Vol. II of Civic Engagement, Justice, and the Law in a National and International Context

A special issue of Laws (ISSN 2075-471X).

Deadline for manuscript submissions: 1 June 2026 | Viewed by 8660

Special Issue Editors


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Guest Editor
Department of Government, Legal Studies, and Philosophy, Tarleton State University, Stephenville, TX 76401, USA
Interests: republicanism; Hobbes & Spinoza; American political thought; judicial review; constitutional populism; political philosophy; critical theory; political theology; Augustine & ideology; civic engagement
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Guest Editor
School of Civic Leadership, The University of Texas at Austin, Austin, TX 78712, USA
Interests: American political thought; jurisprudence; constitutionalism; natural law

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Guest Editor
Department of Political Science, Baylor University, Waco, TX 76706, USA
Interests: American political and constitutional thought; British liberal tradition, Early Modern Political Theory, French Political Thought

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Guest Editor
Department of Government, Legal Studies, and Philosophy, Tarleton State University, Stephenville, TX 76401, USA
Interests: United States constitutional law; higher education and civic engagement
Special Issues, Collections and Topics in MDPI journals

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Guest Editor
College of Liberal Arts, The University of Texas at Austin, Austin, TX 78712, USA
Interests: American political institutions; American judiciary, politics & religion

Special Issue Information

Dear Colleagues,

We are pleased to announce Vol. 2 of “Civic Engagement, Justice, and the Law in a National and International Context”. For the most part, Vol. 2 offers a continuation of the same theme that attracted contributors to Vol. 1. This is the public role of universities, undoubtedly several centuries old. In the US, it runs in a straight line from Thomas Jefferson’s founding of the University of Virginia, to the Truman Commission report on universities and democracy, and to Campus Compact and the civic engagement movement of the 1980’s as well as contemporary developments. In Volume 1, the interaction between civically engaged universities and relevant laws and regulations proved of special interest, highlighting debates over DEI, historic differences with respect to the role of coercion in educational contexts in the thought of Thomas Jefferson and Benjamin Rush and the implications for policy today, and different scenarios of campus activism and protest.

Recent developments make the need for Volume II clear. Just in the last few weeks, the abolition of the Department of Education, the withholding of hundreds of millions of dollars in federal funds from Columbia, the University of Pennsylvania, and Harvard University, and Harvard’s lawsuit against the Trump administration, in addition to other legal changes related to the civically engaged University, underscore the urgent need for further conversations.

The highlights of Volume 1 included the following:

- Paul Carrese’s meditation on America’s civic emergencies, including a dangerous level of polarization and the loss of faith in our institutions, and in institutions of higher education specifically. How can a combination of university civics and liberal education help address the crises?

- Kody Cooper’s connection of the civic institutes movement, in its legal and ethical dimensions, to the vision of the American Founders.

- Chris Green’s argument for a 14th Amendment obligation to ideological neutrality, owed to students, at public universities.

- Boleslaw Z. Kabala, Eric Morrow, Casey Thompson, and Payton Jones’ case for considering the tax incentivization of universities to bring about more civic engagement opportunities for students—ranging from speech to assembly to protest—in the spirit of the tax pressure upheld by the Supreme Court in Bob Jones University vs. USA. Now, as then, we might consider the use of the tax code to advance goals in light of the existence of national crises (of continuing segregation and polarization, respectively).

- Adam MacLeod’s reflection on equity in the Aristotelian sense, which helps us to reason well together, and which is opposed to the use of the word in more recent and post-Marxist applications.

- Greg McBrayer’s distinction between liberal and civic education, which as elaborated shows how waiting until college to address students' civic deficits may be too late, and that even emphasizing civic education in a more substantive way at the high school level potentially stands in tension with liberal education.

- Constantine Vassiliou’s prescription for civic learning in modern commercial society. This requires a Montesquiean familiarity with constitutions and positive laws, and it stresses minimal scientific and technical literacy even as it aims to protect young people from an overreliance on certain forms of technology in the classroom. The overall purpose is to cultivate future citizen–legislators of a commercial and technological order who can make both prudent and technically informed decisions in support of liberty.

Specific anticipated articles in Vol. II include treatments of the place of law in university level civic education, the role of parental rights for Christians as well as those in other world religions, the legal framework and civic importance of historically black public colleges and universities, law and legal restrictions in the governance of education, questions of judicial supremacy vs. departmentalism as they affect these debates, and the Supreme Court as dialogic instructor, itself educating justices.

As always, we welcome your feedback, and we look forward to many robust exchanges!

Dr. Bolek Kabala
Prof. Dr. Justin Dyer
Prof. Dr. Lee Ward
Dr. Casey D. Thompson
Dr. Adam M. Carrington
Guest Editors

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Keywords

  • civic education
  • civic engagement
  • civic institute
  • civic leadership
  • constitutional democracy

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Published Papers (6 papers)

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Research

23 pages, 288 KB  
Article
A Jeffersonian Approach to Civic Engagement, Through Civic Education and the Flexibility of the Natural Law
by Thomas Cook and Boleslaw Z. Kabala
Laws 2026, 15(2), 24; https://doi.org/10.3390/laws15020024 - 2 Apr 2026
Viewed by 498
Abstract
A Jeffersonian model of civic education supports robust civic engagement while differing in important respects from prevailing paradigms of community-embedded learning that prioritize activism. Rather than emphasizing participation alone, Jefferson’s approach to the development of civic awareness foregrounds reasoned speech, civil discourse, and [...] Read more.
A Jeffersonian model of civic education supports robust civic engagement while differing in important respects from prevailing paradigms of community-embedded learning that prioritize activism. Rather than emphasizing participation alone, Jefferson’s approach to the development of civic awareness foregrounds reasoned speech, civil discourse, and the cultivation of practical judgment informed by theoretical understanding. Central to this model is Jefferson’s insistence that civic education is primarily a local and state responsibility, grounded in a broader commitment to self-government. Jefferson’s account reflects an appreciation for human reason as a universal capacity that makes consent and civic deliberation possible. Reason, so understood, provides the foundation for political equality and for an account of human flourishing articulated most clearly in the Declaration of Independence and consistent with core claims of the natural law tradition. This framework supports a conception grounded in metaphysical equality and civic friendship, best expressed within a federal political order, and capable of sustaining what classic sources and contemporary initiatives describe as a “pervasive commitment to diversity—as well as unity”. Further contributing to the novelty of our argument, we show that Jeffersonian natural-law-inflected civic engagement resonates well into the 20th century. Important judicial decisions, educational initiatives, and policy recommendations—including Cook v. McKee, Education for American Democracy (EAD), and the Truman Commission Report—draw upon related concepts of civic formation, consent, and reasoned participation. Jefferson’s emphasis on “reasons in speech,” understood as an essential element of self-government, thus remains a necessary and underappreciated contribution to contemporary debates over civic education and engagement. Full article
10 pages, 210 KB  
Article
The Primacy of Civic Life: Aristotle’s Critique of Hippodamus
by Sebastian R. Graham and Matthew K. Reising
Laws 2026, 15(2), 23; https://doi.org/10.3390/laws15020023 - 1 Apr 2026
Viewed by 455
Abstract
This article contributes to ongoing debates between political scientists and the burgeoning civic education reform movement over the nature and goals of political inquiry and the need for a careful analysis of political methodology. To do so, this article draws on and explicates [...] Read more.
This article contributes to ongoing debates between political scientists and the burgeoning civic education reform movement over the nature and goals of political inquiry and the need for a careful analysis of political methodology. To do so, this article draws on and explicates Aristotle’s criticisms of Hippodamus to show the dangers of privileging legibility and quantifiability over the common experiences of civic life, which includes normative considerations of good and bad and right and wrong. Ultimately, we argue that Aristotle provides a model for inquiring into the nature of political life that is conscious of civic responsibility and which offers a strong justification for continued civic education reform. Along the way, we contribute to ongoing discussions about the potentially positive relationship between liberal and civic education by connecting the civic education movement to modern theorizing about virtue politics. Full article
17 pages, 252 KB  
Article
The Honor of His Own, and Model of Future Times: George Wythe’s American Revolution in Civic Education
by Samuel Postell
Laws 2026, 15(2), 19; https://doi.org/10.3390/laws15020019 - 18 Mar 2026
Viewed by 481
Abstract
This essay considers George Wythe’s essential role in creating American civic education. Wythe is most well-known for his influence on American Law; he was the first teacher of law in America and he wrote pivotal opinions on Virginia’s High Court of Chancery. Nevertheless, [...] Read more.
This essay considers George Wythe’s essential role in creating American civic education. Wythe is most well-known for his influence on American Law; he was the first teacher of law in America and he wrote pivotal opinions on Virginia’s High Court of Chancery. Nevertheless, his influence on American education and the American Revolution was just as essential to the American Founding. Recovering Wythe’s role in shaping civic education in America is important today, given recent lawmaking decisions to fund civic centers within various states. Wythe and Thomas Jefferson—Wythe’s first student—shaped the College of William & Mary. Inventing American civic education was their aim. This paper explains Wythe’s role as a teacher who created the legal and moral frameworks for American civic education in America. I argue that Wythe’s contributions to American education were just as essential to maintaining self-government as the Revolutionary War was in rendering the colonies independent from Britain. Full article
30 pages, 338 KB  
Article
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen Douglas, and the “Galesburg Challenge”
by Jason W. Stevens
Laws 2026, 15(1), 13; https://doi.org/10.3390/laws15010013 - 13 Feb 2026
Viewed by 1509
Abstract
In this essay, I explore the historical challenge that Abraham Lincoln posed to Stephen Douglas at the fifth debate in Galesburg. During an argument regarding the morality of slavery and the meaning and significance of the American regime, Douglas contended that the nation [...] Read more.
In this essay, I explore the historical challenge that Abraham Lincoln posed to Stephen Douglas at the fifth debate in Galesburg. During an argument regarding the morality of slavery and the meaning and significance of the American regime, Douglas contended that the nation was legally founded on white supremacy. Lincoln, however, affirmed that based on all available historical evidence, the Founders intended to include all humans when they said in the Declaration of Independence, based on their understanding of natural law, that “all men are created equal.” To demonstrate his confidence in this belief, Lincoln challenged Douglas to provide primary source evidence that anyone, prior to the 1850s, ever said that the black race was not included in the Declaration. Studying Lincoln’s natural law challenge and the responses it received offers a new perspective on the importance of the original meaning of the Declaration’s equality principle, grounded in the law of nature, as well as how Lincoln thought about that principle—particularly in contrast to rivals like Douglas and Roger Taney. Full article
11 pages, 201 KB  
Article
Towards a Renewed Civic Pragmatism: Integrating Policy, Law, and Statistical Literacy in Civics Education
by Phillip Marcial Pinell
Laws 2026, 15(1), 7; https://doi.org/10.3390/laws15010007 - 21 Jan 2026
Viewed by 883
Abstract
Since 2017, more than a dozen civics institutes have been founded at America’s public universities, marking a renaissance in civic education. Grounded in the liberal arts, these institutes rightly restore the pursuit of knowledge for its own sake and reconnect citizens to the [...] Read more.
Since 2017, more than a dozen civics institutes have been founded at America’s public universities, marking a renaissance in civic education. Grounded in the liberal arts, these institutes rightly restore the pursuit of knowledge for its own sake and reconnect citizens to the nation’s past. Yet liberal education requires assistance to help students navigate today’s data-driven republic, where questions of law and justice increasingly turn on the interpretation of evidence. This article proposes a balanced model for civics education—a “renewed civic pragmatism”—that unites the historical connectedness of liberal learning with the technical skills required for public life and the rule of law. In doing so, civics education recovers its role as a bridge between moral principle, empirical judgment, and the pursuit of justice under law. Full article
15 pages, 226 KB  
Article
From Legal Commentaries to Common Instruction: Joseph Story’s Abridgments to His Commentaries on the Constitution of the United States
by Brigid Flaherty Staab
Laws 2025, 14(4), 53; https://doi.org/10.3390/laws14040053 - 31 Jul 2025
Viewed by 1776
Abstract
Justice Joseph Story’s Commentaries on the Constitution of the United States (1833) have long been regarded as the scholarly source for a nationalist account of the U.S. Constitution in Antebellum America. Yet recent scholarship has questioned whether the Commentaries should be viewed exclusively [...] Read more.
Justice Joseph Story’s Commentaries on the Constitution of the United States (1833) have long been regarded as the scholarly source for a nationalist account of the U.S. Constitution in Antebellum America. Yet recent scholarship has questioned whether the Commentaries should be viewed exclusively as a work of legal scholarship. This article reinterprets Justice Story’s three-volume work as a project of civic education during a period of political and constitutional uncertainty. Written during the Nullification Crisis and in the wake of codification efforts, Justice Story presents his Commentaries for the use of the American public, providing them, and not exclusively lawyers and judges, with a source to support a popular conception of American constitutionalism. Story’s project of civic education is clearly shown by his personal efforts to abridge his Commentaries on three separate occasions to ensure the wide distribution of the work to Americans of different ages, groups, localities, and levels of education. As such, this article offers Justice Story as a guide to contemporary judges who seek to engage in civic education projects. Full article
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