremation must still take seriously the cultural meanings attached to burial among Kikuyu communities.

By using African Practical Theology, inculturation theory, and Reformed theological reflection, the study proposed a contextual framework for engaging cremation without collapsing into either cultural erasure or uncritical syncretism. The proposal takes three forms: leadership training for theological students, ruling, and teaching elders; pastoral preparation for families exploring cremation as part of the pastoral care practices for the church leaders; and lay member education through the Theological Education by Extension (TEE) route. The PCEA is therefore invited to develop clearer pastoral and liturgical guidance that honors Christian resurrection theology while listening carefully to Kikuyu cultural memory and communal practices. Future empirical research could extend this theoretical study by examining how PCEA clergy, families, and congregations negotiate cremation in contemporary pastoral settings.