Tang Dynasty Daoist Diversity: Immortal Daoism as an Offshoot in Li Bai’s Era

Abstract

The mainstream Daoism of the Tang Dynasty was the Highest Clarity Tradition, a paradigmatic form of Medieval Daoism. Meanwhile, the existence of Immortal Daoism, as an offshoot, can be regarded as an undercurrent of Tang Dynasty Daoism, embodying the historical diversity of Daoism during this period. As a paradigmatic figure among Tang Dynasty literati, Li Bai had religious beliefs and practices deeply imbued with Immortal Daoist concepts. His practices centered on three core elements: questing for the immortal realm in untamed mountain landscapes, cultivating spiritual essence through reclusive seclusion, and asserting a strong self-identity as an “ostracized transcendent.” A comparative analysis of works of the same genre reveals that Li Bai’s pursuit of Daoism centered on leaving this mortal coil as a transcendent, whereas the ultimate goal of Medieval Daoist postulants was “Dedao” (to achieve perfect harmony with the Dao). When interacting with such priests, Li Bai would actively adopt the terminology of Daoist scriptures to align with their perspectives and even visit Daoist monasteries for tangible benefits. In his personal writings, he favored imagery associated with Immortal Daoism. Li Bai’s preference for Immortal Daoism not only resolves long-standing academic debates concerning his relationship with Daoism but also stands as a concrete manifestation of the variety of Daoism in the Tang Dynasty, thereby providing a multi-dimensional perspective for the study of Daoist history.

1. Introduction

Daoism developed toward institutionalization and canonization during the Medieval period, a process effectively completed by the Tang Dynasty.1 Its specific manifestations include: the compilation of numerous Daoist canons; the formation of fixed Daoist communities to distinguish themselves from the secular world; and the shift from the alchemical and immortality-seeking techniques of Immortal Daoism 神仙道教 to philosophical speculation centered on Realizing the Dao. The development toward canonical religion represented the overarching trajectory of Daoism during the medieval period. However, outside of this mainstream current, there were also tributaries that were disconnected from or even contrary to the dominant trajectory of Daoism history, thus presenting a diverse ecological landscape of Daoism in historical reality. Among these phenomena, the relationship between Li Bai 李白 (701–762) and Daoism has long been a topic of concern for scholars. He was not only the most prominent literary figure in the entire Tang Dynasty but also the most influential Daoist among scholar-officials 士大夫階級.

Scholars of Li Bai cannot overlook the Daoist elements embedded in his poetry, while historians of Daoism recognize him as a paradigmatic figure of Tang Dynasty Daoist culture. Despite his corpus contains far more pronounced Daoist elements than those of his contemporaries, a critical question arises: why did he exhibit such profound ambivalence toward “Daoism”? Therefore, the relationship between Li Bai and Daoism remains a controversial issue with divergent views. One view holds that Li Bai was an actively committed Daoist believer. Li Changzhi 李長之 was the first scholar to point out Li Bai’s connection to Daoism, and he even directly referred to Li Bai as a Daoist (C. Li 1940, p. 34).2 A more moderate view suggests that Li Bai only used Daoism to achieve political goals. Scholars such as Chen Yixin 陳貽焮 (Yixin Chen 1961, pp. 30–33), Komatsu Tadashi 小松忠志 (Komatsu 1966, pp. 9–20), Pei Fei 裴斐 (Pei 1981, pp. 122–36), Luo Zongqiang 羅宗强 (Luo 1991, pp. 20–33), and Qian Zhixi 錢志熙 (Qian 2015, pp. 66–78, 155) have examined Li Bai’s practices of seeking immortals and visiting Daoist sites, as well as his poetry, but they do not consider Li Bai a devout Daoist.3 Finally, there is an opposite view: for example, Owen argues that Li Bai was not concerned with Daoism.4 A common issue in these insightful studies is that they treat the “Daoism” espoused by Li Bai as a vague cultural symbol, since the definition of Daoism itself remains a subject of debate in academia.5

A close analysis of Li Bai reveals his pronounced preference for Immortal Daoism, a branch of the broader concept of “Daoism”. It represents a significant divergence from to Medieval Daoism, which flourished during the Jin 晋 and Tang dynasties and had become the mainstream by the High Tang period. Li Bai showed minimal involvement with this dominant tradition, paid little attention to issues that contemporary Daoists cared more about, such as Daoist communities, schools, and spiritual cultivation. Instead, Li Bai aligned himself with the immortal tradition, as evidenced by the fact that the majority of the Daoist concepts he employed reflect Immortal Daoist ideals.

Li Bai’s preference for Immortal Daoism was the result of his autonomous choice: the immortal world outlined by Immortal Daoism was his ideal world, representing absolute individual freedom and a romantic, ethereal aesthetic taste. Revealing the Immortal Daoism in Li Bai’s poetry has two aspects of significance. On the one hand, it can provide a different interpretive perspective for the long-standing debate over “whether Li Bai was a Daoist,” helping to reconcile the inherent contradictions that have long existed in the debate. Through a case study of Li Bai, the research reveals that although Medieval Daoism became the dominant orthodoxy of Tang-dynasty Daoism, alternative Daoist traditions persisted among the intellectual elite. This finding reveals the pluralistic landscape of Tang-dynasty Daoism and highlights its previously underrecognized diversity.

2. Li Bai’s Daoist Practices Related to Immortal Daoism

This study defines the temporal scope of Immortal Daoism as its relatively archaic phase, which predates the formal Daoism as a fully developed religion in the medieval period. Its content integrates various ancient Chinese Immortal traditions: pre-Qin 先秦 immortal myths, Fang Xiandao 方仙道 in the Warring States Period 战國, Huang-Lao Dao 黄老道 in Han, and Fangshu 方術 (immortality-seeking techniques) practices oriented toward transcending physical limitations and involvements.6 A substantial body of academic scholarship has traced the historical developments of early Immortal Daoist tradition. The ancient Chinese originally longed for longevity, a desire that gradually evolved into a pursuit of immortality (Y.-s. Yu 1964–1965, pp. 80–122), from which Immortal Daoism emerged. Its ideological system was constructed around the ideal of immortality, shifting from the aspiration for spiritual immortality (Wen [1948] 2006, pp. 120–27) to the pursuit of physical immortality (Wen [1948] 2006, pp. 128–47). The concept of the “transcendent” signifies the construction of an existence that had achieved physical immortality. Over time, particularly from the Han Dynasty onward, the legends surrounding the immortality exhibited two distinct secularized trends (Yamada [1983] 1990, pp. 270–305; Ōbuchi [1952] 1991, pp. 23–43; Penny 2000, pp. 109–15; Z. Chen 2001, pp. 149–70):

• Secularization of the transcendents: They gradually shifted from immortal realm to the human world, with their appearances transforming from non-human forms into ordinary human features.
• Transformation of transcendent methods: Originally, the transcendents were born as such, while mortal people rely on immortality elixirs granted by those inherently mysterious beings to achieving immortality. Later, Immortal Daoism offered various practical techniques, known as Fangshu, that enabled mortals to pursue immortality.

The Immortal Daoism espoused by Li Bai manifests as an idealized realm of freedom and aesthetic transcendence, forged through the mythos of immortals inhabiting a non-human sphere. Li Bai’s engagement with Immortal Daoism adheres to discernible patterns. From his selection of Daoist sites in the material world, to his practice of transcendence-focused Fangshu, and finally to his affirmation of a spiritual identity in the inner world, Li Bai’s religious practices mirror the Immortal Daoist tradition across both tangible and intangible dimensions.

2.1. Famous Mountains: Li Bai’s Preference for Daoist Sacred Sites

The original Chinese term for a transcendent being is “xian 僊,” which literally means “to fly away lightly.” At early stage, the concept of transcendent beings inherently included the idea of departing from the mortal world. By the Han Dynasty, the abodes of transcendent beings began to move closer to the mortal world, shifting to some famous mountains. Correspondingly, the Chinese characters used to denote them changed to “xian 仙” or “xian 仚,” which literally mean “one who dwells on a mountain.”7

Li Bai’s pursuit of Immortal Daoism in the tangible world centered on his affinity for mountain, with the explicit goal of encountering transcendents dwelling there. As he avowed in “Ballad of Mount Lu Sent to Censor Lu Xuzhou 廬山謡寄盧侍御虚舟”: “I would travel far and wide to seek transcendents across the Five Great Peaks; roaming famous mountains is my greatest joy of a lifetime 五嶽尋仙不辭遠，一生好入名山遊.” (Bai Li 2015, p. 1501). Li Bai’s travels in search of transcendents spanned vast regions across northern and southern China. Among these sacred Daoist-associated sites were prominent mountains: Mount Tai 泰山, commemorated in “Six Poems on Touring Mount Tai 遊泰山六首” (Bai Li 2015, pp. 388–94) (Due to space constraints, not all relevant works are referenced herein); the Qinling Mountains 秦嶺, featured in “Climbing Taibai Peak 登太白峰” (Bai Li 2015, pp. 129–30); and Mount Hua 華山, celebrated in “Song of the Cloud Terrace on Western Peak Sent to Danqiuzi 西岳雲臺歌送丹丘子” (Bai Li 2015, pp. 506–7), in northern China. Alongside southern landmarks like Mount Lu and Mount Tiantai 天台山, the latter depicted in “Dawning View of Tiantai 天台曉望” (Bai Li 2015, p. 781). Li Bai also documented his visits to less-known mountains, many of which he associated with transcendents as well. Specific examples include Huanghe Mountain, referenced in “Viewing Huanghe Mountain 望黄鶴山” (Bai Li 2015, p. 1490); Baizhao Mountain, featured in “To Attendant Censor Liu Wan, from the Peach Blossom Rock on Baizhao Mountain in Anlu 安陸白兆山桃花巖寄劉侍御綰” (Bai Li 2015, p. 239); Jiao Mountain, described in “Viewing Songliao Mountain from Jiao Mountain 焦山望松寥山” (Bai Li 2015, pp. 743–44); and Lingxu Mountain, celebrated in “Ten Poems on Gushu: Lingxu Mountain 姑熟十詠·靈墟山” (Bai Li 2015, p. 1653). Li Bai’s mountain-visiting experiences adhere to a shared narrative framework: Venturing into a mountain, Li Bai first enjoys its natural scenery, with giving rein to fantasies of encountering transcendents or ascending to a celestial realm afterwards.

For instance, “Viewing the Waterfall at Mount Lu, No. 1 望廬山瀑布二首·其一” (Bai Li 2015, p. 43) exemplifies this narrative pattern. The first and second lines, “Westward I climbed Incense Burner Peak, southward I saw the waterfall’s stream 西登香爐峰，南見瀑布水,” place the poet within the landscape of Mount Lu and hint in the second line that the waterfall will be the central subject of descriptive imagery. Lines 3 to 16 unfold as an elaborate depiction of the mountain waterfall. The final six verses shift into the imagery of Immortal Daoism. The phrase “sip the jade-like liquid 漱瓊液” envisions the waterfall as the liquid elixir of transcendents. The closing line “I long to leave the mortal world forever 永願辭人間” articulates the desire to enter the celestial realm. Li Bai visited and sequestered himself on Mount Lu multiple times throughout his life. Most of poems composed there revolve around the theme of Immortal Daoism.

Legends of Immortal Daoism depicted transcendents as residing in otherworldly domains, with remote and inaccessible mountains standing as their archetypal dwelling place. Therefore, mountains served as a vessel for Li Bai’s religious experiences. For instance, Li Bai describes Mount Taibai: “Three hundred miles from the heavens, it stands remote and cut off from the mortal world 去天三百里，邈爾與世絶.” (Ancient Style Poems, No. 5 古風·其五, Bai Li 2015, p. 618). Its towering height, seemingly a mere three hundred miles from the sky, creates a profound separation from human civilization, free from worldly disturbances. Similarly, in “To Attendant Censor Liu Wan, from the Peach Blossom Rock on Baizhao Mountain in Anlu,” Li Bai depicted the geography of Baizhao Mountain: “Two peaks embrace the eastern valley; a single ridge spans the western sky 兩岑抱東壑，一嶂横西天.” (Bai Li 2015, p. 239). Flanked by mountains on both sides, the area retains its pristine natural state. He further expressed his experience of dwelling there: “Alone in the woods, my heart is far removed from the bonds of the mortal realm 獨自林下意，杳無區中緣.” An undisturbed, naturally preserved environment of this kind led the poet to perceive a closer connection to the transcendence.

Another key reason lies in Li Bai’s emphasis on the Immortal Daoist myths embedded in sacred sites. Regions associated with peculiar transcendent legends often captured the poet’s special attention. For example, in “Climbing Mount Emei 登峨眉山,” Li Bai lauded the mountain:

1	The land of Shu abounds in sacred peaks,	蜀國多仙山，
2	Yet Emei stands unrivaled.	峨眉邈難匹。

(Climbing Mount Emei, Bai Li 2015, p. 17)

Mount Emei is associated with the legend of the transcendent Ge You 葛由. According to Liexian Zhuan 列仙傳 (Biographies of Transcendents), Ge You lived during the reign of King Cheng of Zhou 周成王 (r. 1042–1021 BCE). He often carved wooden goats to sell. One day, he rode a goat into the region of Western Shu. Nobles from Shu followed him to Mount Sui 綏山, which stood infinitely high to the southwest of Mount Emei. All those who followed Ge You became transcendents (S. Wang 2007, p. 50). Owing to its ancient transcendent tradition, Mount Emei earned high praise from Li Bai. He further declared in the poem that if he were fortunate enough to encounter the transcendent Ge You, he would follow in Ge’s footsteps to become a transcendent himself. Mount Lingyang 陵陽山 is associated with the tales of the transcendents Lingyang Ziming 陵陽子明 and Lingyang Zian 陵陽子安 (S. Wang 2007, p. 158), which Li Bai repeatedly referenced (Climbing Mount Jingting, Looking South, Meditating on the Past, and Presenting to Secretary Dou 登敬亭山南望懷古贈竇主簿, Bai Li 2015, p. 1044; From Liang Garden to Mount Jingting, Meeting Monk Hui Who Spoke of the Scenery of Lingyang, and Planning a Trip Together, Thus Composing This Poem 自梁園至敬亭山見會公談陵陽山水兼期同遊因有此贈, Bai Li 2015, p. 1022). Other sites, such as Huanghe Mountain, each have their own transcendent legends (X. Li 1505, vol. 59, p. 4b). Historical sites with Immortal Daoist traditions were also physical locations Li Bai engaged with, each clearly linked to distinct transcendent myths. In his poems about Mount Tiantai, Li Bai mentions its renowned landmark, the Stone Bridge 石橋, which is associated with the transcendent realm: “If the stone bridge can be crossed, hand in hand we will play amidst mist and clouds 石橋如可度，携手弄雲烟.” (Seeing Off the Hermit Yang on His Return to Mount Tiantai 送楊山人歸天台, Bai Li 2015, p. 333) It is said that only the courageous can successfully cross the bridge, after which they may glimpse celestial artifacts displayed in the transcendent domain (Yue 2007, p. 1966). Some of the historical sites Li Bai visited were linked to specific transcendent figures. Take Fengtai 鳳臺 (Phoenix Terrace) as an example (The Ballad of Fengtai 鳳臺曲, Bai Li 2015, p. 130). Its associated legend tells of Xiao Shi 蕭史 and Nongyu 弄玉, who played the xiao 簫 (a vertical bamboo flute) to attract Daoist immortality-associated animals. They eventually departed Fengtai riding a phoenix, believed to have ascended to heaven (S. Wang 2007, p. 80). Another category of historical sites is linked to specific Immortal Daoist practices. For instance, the Jade Maiden Hot Spring 玉女湯 visited by Li Bai was regarded as a site where transcendents refined elixirs (Composed at the Jade Maiden Hot Spring in Yingcheng, Anzhou 安州應城玉女湯作, Bai Li 2015, p. 101; X. Li 1505, vol. 61, p. 7a).

Li Bai rarely visited Daoist monasteries. Not only did such formal institutions emerge only after the institutionalization of Daoism, but most were also newly constructed under Tang imperial edicts,8 never satisfying his preference for spiritually significant sites with historical depth. In contrast, mountains and historical sites provided Li Bai with dual validation of Immortal Daoism through natural landscapes and cultural traditions.

During the Warring States period, folklore held that immortal beings dwelled in other world beyond the mortal plane.9 By the Han Dynasty, Immortal Daoism placed transcendents in rarely visited mountains.10 While the shift represented the secularization of deathless beings, ordinary people still had to withdraw from human society to approach them. Therefore, Li Bai sought to draw near immortals by wandering into isolated mountains wildernesses. His pursuit of Immortal Daoism in the physical world was characterized by profound respect for nature and historical legacy. The sites he sought either retained their original state with minimal human interference or represented surviving legacies of divine traditions.

2.2. Reclusion: Li Bai’s Politically Detached Religious Activities

Li Bai never concealed his enthusiasm for official career. In his religious practice, however, he closely linked Immortal Daoism to his reclusive life while deliberately dissociating it from political activities. In ancient Chinese tradition, reclusion merely meant withdrawal from political affairs, without intrinsic connection to religious themes.11 Li Bai, however, merged reclusion and Immortal Daoism seamlessly within his own linguistic discourse. Li Bai’s religious practice reflects his decision to separate his Daoist cultivation from political activities. In a renowned poem, he responded to a question from a non-religious individual:

1	Ask me why I reside on Green Mountain?	問余何意棲碧山？
2	I smiled and offered no response; I have attained inner peace.	笑而不答心自閑。
3	Peach blossoms drift away with the flowing stream,	桃花流水窅然去，
4	This is a realm beyond that of mortal men.	别有天地非人間。

(A Dialogue in the Mountains 山中問答,12 Bai Li 2015, p. 83)

As discussed earlier, in the context of Immortal Daoism, immortals dwell in remote mountains. To engage with them, one must withdraw from the secular world, thereby inevitably embracing a life of reclusion. The poem suggests that Li Bai employed implicit criteria in selecting his hermitage, which demanded a primordial mountain setting similar to the transcendent abodes previously mentioned. In his discourse, the “mortal world” represented what he sought to leave behind, while “Green Mountain” represented a transcendent, “non-mortal” realm, an otherworldly space removed from the ordinary concerns of secular life. Thus, the division between the “mortal world” and the “non-mortal realm” mirrors the contrast between Li Bai’s engagement with society and his reclusive state.

Li Bai’s integration of Immortal Daoism and reclusion is also evident in his activities during hermitage. He provided a detailed account of his daily life in seclusion:

1	I shut myself in the southern tower to read Daoist books;	我閉南樓看道書，
2	The quiet curtains and tranquil atmosphere resemble a transcendent realm.	幽簾清寂若仙居。

(Reply to Dou Gongheng from the Southern Tower in Shanfu, Early Autumn 早秋單父南樓酬竇公衡, Bai Li 2015, p. 379)

Firstly, Li Bai regards reading Daoist scriptures as a central practice during his reclusion. Secondly, he highlights the tranquility of his hermitage (“quiet curtains and tranquil atmosphere”) and his detachment from worldly concerns (“shut myself in”). Under such conditions, Li Bai describes his dwelling as a “transcendent realm.” This illustrates the deep integration of his reclusive practice with Immortal Daoism. In a poem dedicated to the local officer of Jiangyou, Li Bai wrote:

1	The District Defender is a five-hued transcendent figure.	五色神仙尉，
2	He burns incense and chants Daoist scriptures.	焚香讀道經。

(To the Magistrate of Jiangyou 贈江油尉, Bai Li 2015, p. 8)

Due to Li Bai’s personal predilection for the Immortal Daoist, he projects this aspiration for the transcendent world onto District Defender of Jiangyou, presenting it as a commendable life philosophy.

Alchemy constituted another religious practice related to Immortal Daoism during Li Bai’s seclusion. Both Immortal Daoism and Medieval Daoism include alchemy techniques (Ge 1985, pp. 70–87), indicating that it is not exclusive to the latter. As a central practice for achieving transcendence within the Immortal Daoist tradition, alchemy broadened the path to immortality. It evolved from the original belief that immortality was exclusively reserved for those born as celestial beings or could be attained through celestial elixirs bestowed by transcendent deities (Y. Liu 2005, p. 431), to the notion that it could also be achieved through personal effort, provided a practical method for the followers of Immortal Daoism (Z. Chen 2001, pp. 157–61). When discussing alchemy, whether in reference to the Daoist practice or the immortal belief it embodied, Li Bai made a clear distinction between it and political activities:

1	If my political fate were unfavorable,	時命若不會，
2	I shall return to the art of compounding the elixir.	歸應鍊丹砂。

(Early Autumn, Presented to Pei Zhongkan, the Seventeenth of His Siblings 早秋贈裴十七仲堪, Bai Li 2015, p. 353)

Li Bai stated that if his political career encountered difficulties, he would return to engage in alchemical practices. Thus, from his perspective, political advancement and the religious practice of alchemy were seen as mutually exclusive. However, in his description of the relationship between alchemy and seclusion, he articulated a contrasting view:

1	I shall dedicate myself to the practice of compounding the elixir;	吾將營丹砂，
2	And permanently sever ties with the mortal world.	永與世人别。

(Ancient Style Poems, No. 5, Bai Li 2015, p. 619)

“Severing ties with the mortal world” and “compounding the elixir” were convergent activities for him. Li Bai once more established a logical equivalence between spiritual cultivation and seclusion.

Du Fu 杜甫 (712–770), a close friend of Li Bai who had a deep understanding of his character and tendencies, conveyed Li Bai’s perspective on the interrelationship between politics, Daoism, and reclusion in a poem dedicated to Li Bai:

1	A paragon among courtiers, Lord Li.	李侯金閨彦，
2	Cast off his official robes to seek secluded transcendence.	脱身事幽討。
3	We undertook travels in Liang and Song,	亦有梁宋遊，
4	Expecting to gather the yao plant.	方期拾瑶草。

(To Li Bai 贈李白, Du 1979, p. 33)

Du Fu asserts that Li Bai adopted Daoist practices only after relinquishing his political identity. He was cognizant of Li Bai’s intention to dissociate his Daoist pursuits from political matters.

Li Bai’s omission of Immortal Daoist themes related to Zhongnan Mountain 終南山 provides further evidence of his view that Immortal Daoism should be separated from politics. Zhongnan Mountain is one of the birthplaces of Daoism. Yin Xi 尹喜 (fl. late 6th–early 5th century BCE) constructed a house there to facilitate the observation of celestial bodies and invited Laozi 老子 (ca. 571–ca. 471 BCE) to expound the Daodejing 道德經, laying the foundation for the Louguan School 樓觀道 (DZ 725, 14, p. 330c). Li Bai’s deliberate avoidance of linking Zhongnan Mountain to Immortal Daoism in his works suggests a conscious choice. The social connotation of “Zhongnan Mountain” within the Tang Scholar-Official class has undergone a profound shift, which can be attributed as the underlying cause. Lu Cangyong 盧藏用 (ca. 664–713) attained renown through his practice of reclusion in Zhongnan Mountain, which led to an imperial summons and subsequent political success. His example transformed reclusion in Zhongnan Mountain into a pathway to official advancement, known as the “Zhongnan Shortcut 終南捷徑” (S. Liu 1984, pp. 157–58). As a result, the so-called hermits frequenting Zhongnan Mountain were essentially political opportunists. Although Datang Xinyu 大唐新語 (New Tales of the Tang) which recorded this phenomenon, contains fictional elements, residing in Zhongnan Mountain had evolved into a widespread social trend by then, giving rise to the idiom “Zhongnan Shortcut.” There is no doubt that Li Bai was aware of this social atmosphere. The “Zhongnan Shortcut” altered the essence of reclusion in Zhongnan Mountain. The mountain, once characterized by its serene atmosphere, became inundated with worldly noise, which conflicted with the style of Immortal Daoism that Li Bai espoused.

The only work among Li Bai’s references to Zhongnan Mountain that can be loosely associated with Daoism, in its broader sense, is “Distressed by the Persistent Rain at Princess Yuzhen’s Villa, Two Poems Presented to Commandant Zhang 玉真公主别館苦雨贈衛尉張卿二首” (Bai Li 2015, pp. 109–11). Li Bai wrote these poems while residing at Princess Yuzhen’s villa in Zhongnan Mountain, awaiting their recommendation to the emperor. The villa, owned by the priestess-princesses Yuzhen 玉真 (Realized in Jade) (692–762),13 held particular significance as it was built on the site of the former Louguan complex, thereby linking it to Daoist heritage. According to textual evidence, the villa was merely a desolate garden. Zhang Ji 張垍 (d. 757), the husband of Princess Yuzhen’s niece, had arranged for Li Bai to stay there. In the poems, Li Bai voiced his dissatisfaction with the cold treatment he received (X. Yu [1978] 2008a, pp. 263–67; X. Yu [1994] 2008b, pp. 203–15; Bai Li 2015, pp. 113–14). For Li Bai, the poems were not focused on seclusion, but rather closely associated with his pursuit of an official career. Furthermore, the absence of references to Immortal Daoist concepts in the poems further reinforces the political significance of Zhongnan Mountain in his view.

However, Li Bai’s hometown Sichuan (also known as Shu), another cradle of Daoism located in the remote southwest of China, stands in sharp contrast to Zhongnan Mountain in terms of his attitude. Sichuan boasts a long-standing transcendent tradition. In a poem addressed to his friend Yuan Danqiu 元丹丘 (fl. 713–755), who was also a Daoist priest, Li Bai proudly declared:

1	My family lives on Purple Cloud Mountain,	家本紫雲山，
2	Where the Daoist tradition remains uncorrupted.	道風未淪落。

(Writing on the Walls of the Mountain Retreat of Yuan Danqiu, the Recluse of Song Mountain 題嵩山逸人元丹丘山居, Bai Li 2015, p. 892)

Wang Qi 王琦 (1696–1774) identifies “Purple Cloud Mountain” as a location in Mianzhou, Sichuan, Li Bai’s hometown (Bai Li 1977, p. 1152). Li Bai paid close attention to the “transcendent mountains” of Sichuan and was clearly aware of the strong Daoist atmosphere in his native region. Notably, his assertion that “tradition remains uncorrupted” provides a thought-provoking perspective in the poem. Considering unprecedented imperial patronage and prosperity that Daoism experienced during the Tang dynasty, why would Li Bai have such concerns under any circumstances? One plausible explanation is that Li Bai subtly suggested the Daoist tradition of his hometown remained unaffected by the politically influenced Daoism of the Tang dynasty. His attitude, therefore, reflects a preference for Immortal Daoism and a critique of the political undertones inherent in the mainstream Daoism. In the following lines of the same poem, Li Bai further elaborated his inclinations:

1	I erase my traces to escape worldly chaos,	滅跡遺紛囂，
2	Ultimately returning to mountain valleys.	終言本峰壑。
3	I take pride in forest streams,	自矜林湍好，
4	And envy not the pleasures of the court and city.	不羨市朝樂。

(Writing on the Walls of the Mountain Retreat of Yuan Danqiu, the Recluse of Song Mountain, Bai Li 2015, p. 893)

Li Bai praises the virtues of quiet seclusion in the mountains while expressing disdain for urban life. His position distances him from the prevalent practice among Tang Daoists of seeking the favor of imperial families and nobles.14 Therefore, in Li Bai’s practice, a clear distinction can be drawn between politically tinged Daoism and apolitical Immortal Daoism, with the latter clearly being his preference.

2.3. Transcendent: The “Self” in Li Bai’s Spiritual World

Most Daoist adherents share the aspiration to become immortal. Yet Li Bai’s imagination of this attainment is exceptionally vivid. His belief in his own potential for transcendence was reinforced by affirmations from prominent Daoist priests:

In the past, I met Sima Ziwei from Tiantai in Jiangling, who said I had the immortal’s bones and could travel with him to the farthest reaches of the ultimate realm.15

余昔於江陵，見天台司馬子微，謂余有仙風道骨，可與神遊八極之表。

(Ode to the Roc 大鵬賦, Bai Li 2015, p. 1736)

At the Supreme Purple Palace in Chang’an, Mr. He, the Adviser to the Heir Apparent, saw me once and called me an “ostracized transcendent,” then took off his golden turtle to exchange for wine to celebrate.

太子賓客賀公於長安紫極宫一見余，呼余爲謫仙人，因解金龜换酒爲樂。

(Preface to “Two Poems Recalling Mr. He While Drinking” 對酒憶賀監二首序, Bai Li 2015, p. 775)

As a leading Daoist figure of his era, Sima Chengzhen 司馬承禎 (style name: Ziwei) (647–735) noted that Li Bai possessed the spiritual essence of a transcendent being, while the devout Daoist priest He Zhizhang 賀知章 (ca. 659–744) referred to Li Bai as an “ostracized transcendent.” Influenced by these esteemed Daoists’ appraisals, Li Bai came to believe in his inherent destiny of transition into transcendence. He thus conceptualized his earthly existence as a transient sojourn, with his ultimate fate ascending to heaven. “Ostracized transcendent” became Li Bai’s self-identity in the religious realm:

1	The world knows not of Dongfang Shuo,	世人不識東方朔，
2	A great recluse behind Jinma Gates, he was a transcendent exiled from heaven.	大隱金門是謫仙。

(Jade Pot Chant 玉壺吟, Bai Li 2015, p. 526)

While Li Bai expressed regret at being unappreciated by secular society, he identified himself as an ostracized transcendent. In another poem, when responding to a foreigner from Tianzhu 天竺 (India), he introduced himself in this way:

1	The Green Lotus Recluse, an ostracized transcendent;	青蓮居士謫仙人，
2	Thirty years I hid my name in wine shops.	酒肆藏名三十春。

(Reply to Assistant Jiaye of Huzhou Asking What Man I Am 答湖州迦葉司馬問白是何人, Bai Li 2015, p. 769)

Li Bai’s identification with the “ostracized transcendent” was not merely a personal perception but also a public declaration, akin to a social role in the mortal world.

Li Bai demonstrated a preoccupation with the transcendent realm he envisioned entering in the future, repeatedly referencing this celestial domain across numerous works:

1	Where the sea is rigid with frequent gales,	海寒多天風，
2	White waves, rolling like mountains, topple the Penglai and Fanghu isle.	白波連山倒蓬壺。

(Ancient Ballad of ‘What One Longs For’ 古有所思, Bai Li 2015, p. 1594)

1	I began to explore the affairs of Penglai,	始探蓬壺事，
2	Then suddenly felt the world lighten.	旋覺天地輕。

(Autumn Evening Thoughts 秋夕書懷, Bai Li 2015, p. 1454)

The transcendent realm in Li Bai’s imagination was not an abstract concept but a clearly defined geographical space with vividly constructed mythological features within Immortality Daoism. Liezi 列子 constructed this divine realm system so-called Three-Mountains 三山. In the Liezi, it is recorded that five mythical mountains once stood in the Guixu Sea 歸墟. However, following a prank by the Longbo 龍伯 giant, the mountains of Daiyu 岱輿 and Yuanqiao 員嶠 sank, leaving three sacred peaks: Penglai 蓬萊, Fanghu 方壺, and Yingzhou 瀛洲 (Yang 1979, pp. 151–54).16 In Li Bai’s poetic contexts, these peaks are either collectively termed the “Three-Mountains” or referenced individually, yet they uniformly denote the poet’s ideal habitable realm, with nomenclature employed flexibly as a referent. Through repeated literary constructions, the poet gradually developed a unique geographical consciousness. As Malcolm Bradbury notes in Literary Maps:

A very large part of our writing is a story of its roots in a place: a landscape, region, village, city, nation or continent.

(Bradbury 2001, p. 8)

However, this geographical consciousness is not necessarily all based on places existing on Earth:

It looks at many of the revealed and hidden maps of literature, past and present, real and imagined.

(Bradbury 2001, p. 8)

Imaginary locales can also function as fertile ground for literary creation. For Li Bai, the Three-Mountains constituted a literary map in his consciousness. While the Three-Mountains realm is a concept in Immortal Daoism, Li Bai framed it as a potential destination through repeated literary invocations. Thus, he transformed a conceptually religious space into a psychologically tangible geography, clearly defining the connection between the Three-Mountains and the sea:

1	Thus, I set out from Tianchi to sail to Penglai and Yingzhou,	因出天池泛蓬瀛，
2	The ships’ hulls crowd together, startling the waves.	樓船蹙沓波浪驚。

(Song of Spring 春日行, Bai Li 2015, p. 438)

1	I lift my body to rest in Penglai,	舉身憩蓬壺，
2	Wash my feet in the vast sea.	濯足弄滄海。

(Reply to Director Cui, the Fifth of His Siblings 酬崔五郎中, Bai Li 2015, p. 233)

For Li Bai, the Three-Mountains represented tangible and accessible geographical locations. His understanding of them was originally rooted in a geographical concept derived from Immortal Daoism. After repeated reflections, this understanding was internalized, ultimately evolving into a sacred ideal realm within his spiritual world.

While most scholar-officials treated the Three-Mountains merely as a vague cultural symbol, Li Bai explicitly regarded them as a confirmation of transcendent beings. In the preface to his poem dedicated to Jiao Jingzhen 焦静真 (fl. 743), he crafted a narrative of her supposed journey to Penglai:

Everyone says she entered the East China Sea and climbed Penglai, but no one can guess where she went.

世或傳其入東海，登蓬萊，竟莫能測其往也。

(the Preface to “To Master Jiao of Song Mountain” 贈嵩山焦鍊師序, Bai Li 2015, p. 187)

Within the poem itself, Li Bai further drew a parallel between Jiao Jingzhen and Ma Gu 麻姑, a transcendent figure associated with Penglai (Ge 2010, pp. 93–95):

1	Among them is a guest from Penglai Sea,	中有蓬海客，
2	Who seems to be the goddess Ma Gu.	宛疑麻姑仙。

(To Master Jiao of Song Mountain 贈嵩山焦鍊師, Bai Li 2015, p. 187)

Li Bai suggests a concealed connection to the Penglai to reinforce her enigmatic aura. For Li Bai, the affiliation with the Three-Mountains system appeared to confer a transcendent identity upon an individual.

Confident in his spiritual nature, Li Bai presents a strong and consistent sense of “Self” equivalent to that of a true transcendent. An underlying premise in Li Bai’s discourse is his desire to approach transcendent beings without worshiping them. Li Bai equates himself with transcendent beings, believing he will ultimately join their ranks. Thus, he maintains a profound sense of equality with transcendent beings in terms of his character:

1	I muse that the transcendent beings dwell in the eastern corner of the blue sea,	我思仙人乃在碧海之東隅，
	…	……
2	I wish to dispatch a letter to inquire after Ma Gu.	願寄一書謝麻姑。

(Ancient Ballad of ‘What One Longs For’, Bai Li 2015, p. 1594)

“Ancient Meditations” is an ancient Yuefu 樂府 theme, originally a woman’s farewell letter to her unfaithful lover (M. Guo 1979, p. 230). It suggests that, in the context of a male-dominated society, women began to recognize their subjectivity within unhealthy intimate relationships. Li Bai reinterprets this traditional theme in a novel style, articulating his connection to Immortal Daoism. While transcendents are often depicted as lofty, otherworldly beings, Li Bai does not perceive a clear boundary between the sacred and the mortal in his depictions of interactions with them. His discourse reveals a profound sense of subjectivity. In particular, he employs the phrase “I muse” to emphasize his active engagement in contemplation. Moreover, he expresses no doubt regarding his entitlement to communicate with Ma Gu, the legendary transcendent. Li Bai also asserts his equality with other transcendents:

1	Await the call that bids me leave the mortal veil,	待號辭人間，
2	Hand in hand with thee, to seek the transcendent Chisongzi.	携手訪松子。

(To Hermit Wu of Moon-Playing Stream 寄弄月溪吴山人, Bai Li 2015, p. 90)

Chisongzi 赤松子 was said to be the official in charge of rain during the Shennong 神农 era, and his fate was also to become transcendent and leave the mortal world (S. Wang 2007, p. 1). Li Bai believed that upon being summoned to the transcendent realm, he could visit Chisongzi, who had long since transcended to an immortal state, as casually as a neighbor dropping by. He even considered himself worthy of being Chisongzi’s intimate friend:

1	I will follow Chisongzi,	將隨赤松去，
2	Sitting in Penglai and Yingzhou to play chess.	對博坐蓬瀛。

(Ancient Style Poems, No. 7, Variant 古風·其七, 别本, Bai Li 2015, p. 398)

In these lines, the poet imagined the specific detail of sitting and playing chess with Chisongzi after arriving in Penglai and Yingzhou, like the relaxed, familiar, and friendly relationships found in the mortal world. In Li Bai’s personal philosophy, transcendents are not deified beings but rather vivid, human-like figures with whom he can interact as equals. Regardless of the actual existence of transcendents, in Li Bai’s spiritual realm, the notion that “I am a transcendent” embodies a destiny infused with his unwavering conviction. Li Bai’s conviction was so profound that even his friends recognized and accepted him as someone with such beliefs. Du Fu’s poem addressed to Li Bai states:

1	You possess the essence of the immortal in your very bones,	自是君身有仙骨，
2	How can ordinary mortals comprehend its true nature.	世人那得知其故。

(On Seeing Kong Chaofu Off to the Jiangdong After Resigning Office, with a Note to Li Bai 送孔巢父謝病歸游江東兼呈李白, Du 1979, p. 55)

The phrase “the immortal in your very bones” reflects Du Fu’s understanding of Li Bai’s perspective. It does not imply that Du Fu shared Li Bai’s firm belief in the myth of immortality. Instead, it demonstrates that, as a friend, Du Fu comprehended and embraced Li Bai’s worldview. Li Bai’s follower Ren Hua 任華 (fl. 740–775) also identified this facet of Li Bai’s belief:

1	I hear you pursue the Dao upon the vast ocean,	又聞訪道滄海上，
2	And often converse with Ding Lingwei and Prince Qiao.	丁令王喬時往還。

(Ren Hua, “Miscellaneous Verse to Li Bai” 雜言寄李白, Bai Li 1977, p. 1492)

Ren Hua accepted and echoed Li Bai’s perspectives, including his spiritual journeys to the three celestial mountains on the sea and his insistence on equality with various transcendents.

Li Bai’s religious practices, ranging from tangible rituals to spiritual pursuits, exhibit a consistent style. Each dimension bears distinct characteristics of the traditional Immortal Daoism that had evolved since the Han Dynasty.

3. “Chengxian” and “Dedao”: Li Bai’s Distance from Medieval Daoism

Li Bai’s understanding of Daoist devotion fundamentally differs from that of typical Medieval Daoism postulant. The ultimate pursuit of Li Bai’s Immortal Daoism faith is Chengxian 成仙 (to become a transcendent) as demonstrated in the previous section, while the primary objective of Medieval Daoist practitioners is Dedao 得道 (to achieve perfect harmony with the Dao, the highest state of spiritual enlightenment).

Li Bai often conveyed his ideas on Immortal Daoism through literary composition. This practice of integrating transcendent thoughts into literary works, widely employed in classical Chinese literature, predates his era and reflects a long-standing tradition. The development of this tradition began with Yuan You 遠遊 (The Faraway Journey) in Chuci 楚辭 (The Songs of the South), followed by the fu poetry 賦in Han dynasty (e.g., Sima Xiangru’s 司馬相如 (179–117 BCE) Daren Fu 大人賦), and was further developed through its fusion with Immortal Daoism during the Wei 魏, Jin, and Six Dynasties 六朝, giving rise to the distinct genre of Saunters in Sylphdom poetry 遊仙詩 (Youxian Shi).17 This literary tradition is characterized by two prominent features: “travel” and “transcendence.” The theme of travel was established in its foundational text, Yuan You.18 Although Yuan You mentioned some names of the transcendents, the explicit longing for immortality only emerged in the era of the Nineteen Ancient Poems 古詩十九首 (Holzman 1994, p. 111). During the Six Dynasties period, authors such as Guo Pu 郭璞 (276–324) elevated Saunters in Sylphdom poetry to an independent genre. These poems generally follow a narrative pattern of “entering the mountains—encountering transcendents,” reflecting the acceptance of the idea that transcendents dwell in famous mountains, getting closer to the mortal world. It is evident that Saunters in Sylphdom poetry corresponds to the secular transformation of Immortal Daoism, with its religious themes distinctly shaped by Immortal Daoism.

Li Bai effectively inherited and expanded upon the literary tradition passed down through the Six Dynasties, closely associated with Immortal Daoism. Li Bai’s achievements and influence in Saunters in Sylphdom poetry have long been the subject of scholarly attention,19 in which Daoist philosophical concepts and aesthetic ideals are intricately woven into his narrative. Some scholars treated the Daoist elements in Li Bai’s poetry as a unified entity without distinguishing his specific focus on Immortal Daoism. It is important to clarify that critiques in poetry of emperors’ pursuit of immortality, while often imbued with strong elements of Immortal Daoism, are more akin to allegorical metaphors. Allegory itself is another long-standing tradition in Chinese literature, beginning with texts such as Zhuangzi 莊子. In contrast, works that are more explicitly Daoist adhere to the traditional narrative structure passed down from the Six Dynasties, which typically involves a progression of “entering the mountains—encountering the transcendent beings.” Li Bai portrayed this narrative trajectory,20 as presented in the following excerpt:

1	At dawn I rode a white deer,	清曉騎白鹿，
2	Straight to the Heaven Gate Mountain.	直上天門山。
3	Upon the mountain I met a feathered transcendent,	山際逢羽人，
4	With square pupils and a radiant face.	方瞳好容顔。

(Six Poems on Touring Mount Tai, No. 2, Bai Li 2015, p. 390)

This poem follows the typical narrative structure of Saunters in Sylphdom poetry inherited from the Six Dynasties. At the beginning, Li Bai entered the remote “Heaven Gate Mountain.” He then encountered a supernatural being with a half-human, half-bird appearance residing in the mountain. Feathered beings draw on the depiction in Yuan You: “I linger with feathered transcendents on the Cinnabar Hills, and dwell in the ancient immortal land 仍羽人於丹丘兮，留不死之舊鄉.” (Hong 1983, p. 167) The Lüshi Chunqiu 吕氏春秋 also records: “There exists a land of immortality where feathered transcendents and the nude people dwell 羽人、裸民之處，不死之鄉.” (Lü 2009, p. 614) The feathered transcendent stands as an extremely primitive symbol of immortality.21 The poem concludes with the poet’s lament over his failure to comprehend the transcendent’s celestial script (Bai Li 2015, p. 390). This sense of regret underscores Li Bai’s profound longing to transcend the confines of mortality and achieve immortality.

Another category of Li Bai’s Saunters in Sylphdom poetry, is a distinct subset of his Daoist-themed works. These poems offer comprehensive retellings of mystical Immortal Daoist myths and legends, reflecting the poet’s deep engagement with, and response to, the ancient cultural traditions. In terms of compositional intent, however, these poems do not seek to convey strong emotional expression explicitly. Examples include The Ballad of Phoenix 鳳凰曲 (Bai Li 2015, p. 83), a poetic adaptation of the previously discussed Lady Nongyu legend; Lady Shangyuan 上元夫人 (the Highest Origin Godess) (Bai Li 2015, p. 606), which reinterprets her story interpreted in Han Wudi Neizhuan 漢武帝内傳 (DZ 292, 5, p. 50c); and so on. The Calamus Harvester in Song Mountain 嵩山採菖蒲者, a poetic rendering of the Shenxian Zhuan 神仙傳 tale in which Han Wudi 漢武帝 (Emperor Wu of Han) (r. 140–87 BCE) encounters a mountain deity harvesting calamus. The poem reads:

1	The deity has an ancient appearance,	神人多古貌，
2	His ears hang down to his shoulders.	雙耳下垂肩。
3	Emperor Wu of Han met him in Song Mountain,	嵩岳逢漢武，
4	Suspecting he was the God of Jiuyi.	疑是九疑仙。
5	“I came to harvest calamus,	我來採菖蒲，
6	Eating it can prolong life.”	服食可延年。
7	After speaking, he suddenly disappeared,	言終忽不見，
8	His shadow vanishing into clouds and mist.	滅影入雲烟。
9	The emperor did not understand,	喻帝竟莫悟，
10	Finally heading to Maoling Field.	終歸茂陵田。

(The Calamus Harvester in Song Mountain, Bai Li 2015, p. 190)

Shenxian Zhuan documents that during Han Wudi’s climb of Song Mountain, he encountered a superbeing with an unusual appearance: his ears extended above his head, and his earlobes hung down to his shoulders. The transcendent stated to the emperor, “I am the God of Jiuyi. Having heard that calamus grows on Song Mountain, is believed to grants longevity after consumption, I have come to harvest it.” Following this declaration, the transcendent vanished. Emperor Wu subsequently imitated the figure by consuming calamus for three years, ceasing only when he developed physical discomfort (Ge 2010, p. 354). Li Bai’s poem reflects numerous details that align closely with this myth, including the distinctive ear features of the mysterious person, the setting of Song Mountain, the figure’s identity as the Jiuyi deity, the practice of harvesting and consuming calamus for immortality, the sudden disappearance of the transcendent, and the emperor’s failure to sustain the practice. Through these elements, Li Bai’s poem faithfully reconstructs the complete account.

Furthermore, Li Bai’s inheritance and expansion of transcendent narratives are evident in his works. Feilong Yin 飛龍引 (Songs of the Flying Dragon) retells the legend of the Huangdi’s 黄帝 (Yellow Emperor) ascent to heaven (Bai Li 2015, p. 441; Xiao 1271–1368, pp. 14b–15a). According to Shiji 史記 (Records of the Grand Historian), Huangdi’s casting of a cauldron and subsequent ascension to the world above (Q. Sima 1982, p. 1394) and the alchemical technique of transmuting cinnabar into gold (Q. Sima 1982, p. 1385) are distinct accounts, which Li Bai synthesized into a cohesive narrative. Additionally, Li Bai composed his work under the Yuefu title Feilong Yin, integrating the original motif of transcendent beings riding dragons to ascend, with Li Sao 離騷 serving as a foundational influence on its literary imagination (M. Guo 1979, p. 926). Thus, in his poetic interpretation of transcendent stories, Li Bai engaged in creative reworking rather than merely mechanical imitation.22 While such poems lack overt emotional intensity or realistic metaphors, they reveal the poet’s profound preoccupation with transcendent themes. Li Bai demonstrates a positive attitude toward transcendents, actively seeking to align himself with them. He also expresses an indescribable longing for the transcendent joy the Huangdi attained after his flying up: “Roaming in the blue sky. The joy is indescribable 遨遊青天中，其樂不可言.” (Bai Li 2015, p. 441) He also expressed regret over Han Wudi’s unsuccessful pursuit of immortality, as exemplified in the line: “The emperor did not understand, finally returning to Maoling Field.” In Li Bai’s Saunters in Sylphdom poetry, deeply rooted in Immortal Daoism, his most profound and enduring desire is to leave the mortal coil and attain immortality, as the transcendents do.

A comparative analysis of Li Bai’s Saunters in Sylphdom and the works of the same genre by a Medieval Daoist priest reveals distinct differences between Li Bai’s interpretation of Daoism and that of the priest.

Wu Yun 吴筠 (d. 778) represents a particularly suitable case study. As a renowned Daoist priest and accomplished literary figure of the Tang Dynasty, he wielded significant influence in both the religious and cultural spheres.23 Initially pursuing a career in the imperial examinations, Wu Yun later renounced this path to become a Daoist priest after failing the exams. Although Emperor Xuanzong 玄宗 (r. 712–756) summoned him to the court, Wu Yun soon insisted on returning to the mountains to continue his spiritual cultivation (X. Liu 1975, pp. 5129–30; Ouyang and Song 1975, pp. 5604–5). While immersing himself in the intensive study of Daoist scriptures, he also authored original works on Daoist theory, such as Shenxian Kexue Lun 神仙可學論 (On the Learnability of Transcendents) and Xuan Gang Lun 玄綱論 (On the Metaphysical Outline), which exerted considerable influence. According to Jiutangshu 舊唐書 (the Old Book of Tang), Wu Yun was the individual who recommended Li Bai to Princess Yuzhen (X. Liu 1975, p. 5053).24 There is no doubt that Wu Yun was a highly literate scholar with unwavering commitment to Daoist beliefs. The biography of Wu Yun in Jiutangshu evaluates his literary achievements as follows:

His words are profound and comprehensive, his literary talent radiant. Every time he completes a work, it is widely copied by the public. Even Li Bai’s unconstrained style and Du Fu’s magnificent style—can anyone combine them except Wu Yun?

詞理宏通，文彩煥發，每製一篇，人皆傳寫。雖李白之放蕩，杜甫之壯麗，能兼之者，其唯筠乎！

(X. Liu 1975, p. 5130)

It constitutes a high appraisal, positing that Wu Yun could synthesize the stylistic strengths of both Li Bai and Du Fu. While the evaluation may be slightly exaggerated due to Wu Yun’s status as a postulant, Wu unequivocally surpasses the literary achievements of ordinary Daoist adepts. Wu Yun had his own collected works, Zongxuan Xiansheng Wenji 宗玄先生文集 (Collected Works of Master Zongxuan), which includes a preface composed by the prominent writer Quan Deyu 權德輿 (759–818).25 Additionally, during the Dali 大曆 period, he engaged in poetic exchanges with Bao Fang’s 鮑防 (722–790) literary circle in the Zhedong region (Jia [2001] 2015, pp. 358, 366), thereby exerting profound influence in literary history. These facts demonstrate that Wu Yun’s literary accomplishments were widely recognized by his contemporaries.

In the field of Daoist poetry, Wu Yun composed a series of Daoism-themed poems titled “Bu Xu 步虚 (Pacing the Void)”.26 The Bu Xu form had been adopted by literati during the Southern and Northern Dynasties 南北朝, who produced new works for literary aesthetic purposes. However, Wu Yun departed from this tradition and created a complete set of ten Bu Xu poems, reestablishing connections with the solemn Daoist tradition (Mugiya 2018, pp. 96–99). Wu Yun’s earnest attitude toward Daoism as a devout believer is evident. Additionally, Wu Yun authored another extensive collection, Saunters in Sylphdom (DZ 1051, 23, pp. 665a–666b). Schafer provided a full translation and annotation of Wu Yun’s Saunters in Sylphdom (Schafer 1981–1983, pp. 309–45).

The most significant distinction between Li Bai’s and Wu Yun’s Saunters in Sylphdom lies in the absence of “mountain tours” in Wu Yun’s collection,27 a striking phenomenon. As noted earlier, the Saunters in Sylphdom by poets in Six Dynasties and Li Bai often commence with depictions of visiting famous mountains (Qian 2022, pp. 96–99). Thus, the lack of mountaineering subject in Wu Yun’s poems is highly conspicuous. This suggests a divergence between his overall poetic style and the tenets of Immortal Daoism. More specifically, the purpose of Wu Yun’s Saunters in Sylphdom poems is to expound his understanding of the Dao, documenting his journey from “Qiudao 求道 (getting close to the Dao)” to “Dedao (achieve perfect harmony with the Dao).” Wu Yun composed a total of 24 such Saunters in Sylphdom poems, with remarkably coherent content and structural arrangement. Schafer noted:

I have been unable to trace the outlines of a master plan that might reveal the sense of the entire set… but we may imagine that a more complete comprehension of the sequence has been prevented by the shuffling of the stanzas in transmission, so as to obscure or obliterate their interconnections.

(Schafer 1981–1983, p. 344)

Schafer’s reliance on the Quan Tang Shi 全唐詩 (Qing Shengzu [1961] 1967) version led to his encounter with a disorganized chapter sequence (Schafer 1981–1983, p. 310; see Appendix A,

Table A1. Correspondence Analysis of Poem Order between DZ and QTS.

DZ No.	Poem Title 1	Corresponding QTS Poem Order No. 3	The Main Points
1	Open my tomes-peruse the bygone years 啟册觀往載; 2	1	Perception of Dao
2	At dawn I climb a thousand-fathom pass 晨登千仞嶺;	17	Cultivation of Dao
3	Simurghs and phoenixes roost in the azure-gem forest 鸞鳳棲瑶林;	2	Cultivation of Dao
4	Sympathy with custom leads one to removal and disintegration 愍俗從遷謝;	3	Cultivation of Dao
5	At Western Tortoise they first determined my ordination tablets 西龜初定籙;	4	Cultivation of Dao
6	My congenial spirit lies in the numinous archive 怡神在靈府;	5	Cultivation of Dao
7	My bones are refined -my frame is clarified throughout 骨鍊體彌清;	18	Cultivation of Dao
8	The realm of high realized ones is truly remote and rarefied 高真誠寥邈;	6	Journey to transcendence world
9	The Cyan Sea-its breadth without limits 碧海廣無際;	7	Journey to transcendence world
10	I proposed to pass by way of the Palace of the Grand Thearch 將過太帝宫;	8	Journey to transcendence world
11	Desiring to surmount the boundaries of yang-conduction 欲超洞陽界;	9	Journey to transcendence world
12	Now that I am visiting the Mother of Metal 予因詣金母;	10	Journey to transcendence world
13	At morning I pass to the north of Nhak Water 朝逾弱水北;	19	Journey to transcendence world
14	I raise the parasol-aim for the culmen of the chronograms 揚蓋造辰極;	20	Journey to transcendence world
15	I groom the equipage -take leave of the Five Marchmounts 整駕辭五嶽;	21	Journey to transcendence world
16	The nine dragons-how fluent their undulation 九龍何蜿蜿;	11	Journey to transcendence world
17	I halt my troika by the side of Grand Regalia 停驂太儀側;	12	Journey to transcendence world
18	Forbiddingly steep, brilliantly shining-the Gate of Miracles gapes wide 峻朗妙門闢;	13	Journey to transcendence world
19	I ascend as far as the Font of Yang 予昇至陽原;	14	Journey to transcendence world
20	I call a friend from Purple Solarity to accompany me 招携紫陽友;	15	Journey to transcendence world
21	I ascend high above the Purple Culmen 高昇紫極上;	16	Journey to transcendence world
22	I call a friend from the Three Clarities 予招三清友;	22	Journey to transcendence world
23	I loose my person above the Grand Aurora 縱身太霞上;	23	Journey to transcendence world
24	I look back to the [time] prior to “Grand Antecedence” 返視太初先.	24	Perception of Dao

¹ Since the poems share an identical title, their opening lines are employed as distinctive headers for differentiation. ² Translation from Schafer (1981–1983, pp. 313–44). ³ Qing Shengzu ([1961] 1967), han 函 12, ce 册 6, pp. 1a–4a.

), thereby undermining his grasp of the collection’s holistic coherence. Once the chapter order of Wu Yun’s Saunters in Sylphdom is restored, the entire corpus is unified around a distinct thematic core, presenting a cohesive and systematic whole.

Wu Yun provides a distinctive interpretation, asserting that Dedao, rather than immortality, constitutes the primary objective in Daoist belief. The opening and concluding chapters expound on Daoist principles. Chapter 1 posits that the Dao is eternal, whereas worldly fame and fortune are transient. Chapters 2–7 focus on the theme of Qiudao, documenting Wu Yun’s cultivation process. Chapters 8–23 center on Dedao, depict his journey to the celestial realm after achieving success in his spiritual practice. In Chapter 8, Wu Yun first articulates his relationship with the Dao:

1	The realm of high realized ones is truly remote and rarefied,	高真誠寥邈，
2	Being matched with the Dao, I shall not be left outside of it.	道合不我遺。

(Saunters in Sylphdom, No. 8; Schafer 1981–1983, p. 320; DZ 1051, 23, p. 665c)

Due to the foundation established in Chapters 2–7, the author has attained mastery in his spiritual cultivation, thereby enabling him to unite with the Dao. This profound connection ensures that he “shall not be left outside.” The final chapter functions both as a conclusion and a return to the starting point, further elucidating the author’s understanding of the Dao:

1	Looking back to the primordial beginning,	返視太初先，
2	I merge with the Dao in perfect unity.	與道冥至一。
3	The void condenses true essence,	空洞凝真精，
4	Becoming substance within emptiness.	乃爲虚中實。
5	Transformation follows inherent laws,	變通有常性，
6	Union and dispersion lack fixed form.	合散無定質。
7	I move swifter than lightning without traveling,	不行迅飛電，
8	Concealing my radiance beneath the bright sun.	隱曜光白日。
9	In profound stillness, I forget profundity itself;	玄棲忘玄深，
10	Without clinging to gain, I fear no loss.	無得固無失。

(Saunters in Sylphdom, No. 24; DZ 1051, 23, p. 666b)

In Line1–2, Wu Yun explains that due to his “Dedao,” he has reached a state of unity with the Dao, which signifies the ideal world of antiquity presented in the Zhuangzi. In the primordial chaos, there was no distinction between humans and objects, a state referred to as “unity 至一.” In this state of unity, all things remain calm, requiring no action, embodying the principle of Wuwei 無爲, and thus long maintaining their natural state (Q. Guo 1961, pp. 550–51). Accordingly, Wu Yun claims to have returned to this primordial state, achieving perfect harmony with the Dao. Lines 3–8 present Wu Yun’s description of the nature of the Dao. In Lines 3–4, the paradoxical nature of the Dao is revealed, as it arises from the void to become tangible, only to return to the void again within the tangible. Lines 5–6 highlight the characteristic of change inherent in the Dao, while the timing of such transformations remains unpredictable. In Lines 7–8, the paradox is further elaborated: the Dao appears still, yet it moves with extreme speed; it seems devoid of luminosity, yet illuminates all under heaven. Finally, Lines 9–10 describe the experience of being in harmony with the Dao: after returning to the primal chaos, one forgets the profound nature of their state. As being immersed in the Dao, no effort is required. In this perfect state, there is no need for action, as Wuwei leads to neither gain nor loss, allowing himself to remain self-sufficient. It is the author’s ultimate Daoist pursuit, the achievement of perfect unity with the Dao.

For Wu Yun, “transcendence” is a natural byproduct of Dedao, a result that naturally follows once one achieves this state. As Chapters 2–7 suggest, Wu Yun gradually leaves the mortal world through his dedicated cultivation. Chapter 2 portrays the initial stage of his practice, where he still lingers in the human realm. Through dedicated practice, by Chapter 7, his body attains a purity and translucency akin to that of a transcendent, retaining a youthful appearance and acquiring the power to subdue demonic forces within his domain (DZ 1051, 23, p. 665b–c). In both physical transformation and spiritual prowess, Wu Yun has attained the status of a superbeing. For Li Bai, becoming a superbeing signifies the culmination of Immortal Daoism, whereas for Wu Yun, it merely marks the commencement of his journey to Dedao. In Chapters 8 to 23 of Wu Yun’s celestial journey, he mentioned many transcendents. However, Wu Yun did not repeat the conventional literary expressions of longing for immortality found in the works of Li Bai or Six Dynasties. Instead, he subtly indicated that these heaven residents were all united by their shared belief in the Dao. For example, in Chapter 8, Wu Yun joins the group of celestials and travels with them. Though the reasons are unclear, his state transforms in accordance with the Dao. In the end, Wu Yun comes to understand that this transformation arises from his attunement to the purest essence, the Dao (No. 8, DZ 1051, 23, p. 665c). Therefore, Wu Yun’s principal objective is not to attain immortality, as the immortals are merely companions on the Daoist journey. In Chapter 21, Wu Yun attends a banquet hosted by the immortals, but his most profound experience is the realization that he has seamlessly entered the Dao: “My body became part of the Xiyi 體渾希夷廣” (No. 21, DZ 1051, 23, p. 666b). The term “Xiyi” refers to the Dao, as described in the Daodejing: “What cannot be seen is called ‘Yi,’ what cannot be heard is called ‘Xi’ 視之不見名曰夷, 聽之不聞名曰希” (DZ 682, 12, p. 4b). This chapter signifies Wu Yun’s complete integration with the boundless Dao. In Chapter 23, Wu Yun states that “the immortals around me are those who share my pursuit 顧眄皆真儔” (No. 23, DZ 1051, 23, p. 666b). In Wu Yun’s poetry, the immortals journey deeper into the Dao together toward an eternal future, leaving behind the formative experiences of their mortal lives.

For Li Bai, attaining immortality was the culmination of the Immortal Daoism. Aside from this ultimate state, the stories he could present were the human experiences of those transcendents prior to their ascent, except for who are inherently immortal, such as the Queen Mother of the West 西王母. Consider the case of Prince Qiao. He finally ascended, leaving this mortal coil behind. Prince Qiao and Chisongzi, mentioned earlier, are the most frequently referenced transcendents in the Han-dynasty Immortal Daoism tradition. They also occupy the most prominent positions in Li Bai’s discourse. When describing his eventual ascent to heaven, Li Bai never fails to acknowledge Prince Qiao’s temporary mortal existence. For example, in his “Reflections on Destiny 感遇”, Li Bai recounted in detail the story of Prince Qiao’s ascension from the mortal realm to heaven (Bai Li 2015, p. 895). The aftermath of attaining this state is not addressed in Li Bai’s narrative. For Li Bai, Prince Qiao’s story concludes with his departure, leaving only the poet’s mortal longing in its wake. It is evident that his ultimate pursuit is the state of transcendence.

For Medieval Daoist priests like Wu Yun, transcendent beings emerge as manifestations of the Dao, existing to embody its profound power. Within the theocratic hierarchy of the Highest Clarity tradition 上清道, Prince Qiao was incorporated into its celestial pantheon: “His divine position is Shidichen, oversees the Five Sacred Mountains, holds the title of Realized Deity of Tongbai, and governs the Golden Court Grotto of Tiantai Mountain 仙位爲侍帝晨，領五嶽，司桐柏真人，治天台金庭洞.” (DZ 596, 11, p. 29a). When Highest Clarity priests assigned Prince Qiao to govern the Tiantai region, they redefined his core identity. He was no longer perceived as a “transcendent being who was once human” but a deified transcendent figure. Prince Qiao was employed as a tangible embodiment of the abstract “Dao” in the Highest Clarity tradition.

4. Li Bai and the Diversity of Daoism

Daoism flourished during the Tang Dynasty due to the official patronage of the imperial family, particularly in the reign of Emperor Xuanzong, from whom it received explicit governmental support.28 In the High Tang period when Li Bai lived, the Maoshan tradition 茅山派 emerged as the dominant force in the Daoist landscape and had established itself as the orthodox tradition of Daoism.29 Given Li Bai’s extensive interactions with prominent figures in the contemporary Daoist community, he was deeply engaged with the Highest Clarity tradition in Maoshan and developed a comprehensive understanding of the subject.30

As previously noted, Sima Chengzhen—with whom Li Bai had personal connections—praised Li Bai for possessing the “bones of a transcendent being.” Li Bai also maintained close ties with Hu Ziyang 胡紫陽 (681–742), a second-generation disciple of Sima Chengzhen: he composed the poem Inscription on the Wall of Master Ziyang in Suizhou 題隨州紫陽先生壁 (Bai Li 2015, p. 237) and the prose work Epitaph of Master Ziyang of Handong 漢東紫陽先生碑銘 (Bai Li 2015, pp. 1804–6) for Hu Ziyang, and frequently referenced Hu in poems sent to others (Bai Li 2015, pp. 303–4, 896–98). In Epitaph of Master Ziyang of Handong, Li Bai stated, “Dao began to flourish in the Three Maos” (Bai Li 2015, p. 1805). This evidence confirms that the Maoshan tradition constituted the “mainstream” Daoist tradition Li Bai was acquainted with.

Li Bai did not entirely disregard mainstream Daoist schools in his literary production. Instead, his interactions with numerous prominent Daoist priests of the era afforded him an intimate grasp of the doctrines of the Highest Clarity tradition. His familiarity with Daoist scriptures is evident in this poem eulogizing Princess Yuzhen:

1	In the morning, she beats the heavenly drum,	清晨鳴天鼓，
2	Biao and Xu, the two dragons soar.	飆歘騰雙龍。

(Poem of the Immortal Princess Yuzhen 玉真仙人詞, Bai Li 2015, p. 107)

Princess Yuzhen was a devout Daoist adherent. She received Daoist precepts on multiple occasions and ultimately attained the clerical rank of San Dong Fa Shi 三洞法師 (Three Grottoes Master),31 the highest clerical rank in Tang Dynasty Daoism (Yuan Chen 1988, pp. 139–40; Ouyang and Song 1975, p. 3657).32 As Emperor Xuanzong’s sister, she embodied the official stance of the Tang imperial family toward Daoism. While legend holds that Li Bai secured a summons to Emperor Xuanzong’s court and appointment as a Hanlin Attendant 翰林供奉 through Princess Yuzhen’s recommendation (Bai Li 2015, p. 1951), this poem was clearly to flatter Princess. Kroll interpreted the phrase “beats the heavenly drum” as a Daoist technical term (Kroll 1986, p. 104). Both Kroll and An Qi 安旗 (cited in Bai Li 2015, p. 108) prioritized Jiuzhen Gaoshang Baoshu Shenming Jing 九真高上寶書神明經 from Yunji Qiqian 雲笈七籤 (DZ 1032, 22, p. 321b) as an annotation for “beats the heavenly drum,” as it provides the most specific, clear, and vivid description of the teeth-kissing method. Nevertheless, whether in terms of content or chronological relevance, this scripture is not the most suitable for explicating Li Bai’s line. Kroll’s interpretation of the subsequent line reads:

Li Po should picture the imperial votaress ascending subsequently to the sky behind a brace of heaven-destined dragons.

(Kroll 1986, p. 104)

He interpreted “a brace of dragons” as a generic depiction of flying up, while An Qi understood the phrase as “strong wind” (Bai Li 2015, p. 108). Neither interpretation is accurate. In fact, these two lines are thematically specific and chronologically interconnected. Li Bai’s verses align precisely with the practice, to actualize in thought, outlined in the Highest Clarity tradition scripture Taisu Shangqing Zhidijun Wushenqi Fa 太素上清致帝君五神氣法:

Always at cockcrow, actualize green qi from the east emanating from the sun… Kiss the teeth nine times and swallow saliva nine times… At dusk, sit calmly, close your eyes, and actualize two streams of white qi from the moon entering the soles of your feet. After a prolonged period, each sole will give rise to a white dragon—one on the left and one on the right. The left dragon is named Biaojing, and the right dragon Xuting. Both dragons exhale white smoke into my nostrils.

常以鷄鳴時，存東方青氣從日中來，……叩齒九通，咽液九過，……晡時平坐，臨目存月中有兩白氣，俓來入兩足底蹠心中，良久，足底各化生兩白龍，在我之左右也。左龍名曰飈精，右龍名曰歘亭，二龍並吐白煙，入我鼻兩孔中。

(DZ 405, 6, p. 546b–c)

The first line of the poetry delineates the dawn practice at cockcrow, entailing the visualization of solar qi within the body and the execution of nine dental-tapping and nine saliva-swallowing rituals. The subsequent line portrays the nocturnal practice, where lunar qi is internally visualized and manifests as two white dragons, Biaojing and Xuting, prompting Li Bai to collectively denominate them as “Biao-xu” in the poem. Despite their brevity, these two lines poetically encapsulate the morning and evening spirit-visualization techniques of the Highest Clarity tradition, demonstrating Li Bai’s mastery of the Highest Clarity corpus to readers, especially Princess Yuzhen, the recipient of the poem.

Likewise, in the Epitaph of Master Ziyang of Handong, Li Bai lauded the esoteric Daoist practices that Hu Ziyang had received through celestial transmission:

He encountered Zhenren and received the technique called “Chidan Yangjing Shijing Shuimu.” Thus, he constantly inhales the Flying Root and swallows the Solar Soul, practicing these in secrecy.

遇諸真人，受赤丹陽精石景水母，故常吸飛根，吞日魂，密而修之.

(Bai Li 2015, p. 1805)

The “Chidan Yangjing Shijing Shuimu” is a highly representative visualization practice of the Highest Clarity tradition, recorded in Huangtian Shangqing Jinque Dijun Lingshu Ziwen Shangjing 皇天上清金闕帝君靈書紫文上經 (The Great Scripture of Supreme Heaven Highest Clarity Golden Palace Emperor’s Spiritual Purple Calligraphy) (Lingshu Ziwen, henceforth):

Shangqing Jinque Lingshu Ziwen teaches the method of ingesting the Flying Root and swallowing solar essence. This method was originally transmitted by the Great Supreme Heaven Emperor and is also known as the “The Scripture of ‘Chidan Yangjing Shijing Shuimu’” … Within the flowing light of the sun, there exists purple qi as large as a pupil, layered dozens of times and radiant amid five-colored lights. This is precisely why the method has been termed the “Flying Root Water Mother”.

《上清金闕靈書紫文》採飲飛根、吞日氣之法。昔受之於太微天帝君，一名《赤丹金精石景水母之經》也。……日光流霞之中，自復有紫氣，大如目童者，累重數十，炫煥在五光之中，名之曰飛根水母也。

(DZ 639, 11, p. 381c)

In Li Bai’s writing, both the alternative name of the technique “Chidan Yangjing Shijing Shuimu” and its origin perfectly align with the Lingshu Ziwen. The scripture claims that this method was transmitted by the “Great Supreme Heaven Emperor,” while Li Bai states that Hu Ziyang learned it from mysterious “Zhenren 真人 (Realized Ones).” In his portrayal of Hu, Li Bai consciously incorporated elements from Daoist canonical texts to shape a sanctified persona. In works addressed to contemporary Daoist priests, Li Bai consistently employs terminology from mainstream Daoism—a stylistic choice that more plausibly reflects his consideration for his readers.

Li Bai’s ambivalent stance toward Daoist institutions not only reflects his nuanced attitude of Medieval Daoism but also reveals his lack of unwavering devotion to this branch. As institutional products of Daoism, monasteries did not emerge on a large scale until the Tang dynasty, when more than 1900 official monasteries were established across the empire (DZ 593, 11, p. 7b). In 741, Emperor Xuanzong ordered the construction of monasteries dedicated to Laozi throughout the country. In 743, he renamed the Laozi Temple nationwide as Supreme Purple Palaces except ones in Chang’an and Luoyang (X. Liu 1975, pp. 213, 216). Since Laozi was recognized as the remote ancestor of the Tang imperial family, Xuanzong’s reverence for him likely served political purposes of consolidating royal rule. Therefore, Supreme Purple Palaces cannot be purely regarded as religious sites; they carried strong political connotations.

For Li Bai, who favored traditional Immortal Daoism, monasteries were not venues for expressing his faith. Thus, he rarely visited them, with only three recorded instances in historical documents. All three visits were to “Supreme Purple Palace” located in different regions. Li Bai’s first recorded visit occurred in 742, when he met He Zhizhang at the Supreme Purple Palace in Chang’an. He Zhizhang appreciated Li Bai and called him an “ostracized transcendent” (Bai Li 2015, p. 775). In 742, the Laozi Temple in Chang’an was still named the Temple of the Mysterious Origin Emperor 玄元皇帝廟 and was not renamed the Supreme Clarity Palace 太清宫 until 743. Li Bai used the name “Supreme Purple Palace” according to the prevailing nomenclature across the empire, as this title had been designated for all Laozi Temples outside Chang’an and Luoyang.33 At that time, He Zhizhang held the high-ranking position of Adviser to the Heir Apparent (third rank), while Li Bai was a commoner without official status. This instance of cross-class communication, despite the stark social divide, can be attributed to the unique role of Supreme Purple Palace as a religious sanctuary. Their shared Daoist background significantly narrowed their status differences, earning Li Bai the appreciation of a high-ranking official. The second encounter occurred in 744. Li Bai received a Daoist ordination from the Prelate Gao Rugui 高如貴 (fl. 744) at the Supreme Purple Palace in Qizhou 齊州. This event took place shortly after he accepted Emperor Xuanzong’s arrangement of being dismissed (Bai Li 2015, p. 1950). Gao traveled from Northern Sea specifically to conduct the ritual for Li Bai. As Qian Zhixi points out, Gao’s enthusiasm stemmed from Li Bai’s unique status: having just left the imperial court, Li Bai carried the implication of studying Daoism at Xuanzong’s behest, making him an “Imperial Daoist Student” (Qian 2015, p. 73). The fact that the ordination ceremony also took place at the Supreme Purple Palace, the officially sanctioned Daoist monastery, further connotes the political meaning of the event. The only visit with minimal political connection happened during Li Bai’s seclusion in Mount Lu in 750. Li Bai visited the Supreme Purple Palace in Xunyang 潯陽. At the age of fifty, Li Bai expressed profound sentiments about the passage of time in his poetry (Bai Li 2015, p. 882).

Li Bai’s visits to Daoist monasteries do not contradict his commitment to Immortal Daoism. His engagement with such institutions was far from enthusiastic, as his visits were often motivated by political pragmatism. This pattern of behavior reflects his approach to maintaining contact with the mainstream Daoist community while deliberately keeping a slight distance.

Li Bai’s familiarity with the mainstream Daoist community stemmed from both his associations with Daoist companions and the cultural milieu fostered by Emperor Xuanzong’s reign.34 However, his exposure to these influences does not equate to a personal adherence to the Highest Clarity tradition. As previously noted, in his independent literary compositions, Li Bai frequently employed terminology rooted in Immortal Daoism. The divergence in Daoist terminology between his writings for social intercourse and personal creative works reveals the real preference from the bottom of Li Bai’s heart. Li Bai’s constantly focus on Immortal Daoism reflected the autonomy of personal choice.

This observation indicates that during the prevalence of Canonical Religion Daoism, Immortal Daoism was not merely partially integrated or entirely supplanted; instead, it persisted as a distinct branch of Daoism, remaining accepted by the scholar-official class like Li Bai and continuing to exert its influence.

5. Conclusions

The concepts of Immortal Daoism guided Li Bai’s religious practices, both in the physical world and his spiritual life. His behaviors and self-perception directly aligned with the unique tenets of Immortal Daoism. A comparison with Medieval Daoist priests further highlights the Immortal Daoist elements in Li Bai’s beliefs. The culmination of Li Bai’s religious ideals was becoming a transcendent being, rather than focusing on “Dedao” as medieval priests did. In the world where social nuances matter, Li Bai did not reject mainstream Daoism, while his engagement was either to fit in with the group or to pursue political gains. Thus, Li Bai possessed a comprehensive understanding of mainstream Daoist scriptures, institutions, and Immortal Daoism. Against the backdrop of his thorough knowledge of multiple Daoist traditions, Li Bai’s choice of Immortal Daoism underscores his determined personal agency and willpower behind this decision.

Li Bai’s fascination with Transcendents originated from a profound existential awareness and a pursuit of spiritual autonomy. His anxiety regarding the ephemeral nature of human life was rooted in the life consciousness of scholars from the Six Dynasties period. Li Bai exhibited acute sensitivity to the fragility and brevity of life, as well as the irreversible passage of time. Literary consciousness and life consciousness are mutually reinforcing; the heightened life consciousness of the Wei and Jin dynasties, which inherited the lamentations about life in the Nineteen Ancient Poems, prompted numerous writers beginning with the Three-Cao 三曹 to articulate their anxiety about the brevity of life.35 Li Bai’s archaistic literary tendency not only perpetuated the stylistic norms of Six Dynasties literature but also integrated its philosophical meditations on human existence. His recurrent articulations of existential anxiety in poetic compositions led him to embrace Transcendent narratives framed as claims of liberation from mortality, as a conceptual resolution to the paradox of life and death. In terms of spirituality, Li Bai aspired to the absolute autonomy depicted within the Transcendent realm. Accordingly, the otherworldly Three-Mountains cosmos and the romantic, ethereal Transcendent world, co-constructed by a rich corpus of myths in Immortal Daoism, resonated with Li Bai’s aesthetic expectations for the spiritual domain and facilitated the unfettering of his individuality and imagination. The emphasis on physical transcendence and spiritual freedom in Immortal Daoism further intensified Li Bai’s involvement with this tradition.

Tang Dynasty Daoism, which integrated imperial politics with sectarian development, attained remarkable prominence. The Highest Clarity tradition emerged as the orthodox school of the Maoshan and continued to wield influence among emperors and the nobility. Li Bai’s case must be contextualized within this historical framework. Li Bai did not live in isolation; he maintained frequent interactions with Highest Clarity tradition priests. His engagement demonstrates a sophisticated understanding of Daoist scriptural schools. In social settings, he adeptly employed terminology from Daoist canons, while in his personal writings, he consistently focused on Immortal Daoism. This dual engagement vividly illustrates the persistence of Immortal Daoism as a distinct offshoot within Tang Dynasty society, where mainstream Medieval Daoism prevailed. Even amid this dominant landscape, separate Daoist spheres persisted across various social strata. The recognition of Immortal Daoism as a discrete branch illustrates the diversity inherent in Tang Dynasty Daoism, offering a multidimensional analytical perspective for the study of Daoist history of that era.