The Open Society 2.0: Democracy in the Age of Social Media and Populism

A special issue of Social Sciences (ISSN 2076-0760). This special issue belongs to the section "Contemporary Politics and Society".

Deadline for manuscript submissions: 31 October 2025 | Viewed by 6623

Special Issue Editors


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Guest Editor
Faculty of Management, Law and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences, University of Bradford, Bradford BD7 1DB, UK
Interests: challenges of modern societies; information technology; populism; social media; liberty; the rule of law; history of science; philosophy; migration; civil disobedience

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Co-Guest Editor
Faculty of Management, Law and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences, University of Bradford, Bradford BD7 1DB, UK
Interests: challenges of modern societies; information technology; populism; social media; liberty; the rule of law; history of science; philosophy; migration; civil disobedience

Special Issue Information

Dear Colleagues,

In this Special Issue, we aim to analyse the challenges of modern societies. In particular, we intend to produce a body of work written by the most competent researchers, which reflects the many risks facing open societies. This volume should become a record or reference for current and future generations looking at present-day society. Contributors are invited to analyse how modern societies fare in an unprecedented age of populism, supported by influential and powerful social media. Populism has existed before, but it has never enjoyed the platforms and channels of modern media.

This approach includes but is not limited to the following: revisiting the notion of an open society to see how its conception has changed since Popper. Today the complexity and reflexivity of modern societies have to be accounted for. Once the notion of an open society, with its emphasis on liberty and the rule of law, is clarified and updated, its many challenges can be assessed, including migration, fake news, civil disobedience, political correctness, the role of public trust and the ethics of AI, etc.

Prof. Dr. Friedel Weinert
Dr. John Ackroyd
Guest Editors

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Keywords

  • challenges of modern societies
  • information technology
  • populism
  • social media
  • liberty
  • the rule of law
  • migration
  • civil disobedience

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Published Papers (5 papers)

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Research

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14 pages, 2128 KiB  
Article
Digital Monopolies—The Extent of Monopolization in Germany and the Implications for Media Freedom and Democracy
by Martin Andree
Soc. Sci. 2025, 14(5), 303; https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci14050303 - 14 May 2025
Viewed by 160
Abstract
A holistic scientific measurement of the internet traffic across all devices in Germany has quantified the extreme extent of digital monopolization. Due to the high level of concentration, provider pluralism and fair competition in the field of digital media have been systematically and [...] Read more.
A holistic scientific measurement of the internet traffic across all devices in Germany has quantified the extreme extent of digital monopolization. Due to the high level of concentration, provider pluralism and fair competition in the field of digital media have been systematically and intentionally abolished. As a result of the digital transformation, it can be assumed that the GAFA (the known acronym for Google, i.e., Alphabet, Amazon, Facebook, i.e., Meta, Apple) players will take control of the German media system in the coming years (due to comparable market structures, the situation will be similar in other Western democracies). From a German and a European perspective, it is the more alarming that this development can hardly be stopped on the basis of existing legislation. However, already the status quo is in striking contradiction to the anti-monopolistic principles of classic German media law. It is time for a fundamental debate and quick legislative actions to open the media markets again for competition and plurality and safeguard media freedom for the future. Full article
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15 pages, 2408 KiB  
Article
From Emotion to Virality: The Use of Social Media in the Populism of Chega and VOX
by Ricardo Domínguez-García, João Pedro Baptista, Concha Pérez-Curiel and Daniela Esperança Monteiro da Fonseca
Soc. Sci. 2025, 14(5), 255; https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci14050255 - 23 Apr 2025
Viewed by 715
Abstract
This study analyses the digital communication strategies of the radical right parties VOX (Spain) and Chega (Portugal) on the social media platforms X, Instagram, and TikTok during the electoral periods. Using a comparative content analysis with quantitative and qualitative approaches, the research reveals [...] Read more.
This study analyses the digital communication strategies of the radical right parties VOX (Spain) and Chega (Portugal) on the social media platforms X, Instagram, and TikTok during the electoral periods. Using a comparative content analysis with quantitative and qualitative approaches, the research reveals that both parties employ a populist discourse marked by confrontation with the political elite and the use of emotional appeals to mobilize their followers. VOX directs its attacks at the left and the Spanish Prime Minister, while Chega emphasizes criticism of the political system as a whole. The results show that polarization and the evocation of emotions such as indignation, pride, and hope are central strategies in their posts. Furthermore, messages with strong emotional charge and audiovisual elements generate a greater impact, especially on TikTok and Instagram, where virality is significantly higher than on X. The study concludes that the communication strategies of these parties are based on ‘data populism’, where interaction and visibility on social media reinforce their political narratives and consolidate their base of support. Full article
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13 pages, 434 KiB  
Article
Democracy, Free Elections, and Gender Equality as Perceived by Recent Immigrants
by Anna Zagrebina
Soc. Sci. 2024, 13(11), 578; https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci13110578 - 25 Oct 2024
Viewed by 1263
Abstract
This study examines how democracy and its political attributes (such as free elections) and social attributes (such as gender equality) are perceived by people who come from nondemocratic countries and have lived for several months in a democratic society. The data were collected [...] Read more.
This study examines how democracy and its political attributes (such as free elections) and social attributes (such as gender equality) are perceived by people who come from nondemocratic countries and have lived for several months in a democratic society. The data were collected in Quebec using an original questionnaire completed by 127 adult immigrants. The results indicate that recent immigrants from nondemocratic countries primarily view democracy as a society based on the rule of law with strong social control. They consider free elections significantly more important to democracy than the possibility to vote for any political party. Contrary to expectations, recent immigrants view gender equality as essential for democracy, although this importance varies according to sphere. Immigrants’ conceptions of democracy also signify the most salient characteristics of the social and physical environment of the host society as the most important democratic features. The study illustrates the multifaceted nature of the process of forming ideas about democracy among immigrants socialized in nondemocratic societies. Not only is theoretical knowledge about democracy as a political system part of these ideas, but everything observed in a democratic society can be perceived as attributes of democracy. The results indicate that immigrants’ impressions of the social and physical environment in their host society should not be overlooked when analyzing their ideas on democracy. Consequently, the study concludes that a more welcoming society can foster more positive visions of democracy among newcomers from nondemocratic countries. Full article
22 pages, 319 KiB  
Article
The More Democracy, the Better? On Whether Democracy Makes Societies Open
by Cristian López
Soc. Sci. 2024, 13(5), 261; https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci13050261 - 13 May 2024
Viewed by 2183
Abstract
It is a common view that Popper’s defense of the open society has been a defense of Western, liberal democracies. This seems to imply that by fostering democratic institutions we are ipso facto fostering open societies. I criticize this view by arguing that [...] Read more.
It is a common view that Popper’s defense of the open society has been a defense of Western, liberal democracies. This seems to imply that by fostering democratic institutions we are ipso facto fostering open societies. I criticize this view by arguing that in-built incentives in democratic mechanisms move us away from (or hamper) the open society. Democracy promotes voters’ ignorance, indulges voters’ irrationality, and allows voters to externalize costs. This is contrary to well-informed, rational decisions and personal responsibility that lie at the fundamentals of the open society. I suggest that it has been free-market capitalism, or free-market societies, which has moved us closer to the ideal of the open society and which best realizes open society’s values. Full article

Review

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17 pages, 253 KiB  
Review
The Open Society Revisited
by Friedel Weinert
Soc. Sci. 2025, 14(3), 118; https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci14030118 - 20 Feb 2025
Viewed by 515
Abstract
The open society is under threat from populism and fake news. But what do we mean by the ‘open society’? The notion was made popular by Bergson and Popper. Under the impact of totalitarianism, Popper distinguished open from closed societies. They differ by [...] Read more.
The open society is under threat from populism and fake news. But what do we mean by the ‘open society’? The notion was made popular by Bergson and Popper. Under the impact of totalitarianism, Popper distinguished open from closed societies. They differ by their degree of institutionalized critical scrutiny of political and societal practices. Modern sociological theory uses the notions of differentiation (or complexity) and reflexivity to distinguish these types of society (Habermas, Giddens). Reflexivity goes beyond critical scrutiny; it describes the constant examination and revision of social practices in the light of incoming information. An evaluation of these criteria shows that a necessary and sufficient condition for the distinction between open and closed societies is the degree of institutionalized critical scrutiny (contestability) and, even more, reflexivity. Openness is not a function of the complexity of societal development. It is a function of appropriate political structures. Therein lies its deeper connection with democracy: drawing upon several historical and contemporary examples thisarticle suggests that open societies can be characterized by critical scrutiny and even more reflexivity. In the final section, this article analyses the malaise of modern democracies with respect to the risks posed by populism and disinformation through social media. But rather than focusing on immigration or the economy, it considers the risks in terms of the erosion of institutional trust. Institutional trust is one of the civic virtues which the Enlightenment regarded as an essential feature of a democratic society. I conclude that populism and the deliberate spread of false information undermine civic virtues; a return to civic virtues is an important feature of the survival of democracy as an open society. Full article
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