A Comparative Assessment of Homeschooling Experiences, Practices, Support, and Arithmetical Attainments in Greece and the UK

Abstract

This preliminary study aims to compare homeschooling in Greece and the UK in terms of experiences, arithmetical attainments, parental motivations, implementation practices, and support structures. For this purpose, we employed a multiple case study design, enrolling a total of five Greek and fifteen British homeschooling families. Results suggested that the Greek parents primarily chose homeschooling in response to their child’s severe and complex medical needs and reported limited access to support systems. British parents provided more varied motivations, higher engagement with educational resources, and stronger integration into informal support networks. The sample of UK children demonstrated higher arithmetical attainment than the Greek sample. Cultural, structural, and regulatory factors appear to shape homeschooling experiences differently across the Greek and UK educational systems. Differences also emerged in terms of daily routines, access to support, and parental confidence. Results are discussed in relation to educational provision and policy development.

1. Introduction

Even though homeschooling, as a parent-led, home-based form of education, was historically the norm, it has nearly become extinct in recent times. After the 1990s, homeschooling began to grow in the United States, with numbers nearly doubling worldwide during COVID-19 (Ray, 2020). In the UK, recent trends show a significant increase in parents’ preference for educating their children at home. Specifically, in 2024, local UK authorities reported that 111,700 children were receiving home education, demonstrating an increase from 92,000 in the previous autumn term (Department for Education, 2024). Even though official data on homeschooled children are not published in Greece, recent data from the Ministry of Education indicate that, for 2023–2024, 158 of 247 applications were approved (Vougias, 2023). This number exceeds the number of applications previously submitted and accepted, according to Vougias (2023).

Given the increase in the number of children receiving home-based education over the past two decades, especially since COVID-19, it is not surprising that homeschooling is transforming. The traditional understanding of homeschooling, as parents providing education exclusively at home, applies to fewer than one-quarter of homeschooled children (Hamlin & Peterson, 2022). In our days, home education included private tutors, online classes, attendance in extracurricular activities, hybrid homeschooling, etc. (Hamlin, 2024). As Hamlin (2024) explains, contemporary homeschooling requires a new generation of research.

This study addresses the need for new research on homeschooling by exploring the experiences of children with disabilities or special educational needs in Greece and the UK. Conducting a preliminary comparative analysis on parental motivations, implementation practices, and support structures across the UK and Greece, this study highlights the impact of cultural, structural, and support factors on homeschooling efficacy and outcomes, demonstrating the need for context-sensitive policy and practice development. It also focuses on arithmetical attainment, demonstrating how homeschooling could lead to differences in it based on divergent educational ecosystems.

The paradigms of Greece and the UK were selected because they represent contrasting homeschooling contexts. In the UK, home education is an established parental choice characterized by comparatively high levels of autonomy and flexibility. In contrast, in Greece, it is generally permitted only under exceptional circumstances, particularly in cases involving severe health conditions or special educational needs. It remains closely connected to the formal education system. Comparing these contexts provides an opportunity to examine how different legal, regulatory, and support frameworks may shape parental motivations, practices, access to resources, and homeschooling experiences. It may also generate context-sensitive insights that can inform the ongoing dialogue on educational transformation in Greece, particularly regarding flexibility, parental choice, individualized provision, and support for children with complex needs.

1.1. Understanding Homeschooling: A Greater Educational Perspective

There is no single accepted definition of homeschooling, though home education and homeschooling are often used interchangeably. Homeschooling has been described as an alternative form of compulsory education in which parents are solely responsible for their children’s education at home (Ray & Hoelzle, 2026). Murphy (2014) has defined homeschooling as parent-directed education outside mainstream education, explaining that “homeschooling refers to education that is directed and managed by parents in the home, outside the structures of formal schooling” (Murphy, 2014, p. 15). Hanna (2012, p. 2) has described homeschooling as flexible, individualized instruction in which “parents replace traditional teachers and oversee the curriculum, instruction, and assessment of their children’s learning”.

The article adopts a broad understanding of homeschooling as “the process by which parents or guardians plan, deliver, and evaluate learning for their children primarily in the home environment instead of enrolling them in institutional schools.” (Ray, 2017, p. 605). Opting for homeschooling is perceived as a ‘human right,’ and any attempt to obstruct parents from exercising this right should be challenged (Stevens, 2001). This right is based on the fact that homeschooling does not harm children and supports the child’s independent right to education. At the same time, parents (and guardians) have the foundational right to choose their child’s education (Monk, 2003). Finally, children could be effectively homeschooled when the parents are highly committed and have an age-appropriate understanding of the children’s skills and knowledge, as well as their social, educational, and developmental needs (Shohel et al., 2020).

1.2. Parental Motivations and Homeschooling Achievements

The motivations to deliver home-based education are manifold. Dissatisfaction with the mainstream education system is one of them. As Smith and Nelson (2015) report, parents could be unhappy with the teaching quality and practices related to large classes, while, according to Foster and Danechi (2019), some parents characterize the curriculum as narrow and prescriptive, following traditional teaching methods that do not respond to the social and cognitive development of the children.

Putting assessment and testing at the center of school education is another reason parents may choose homeschooling. Research has shown that testing carries a negative connotation because it highlights gaps in children’s knowledge (Ellyatt, 2013). It has also linked tests and assessments with normalization that aims to produce conformity (Ellyatt, 2013). Growing concerns about the emotional and social well-being of children in school settings have also been linked to homeschooling. Bullying, peer pressure for conformity, negative social influences, and fears of expressing a true self have been reported as reasons that children refuse to go to school and/or that parents select homeschooling (De Carvalho & Skipper, 2019).

Other motivations for selecting homeschooling include: inappropriate provision for children with additional needs (learning and health needs, gifted children, etc.) (Foster & Danechi, 2019); differences in values and principles between those of the school system and those of parents (Morton, 2010); differences in religious beliefs and practices (Shohel et al., 2020), dissatisfaction with the teaching mandates (Pietersma, 2025) and technological advancements that have made homeschooling more accessible and convenient, and have increased the resources available (Zhang & Gibson, 2024).

Beyond the reported parental motivations, research has also documented the benefits of homeschooling. It has been reported that, on standardized academic achievement tests, homeschooled children show improved scores of 15–20 percentile points (Ray, 2015, 2017; Ray & Hoelzle, 2026). Moreover, homeschooled children could achieve higher scores on average achievement tests (Pietersma, 2025; Ray, 2017; Ray et al., 2026), while, in particular, Black students have scored 23 to 42 percentile points higher than their Black peers in mainstream education (Ray, 2015).

Beyond academic achievements, homeschooling also supports social, emotional, and psychological achievement. Typically, homeschool students engage in social and educational activities beyond the home (e.g., attending field trips, clubs, and extracurricular activities), enriching their educational experience (De Carvalho & Skipper, 2019). When measuring development in interaction, identity, and self-esteem; participation in group and society services; family cohesion; and leadership skills, research indicates that homeschooled children score satisfactorily, often exceeding average scores (Medlin, 2013). Also, homeschooled children tend to develop academic self-esteem, strong thinking skills, and creativity (Medlin, 2026). Finally, Ray and Shakeel’s (2022) research suggests that home-educated children may be exposed to less emotional and physical abuse and neglect (Ray, 2025).

Even though parents’ motivations for homeschooling and related achievement have been well explored, differences between Greek and UK motivations and achievements remain underexplored. This research fills this gap by exploring the differences between Greece and the UK in factors related to school attendance (school-related, child-related, and parent-related factors) and in the reasons for choosing homeschooling (philosophical motivations and the child’s needs) that may influence parents’ decisions to homeschool their children (Question 1).

1.3. Homeschooling in Greece and the UK: Legal Context, Regulatory Challenges, and Governmental Support

Commonly, there are three interrelated domains of legislation regarding homeschooling: legality, practice, and regulation (Bhopal & Myers, 2018; Dwyer & Peters, 2019). In the UK, homeschooling is a legal choice (Department for Education, 2024). In contrast, in Greece, it is permitted only in exceptional cases, such as severe health issues, disabilities, or special educational needs (OECD, 2026). In the UK, parents are not obliged to follow the national curriculum or a teaching approach (in terms of hours and content) that is compatible with the national one (Bhopal & Myers, 2018), while in Greece, parents should provide homeschool education that mirrors the national-approved curriculum (Rousoulioti et al., 2022). Similarly, the UK applies minimal regulation of homeschooling, with local authorities responsible for monitoring it, allowing a more flexible and individualized approach to home learning (Foster & Danechi, 2019). In contrast, in Greece, formal approval, monitoring, and documentation processes govern teaching practices and content (Dimopoulos et al., 2021). It is therefore apparent that British parents have the right to teach their children at home (Charles-Warner, 2015) with the appropriate autonomy and flexibility to do so (Zhang & Gibson, 2024). In Greece, homeschooling is treated as an exemption from mainstream schooling, approved under specific circumstances and with specified conditions and requirements (Kougia et al., 2025; Vlachou-Balafouti & Zoniou-Sideris, 2016).

Beyond the official numbers reported in the 2024 census (Department for Education, 2024), it is estimated that not all home-educated children are registered with local authorities in the UK, and that up to 180,000 children are currently homeschooled (Educational Freedom, 2023). This number is not comparable to the 158 homeschooled children in Greece, where homeschooling is not a legal right but an exceptional option available only in special circumstances.

Given that, in the UK, it is a parental choice to educate a child at home, parents have full responsibility for funding and organizing their child’s education (Foster & Danechi, 2019). However, local authorities are expected, but not required, to provide information, advice, and guidance regarding teaching perspectives and context if the parents request it. Initiating networking opportunities and recommendations through local groups, exam centers, resource hubs, and similar channels is also common practice (Zhang & Gibson, 2024).

On the other hand, in Greece, parents receive funding to support the homeschooling of a child with specific health conditions, disabilities, or special education needs (Dimopoulos et al., 2021). Funding varies depending on each child’s needs. Local schools and regional services (KEDASY) organize and supervise homeschooling to ensure it follows the national curriculum. The state may appoint teachers to provide home instruction and additional specialist support (Rousoulioti et al., 2022).

Considering the main differences between the UK and Greek contexts regarding the approval, regulation, and provisions for homeschooled children, this study aims to explore these differences in depth to offer unique insights that will inform policy development and the development of teaching practice in both countries. In particular, this research will explore whether there are differences in meeting government requirements for home-schooling, receiving government support, and feelings about home-schooling between homeschooled children in Greece and the UK (Question 2). This study will also explore whether there are differences in the implementation of home schooling, daily practice, and use of support between homeschooled children in Greece and the UK (Question 3).

1.4. Arithmetical Attainment in Homeschooled Children with Disabilities

Research has demonstrated that homeschoolers performed better than children in mainstream education on standardized tests (Ray, 2017; Ray & Hoelzle, 2026). According to the National Home Education Research Institute (NHERI) (as cited in Qaqish, 2007), homeschooled children have scored higher than children in mainstream education across all areas of standardized tests. In 2007, children in mainstream schools scored 50 points in Maths, while homeschooled children scored at the 73rd percentile (The National Home Education Research Institute, as cited by Qaqish, 2007). This agrees with other studies suggesting that, on standardized academic achievement tests, home-educated children have scored higher than non-home-educated children (Ray, 2015) and have performed better on average achievement tests (Pietersma, 2025).

However, the lack of data regarding homeschool children must be acknowledged. This refers not only to the number of children being homeschooled in some countries, such as Greece, but also to their academic performance. Only a few countries require homeschooled children to be tested, while in other countries, their scores are not reported in an organized manner (Wixom, 2015). Therefore, it is not surprising that the result regarding the higher academic achievement of homeschooled children could be inconclusive. Although some studies have reported comparatively lower arithmetical attainments in particular samples, these findings do not establish that homeschooling itself weakens children’s arithmetical capacities. Recent critical analysis has also questioned whether the studies commonly cited in support of this conclusion provide sufficient evidence of a general negative effect of homeschooling on arithmetical performance (Ray et al., 2026). Differences across studies in sampling, educational arrangements, assessment methods, and comparison groups further limit the extent to which broad conclusions can be drawn.

When it comes to exploring the arithmetical attainment in homeschooled children with disabilities, the data is even more scarce. Research on arithmetic ability among students with disabilities or special educational needs has generally shown that these children are at increased risk of performing poorly compared with other children. Similarly, these students need more frequent, high-quality support in inclusive contexts to alleviate the difficulties they experience with arithmetic (Schnepel et al., 2024). However, to our knowledge, no research has specifically examined the arithmetic attainment of homeschooled children with special educational needs. This study will fill in this gap by asking a fourth question, which aims to gain insights into differences in terms of arithmetical attainment between homeschooled children in Greece and the UK (Question 4).

2. Method

This study employed a multiple-case research design. In a multiple-case design, several bounded cases are examined individually and comparatively to identify recurring patterns, similarities, and differences across contexts. In the present study, each participating family was treated as an individual case, bounded by the parent’s responses concerning his/her homeschooled child. The design was selected because it enabled the researchers to examine the distinct experiences, motivations, practices, support arrangements, and arithmetical attainment associated with each family, while also allowing systematic comparisons between the Greek and UK contexts. The analysis involved reviewing the data for each family and subsequently conducting a cross-case comparison within and between the two national samples in relation to the four research questions.

2.1. Sample of Parent Participants from Greece

The Greek parents who participated in the study came from various urban regions, including Crete, the South Aegean, and Attica. All children being homeschooled had a formal diagnosis of a disability. Their ages ranged from 6 to 16 years. Three children had always been homeschooled, whereas two had previously attended mainstream schools. Homeschooling began in the previous year or two, prior to the study. In terms of gender, three of the homeschooled children were girls, and two were boys. Professionals had identified none as gifted and/or talented. Furthermore, none of the children’s siblings had a formally diagnosed disability. None of the families had another child aged 0–4 years. Three families had two children aged 5–17 years, while the remaining two families had one child in that age group. Regarding school attendance history, two children had previously attended mainstream schools. One attended a mainstream school for one year, and the other one for eight years across elementary and middle school. The remaining three children had never attended school before homeschooling.

Each family had only one child being homeschooled. Additionally, none of the parents had been homeschooled themselves as children. Most parents (three mothers and two fathers) reported a religious affiliation, accounting for four of five families. Regarding parental educational background, three parents had completed secondary education, while two held postgraduate degrees. Three families received government funding for their children’s homeschooling, while two families did not. A detailed description of the sample is provided in Supplementary Section S1.

2.2. Sample of Parent Participants in the UK

All participating parents resided in urban areas of London, including North East London, Greater London, and South West London. Their ages ranged from 7 to 15 years. In terms of gender, the homeschooled children included both boys and girls, with a slight predominance of boys. None of the children had been formally identified as gifted and/or talented. While several children had siblings with diagnosed disabilities, this was not the case for all families. Most of the homeschooled children had previously attended school, primarily in mainstream settings, with only a few having attended special schools or never enrolled in formal schooling.

Most families had one or two children aged 5–17 years, while a few also had children aged 0–4 years. Each family had at least one homeschooled child, with several families homeschooling more than one child. Two parents reported having been homeschooled themselves during childhood. The majority of parents (12 out of 15) reported no religious affiliation. Regarding educational attainment, most held undergraduate degrees, while a smaller group had postgraduate qualifications. In most cases, children were selected for homeschooling due to a formally diagnosed disability or additional learning needs. The age at which children began homeschooling ranged from 5 to 8 years. While some children had always been homeschooled, the majority transitioned from mainstream schools or educational support centers. Many families reported receiving government funding to support homeschooling. For a detailed description of the sample, please see Supplementary Section S1.

3. Measures

3.1. Parent Perceptions of Home-Schooling Questionnaire (Forlin et al., 2025)

The Parent Perceptions of Home-Schooling Questionnaire consists of 21 closed-ended demographic items assessing demographic characteristics and background information for the parent/guardian and the child. The questionnaire includes subscales that assess attending school (school factors, child factors, parent factors), reasons for home-schooling (philosophical factors and needs of the child that have an impact on parents’ decision to home-school their child), implementation of home-schooling, daily practice, use of support, satisfying the government requirements for home-schooling, receiving support from the government, and feelings about home-schooling. Almost all items (close-ended statements) are rated on a 5-point Likert-type scale ranging from 0 = Not Applicable to me/Not at all to 4 = A lot.

3.2. Academic Attainments Checklist—Arithmetic (Sloper et al., 1990)

The Academic Attainments Checklist—Arithmetic consists of 21 closed-ended items assessing arithmetical attainments, such as “Writes the numerical symbols from 0 to 9” or “Adds numbers up to 10 using materials (e.g., objects, illustrations)”. All items (close-ended statements) are rated on a 3-point Likert-type scale ranging from 1 = Cannot to 3 = Can. Previous use of the arithmetic subscale with children with intellectual disabilities in Greece showed a statistically significant association with the directly administered Utrecht Early Numeracy Test, providing evidence of convergent validity (Charitaki, 2016; Charitaki et al., 2014b). In addition, reliability analysis of item-level data from the same Greek sample indicated good internal consistency for the arithmetic subscale (Cronbach’s α = 0.846).

3.3. Procedure

Greek participants were recruited through invitations to schools. A link was provided to the school principals, requesting that they forward it to parents whose children were homeschooled during the 2023–2024 school year. In the UK, participants were recruited through local authorities that were asked to forward the survey to parents who homeschool their children. All the relevant study information was shared with the participants prior to conducting the study. Any questions the participants had regarding the study’s aim and data handling were discussed prior to data collection. Participants had the right to withdraw at any point during the study, and the anonymity of parents and children was maintained. The data was securely stored on password-protected laptops, and only the two main researchers had access to it.

4. Results

4.1. Differences Between Greece and the UK in Terms of Attending School and Reasons for Home-Schooling [RQ1]

4.1.1. Child-Related Factors

Only one of the five Greek parents reported that bullying at school, distress during school attendance, school refusal, difficulties with peers, and behavioral difficulties at home, such as temper tantrums, isolation, stimming, or bedwetting, were relevant to the decision to homeschool. All five Greek parents responded “Not applicable to me/Not at all” for conflict with school staff and leaving school without permission. While in the UK sample, child-related school factors were widely reported as relevant to parents’ decisions to homeschool. 73.3% of parents reported that bullying at school, children’s school refusal, and behavioral difficulties at home, including temper tantrums, isolation, stimming, or bedwetting, influenced “very much” their decision. Furthermore, 66.7% of parents reported that their child became very upset during school attendance. Regularly leaving school without permission was the most strongly endorsed factor, with 13 parents (86.7%) reporting that it influenced their decision “very much”. Difficulties with school staff were also relevant, although responses were more varied, with eight parents (53.3%) selected “very much”, three (20.0%) selected “quite”, and the remaining parents reported lower levels of influence or that the factor was not applicable. Difficulties with peers showed the greatest variation, with seven parents (46.7%) selecting “very much” and four (26.7%) selecting “not applicable to me/not at all”. Insufficient academic progress (66.7%) and the child’s wish to be homeschooled (60.0%) also influenced their decision “very much” (Supplementary Section S2).

4.1.2. Parent-Related Factors

In total, 80% of Greek parents reported that stress related to school attendance and the negative impact of their children’s school difficulties on family life and personal relationships were irrelevant to their decision to homeschool their children. Only 40% of the parents reported that the lack of involvement in school decision-making was relevant to their decision. Parent-related factors were widely reported as relevant to the British parents’ decision to homeschool. Most parents indicated that lack of involvement in school decision-making, stress associated with making their child attend school, and the negative impact of school difficulties on family life and personal relationships influenced their decision to a considerable or very great extent. In total, 86.7% of British parents chose to homeschool another child (Supplementary Section S2).

4.1.3. Philosophical Factors

In the Greek sample, philosophical factors were not reported as relevant to Greek parents’ decision to homeschool. All parents reported “Not applicable to me/Not at all” for previous personal homeschooling experience, dissatisfaction with mainstream schools, religious or ideological reasons, greater parental involvement, spending more time with their child, travel, negative personal school experiences, and a desire for greater freedom and flexibility. Also, 80% of parents reported “Not applicable to me/Not at all” for cost, family lifestyle, the absence of a suitable nearby school, and allowing the child to learn in an individualized way.

British parents reported some philosophical factors as relevant. Factors such as being homeschooled themselves, traveling, religious reasons, and a longstanding intention to homeschool were either not applicable or had little relevance to their decision. While cost, dissatisfaction with mainstream schools, family lifestyle, ideological reasons, negative personal school experiences, and the desire for greater freedom and flexibility were generally reported as having limited to moderate relevance. In total, 60.0% of parents reported greater parental involvement as the most prominent philosophical factor, with nine of the fifteen indicating that it was relevant to their decision. More than half of the parents (53.3%) reported that allowing their child to learn in their own style and develop naturally was relevant to their decision (Supplementary Section S3).

4.1.4. Child Needs

Medical needs, including frequent hospitalization, degenerative disability, seizures, and constant medical supervision, were reported by the majority of parents as relevant. One-on-one support, a different pace of learning, accessible curricula, and alternative forms of assessment were also identified as relevant by several parents. All parents reported “Not applicable to me/Not at all” for the need to be constantly moving and involvement in drug or alcohol abuse. At the same time, most gave the same response for depression, difficulty in controlling emotions, a non-academic focus, and a life-skills curriculum. In the British sample, severe medical needs, degenerative disability, multiple seizures, depression, and monitoring for an eating disorder were the least relevant factors. One-to-one support was more frequently identified as relevant, since 33.3% of parents reported that it was related to their decision “very much”. Attention issues (46.7%), anxiety (73.3%), and the need for a different pace of learning (60%) were also relevant to their decision.

4.2. Differences Between Greece and the UK in Terms of Government Requirements, Receiving Support from the Government, and Feelings About Home-Schooling [RQ2]

Regarding the second research question, results indicated that differences in terms of satisfying the government requirements for homeschooling, receiving support from the government, and feelings about homeschooling were relevant between Greece and the UK.

4.2.1. Satisfying Government Requirements for Homeschooling

Almost half of the Greek parents (40.0%) reported that accessing information and registering a child was not easy. Understanding government requirements was also challenging, as 60% of parents rated this as only “somehow easy”. In contrast, ongoing educational requirements appeared easier to manage, with all five parents rated as “quite easy” in understanding their child’s current level of working. At the same time, four (80.0%) gave the same response for measuring and reporting progress.

British parents reported varied experiences in satisfying government requirements for homeschooling. In total, 73.3% of parents reported that accessing information and registering a child were generally easy, and 80.0% gave the same rating for the registration procedure. 60.0% of parents reported that preparing for moderation meetings was somewhat easy. More than half of the parents (53.3%) reported that providing an acceptable learning environment was not easy. Understanding government requirements, meeting administrative requirements, and measuring, reporting, and presenting evidence of progress were also among the most challenging tasks (Supplementary Section S4).

4.2.2. Receiving Support from the Government

Four of the five parents reported that the moderator’s role did not apply to them. Three parents were somewhat satisfied, and two were quite satisfied, with general support, frequency of contact, meetings, and encouragement. Support with curriculum development, availability throughout the year, and information on education legislation also received mainly moderate-to-high satisfaction ratings. In total, 80.0% of British parents reported satisfaction with the moderator’s role, and the same proportion reported being at least quite satisfied with the encouragement, the availability of support throughout the year, and information about education legislation. Contact and meeting frequency received less favorable responses, with 40.0% of parents reporting that contact was not applicable, while the remainder were not satisfied with the frequency of the moderator’s meetings (Supplementary Section S5).

4.2.3. Feelings About Homeschooling

Four of the five Greek parents perceived their child’s experience as at least “somehow positive”. In contrast, all parents rated the attitudes of the wider family and the child’s level of social interaction as “somehow positive” or higher. Parents’ own feelings about homeschooling were less positive, since three of the five parents reported “Not applicable” and only two had a positive experience. Confidence in meeting the child’s needs and in homeschooling also varied as the child grew older. Most notably, four parents reported “Not applicable” when asked whether they would continue homeschooling.

British parents reported generally positive perceptions of their child’s homeschooling experience and social interaction, but less confidence in their own experience and in sustaining homeschooling over time. In total, 53.3% of parents believed their child felt very positive about homeschooling, and 66.7% reported positive social interactions for their child. In total, 66.7% of parents described a positive homeschooling experience, and 80.0% gave the same rating for their ability to meet their children’s needs. Views about continuing homeschooling were more mixed, with responses distributed across all categories, while 66.7% of parents felt positive about their ability to homeschool as the child grew older (Supplementary Section S6).

4.3. Differences Between Greece and the UK in Terms of Implementation of Home-Schooling, Daily Practice, and Use of Support Between Homeschooled Children [RQ3]

4.3.1. Implementation of Homeschooling

The Greek sample showed limited weekly engagement across most homeschooling activities. In total, 40.0% of the children spent more than three hours per week on structured formal work, while the remaining children spent one or two hours per week. Unstructured work, outdoor activities, excursions, computer use, online resources, peer interactions, and community activities were generally reported for no more than 2 h per week. None of the children participated in group instruction, and four of the five had no reported peer interactions or playdates. At the same time, children in the UK sample spent more than three hours per week on structured formal work, unstructured informal work, and outdoor activities. Computer-based learning and the use of online curricula or resources were also prominent, since 60.0% of children spent more than three hours per week on each. Participation in group instruction and peer interaction was more varied, since more than half of the children (53.3%) did not participate in group instruction, and almost half (46.7%) had no reported peer interaction or play dates. Excursions and community activities were generally undertaken for one to three hours per week (Supplementary Section S7).

4.3.2. Daily Practice

Greek parents reported varied daily homeschooling practices. Three of the five parents reported spending quite a lot of time preparing for homeschooling, while two reported little or no time. The structure of the homeschooling day also varied, with two parents reporting that their day was somewhat structured, two quite structured, and one very much structured. Three parents reported that they followed the government curriculum quite closely. Involvement in homeschooling groups was also relevant, since three parents reported being involved quite or very much. Four parents reported at least some use of external courses. Researching and gathering curriculum resources showed more variation, while all five parents reported “Not applicable to me” regarding the time spent directly working with their child.

British parents reported more structured daily homeschooling practices. Most parents reported spending quite a long time preparing for homeschooling, while more than half described their homeschooling day as quite or very structured. Most parents also reported following the government curriculum quite or very much. Involvement in homeschooling groups was more varied: 40.0% reported “Not applicable to me,” while the remaining parents reported varying levels of involvement. All parents reported access to external courses. More than half of the parents reported spending quite or very much time directly working with their child. Researching and gathering curriculum resources were also among the most common daily practices (Supplementary Section S8).

4.3.3. Use of Support

Greek parents reported limited use of most support sources. Four of the five parents selected “Not applicable to me/Not at all” for support from extended family, friends, libraries, home-education websites, and online classes. National- or state-based homeschooling organizations and specific-needs homeschooling groups were used more frequently, as three parents reported at least some use of each. Support from specialists and museums also showed some relevance for a smaller number of families.

British parents reported varied use of homeschooling support sources. National- or state-based homeschooling organizations, general online resources, and home-education websites were among the most frequently used sources, with 80.0% of parents reporting at least some use of national organizations and 93.3% using general online resources to some extent. Specialist support was also prominent for more than half of the children. In contrast, libraries (80.0%) and specific-needs homeschooling groups (53.3%) were less frequently used and reported as “Not applicable to me/Not at all” (Supplementary Section S9).

4.4. Differences Between Greece and the UK in Terms of Arithmetical Attainments [RQ4]

Regarding the fourth research question, the results indicated differences in arithmetical attainment between homeschooled children in Greece and the UK. The arithmetical attainment scores of children varied notably between the Greek and British samples. More specifically, in the Greek sample, children’s scores on the arithmetical attainment checklist were generally low to moderate. Out of the five children, three scored near the minimum (21, 22, and 25), indicating limited arithmetic skills. Only one child achieved a moderate score of 54, and only one child maximized the score (63). In contrast, the British sample demonstrated consistently high arithmetical attainment. Among the 15 children assessed, 12 achieved the maximum score of 63, with the remaining three scoring 62, 61, and 57.

5. Discussion

5.1. Differences in School Attendance Factors and Reasons for Homeschooling

In accordance with most studies that examine parental motivations for homeschooling (Bhopal & Myers, 2018; Hamlin & Peterson, 2022), the findings of this study have also demonstrated differences in how school-related difficulties have affected parents’ decisions to pursue homeschooling. In the Greek sample, only a small number of parents reported school-related difficulties. In contrast, British parents more frequently identified bullying, school refusal, distress during school attendance, behavioral difficulties, insufficient academic progress, and difficulties with school staff as relevant to their decision. These results suggest that school-related experiences played a more prominent role in the decisions of the UK families included in the study.

The results also showed differences in parent-related factors. Most Greek parents reported that stress associated with school attendance and the negative impact of school difficulties on family life were not relevant to their decision. British parents, however, more frequently reported that school-related stress, limited involvement in school decision-making, and the effects of their child’s difficulties on family and personal relationships influenced their decision to homeschool. Previous studies have mainly focused on children’s negative school experiences, including bullying, school-related distress, and dissatisfaction with mainstream provision (De Carvalho & Skipper, 2019; Ellyatt, 2013; Zhang & Gibson, 2024). The present results suggest that such experiences may also affect parents and the wider family system, shaping attitudes towards schooling and future educational choices.

Dissatisfaction with the quality of mainstream education was more relevant among British parents than Greek parents. Existing research has similarly identified concerns about teaching quality, large classes, and restrictive curricula as important motivations for homeschooling (Foster & Danechi, 2019; Smith & Nelson, 2015). Although British parents in the present sample had generally higher formal educational qualifications than Greek parents, the study did not directly examine whether educational level influenced dissatisfaction with mainstream schooling. Any relationship between parental education and the decision to homeschool should therefore be treated as a possible interpretation rather than as a demonstrated result.

Philosophical motivations were also more relevant in the UK sample. Greek parents generally reported that dissatisfaction with mainstream education, religious or ideological reasons, greater parental involvement, family lifestyle, and a desire for freedom and flexibility were not central to their decision. In contrast, British parents reported a broader range of motivations, including greater parental involvement, dissatisfaction with mainstream provision, flexibility, and the opportunity for their children to learn in an individualized way. This pattern is consistent with research highlighting flexibility as an important consideration among families who support homeschooling (Kostelecká et al., 2026).

The contrast may be related to differences between the legal and educational contexts of the two countries. In the UK, parents are not required to follow the national curriculum and have greater autonomy in organizing and delivering home education (Bhopal & Myers, 2018; Foster & Danechi, 2019). In Greece, home education remains closely connected to the national curriculum and is subject to formal approval, monitoring, and documentation procedures (Dimopoulos et al., 2021; Rousoulioti et al., 2022). These contextual differences may help explain why British parents reported a broader range of philosophical and educational motivations. In contrast, Greek parents primarily described homeschooling as a response to their child’s practical, medical, and educational needs.

The results concerning children’s needs further illustrate this contrast. Greek parents placed greater emphasis on severe and complex medical, functional, and educational needs, including hospitalization, seizures, medical supervision, accessible curricula, alternative forms of assessment, and a different pace of learning. This pattern is consistent with the Greek framework, under which home education is generally approved only in exceptional cases involving severe health conditions, disabilities, or special educational needs (OECD, 2026). Greek families may therefore be expected to follow the national curriculum while simultaneously managing complex and overlapping needs, creating additional demands for parents and professionals (Dimopoulos et al., 2021; Vlachou-Balafouti & Zoniou-Sideris, 2016).

Although most UK children in the sample also had disabilities or additional learning needs, their parents placed less emphasis on severe medical needs and more emphasis on one-to-one support, anxiety, attention difficulties, and the need for a different learning pace. These results suggest that homeschooling may serve different functions across the two contexts. For the Greek participants, it appeared to operate primarily as a response to disability, severe health conditions, and complex educational needs. For the UK participants, it appeared to represent a broader educational choice shaped by school-related difficulties, dissatisfaction with provision, the child’s needs, and parental preferences.

The results also highlight the potential importance of flexible and responsive homeschooling frameworks. In highly regulated systems, flexibility may be particularly important for families who are expected to follow a prescribed curriculum while managing complex medical, developmental, and educational needs. The purpose of such flexibility would not necessarily be to increase the number of homeschooled children, but to enable families to adapt educational content, pace, assessment, and delivery to the child’s circumstances. Homeschooling frameworks that impose a narrow, prescriptive curriculum may therefore need to offer greater scope for individualization, particularly for children with severe health conditions or special educational needs.

5.2. Government Requirements, Government Support, and Feelings About Homeschooling

The results on government requirements showed that parents in both countries faced challenges, though these differed between the two contexts. Greek parents reported difficulties in accessing information, registering their child, and understanding government requirements. At the same time, they generally found it easier to understand their child’s current level of attainment and to measure and report progress. British parents reported that access to information and registration were generally manageable, whereas providing an acceptable learning environment and meeting some administrative, assessment, and reporting requirements were more challenging.

British parents’ difficulties in providing an acceptable learning environment may be associated with the greater autonomy and responsibility involved in organizing home education in the UK. Parents are responsible for arranging learning spaces, sourcing materials, structuring educational activities, and addressing their child’s individual educational needs (Charles-Warner, 2015). In Greece, schools and regional services, including KEDASY, may play a more direct role in organizing and supervising home education, while teachers may be appointed to provide instruction at home (Kougia et al., 2025). Autonomy may therefore provide British parents with greater flexibility, but it may also increase the practical, organizational, and financial demands placed on them.

Both samples reported some positive experiences of government-related support. Greek parents who received support reported moderate to high satisfaction with general support, encouragement, curriculum-related assistance, and information on education legislation. British parents also reported positive experiences concerning the moderator’s role, encouragement, availability of support, and information about legislation. However, some were less satisfied with the frequency of contact and moderation meetings.

A notable result was that positive evaluations of formal support did not necessarily correspond to positive feelings about homeschooling. Greek parents reported relatively positive perceptions of their child’s experience, wider family attitudes, and social interaction. However, they expressed less positive feelings about their own experience and lower confidence regarding the continuation of homeschooling. This suggests that regulatory and governmental support alone may not be sufficient to ensure that parents feel prepared and confident in meeting the responsibilities of home education.

Shohel et al. (2020) emphasized that effective home education requires parental commitment, an understanding of children’s developmental, social, and educational needs, and an ability to adapt teaching practices. The present results suggest that parental confidence may also depend on access to practical guidance, pedagogical support, and opportunities to develop relevant knowledge and skills. Targeted training, accessible information, and ongoing support may therefore improve parents’ experience and strengthen their ability to respond to their children’s needs.

UK families generally expressed greater optimism and broader acceptance of homeschooling, particularly in relation to children’s experiences and social interaction. Greek families expressed greater uncertainty and lower long-term confidence. This difference may reflect the relative maturity, visibility, and social recognition of homeschooling within each context. Home education is a more established parental choice in the UK, where official statistics record the number of children receiving elective home education (Department for Education, 2024). In Greece, official public records remain limited, and home education continues to operate mainly as an exceptional provision rather than as a broadly available parental choice (Vougias, 2023).

The two settings also differ in the extent to which homeschooling is understood as a parental right. In the wider homeschooling literature, home education has sometimes been discussed as part of parents’ right to choose the form of education for their children (Stevens, 2001). In Greece, however, homeschooling remains closely connected to exceptional eligibility conditions, formal approval, and the existing education system (Kougia et al., 2025). These differences may influence parental attitudes, confidence, and the degree to which homeschooling is perceived as a sustainable long-term educational arrangement.

The results therefore suggest that national legal and institutional contexts may shape how parents experience homeschooling and the extent to which they feel confident in continuing it. Nevertheless, this interpretation remains tentative because the study did not directly test the effects of national policy, social recognition, or regulation on parental confidence.

5.3. Implementation, Daily Practice, and Use of Support

The two samples differed in the implementation of homeschooling. Greek children generally spent limited amounts of time on structured work, informal learning, outdoor activities, excursions, computer-based learning, peer interaction, and community activities. None participated in group instruction, and most reported no peer interaction or playdates. UK children generally spent more time on structured and unstructured learning, outdoor activities, computer-based learning, and online resources. However, participation in group instruction and peer interaction varied considerably within the UK sample.

These results indicate that UK families were more likely to combine home-based education with digital resources, external provision, community activities, and other learning opportunities beyond the immediate home environment. This pattern is consistent with contemporary descriptions of homeschooling as a wider educational ecosystem that may include online learning, private tuition, external courses, extracurricular activities, groups, and informal networks rather than education being delivered exclusively by parents at home (Hamlin, 2024).

Daily practices also differed between the samples. Greek parents reported varied levels of preparation and structure. Most followed the government curriculum to a considerable extent, while their involvement in homeschooling groups and access to external courses varied. The responses from all five Greek parents who work directly with the child were “not applicable,” which warrants caution.

British parents generally reported higher levels of preparation, more structured daily routines, greater access to external courses, and more frequent research and gathering of curriculum resources. They also reported varied levels of direct work with their children and involvement in homeschooling groups. These differences may partly reflect the greater responsibility placed on British parents to organize and fund home education, as well as the broader availability of resources and networks (Charles-Warner, 2015; Shohel et al., 2020).

The use of support sources also differed between the two groups. Greek parents reported limited support from extended family, friends, libraries, online classes, and home-education websites. Some families used national organizations, specific-needs homeschooling groups, specialists, or museums, but the overall range of support was relatively narrow. British parents reported more extensive use of national homeschooling organizations, general online resources, home-education websites, external courses, and specialist support.

This contrast is notable because British parents are generally responsible for funding and organizing their children’s education, whereas local authorities are not necessarily required to provide extensive practical assistance (Foster & Danechi, 2019; Zhang & Gibson, 2024). Greek families may receive government funding and support from schools or regional services for organizing home education (Dimopoulos et al., 2021; Rousoulioti et al., 2022), but they reported lower engagement with informal, community-based, and online support networks.

The results suggest that formal government support and broader support networks should be considered separately. A family may receive institutional assistance while still having limited access to peer networks, online communities, specialist organizations, collaborative learning, and opportunities for social participation. Developing local groups, peer networks, accessible digital resources, links with specialists, and opportunities to work with schools or community services may therefore strengthen the support available to homeschooling families.

The contrast between the samples may reflect differences in legal recognition, infrastructure, social acceptance, and the development of homeschooling communities. However, because the samples were small and non-representative, these patterns should be understood as characteristics of the participating families rather than as evidence of general differences between Greece and the UK.

5.4. Arithmetical Attainments

The final research question examined differences in reported arithmetical attainment. Part of the research on homeschooling has focused on academic achievement. Some studies report that homeschooled children have performed higher on average on achievement tests (Pietersma, 2025) and in all areas (language and arithmetic) on standardized tests compared to their peers in mainstream education (NHERI, as cited by Qaqish, 2007). Greek children scored in the low-to-moderate range on the arithmetic attainment checklist, whereas British children demonstrated consistently high arithmetical attainment. In the case of Greece, this finding is in line with previous studies reporting low early numeracy attainment among young non-homeschooled children with Intellectual Disabilities (Charitaki et al., 2014a, 2014b, 2025). Since in both countries, the vast majority of homeschooled children were diagnosed with disabilities, these differences in arithmetical attainment may be associated with differences in the implementation of homeschooling and the support available to parents across the two educational systems.

6. Conclusions

Greek and British parents reported different parental reasons for this choice: implementation processes and practices, support available, the impact on the child and the family, and the child’s arithmetical attainments. These differences may be attributed to variations in educational policy, school inclusion practices, and support systems across the two national contexts.

7. Implications for Educational Transformation

The need for improved support systems and educational resources is clearly stated, particularly in Greece, to ensure equitable learning opportunities for all homeschooled children. Another aspect is the introduction of more flexible homeschool approaches, which are less regulated and monitored in order to meet the specific educational needs of the children. At the same time, more flexible approaches should acknowledge the challenges that parents face, particularly when teaching children with severe health conditions, disabilities, or special educational needs.

However, this flexibility should be accompanied by structured guidance and shared responsibility between parents and educational authorities, so the parents feel supported and increase their confidence in delivering homeschool education. This should not be interpreted as suggesting that regulatory or governmental involvement is necessary for effective homeschooling. Rather, educational authorities may make information, resources, and specialist support available on an optional basis for families to access freely according to their individual needs and preferences. Targeted training, accessible guidance, and ongoing pedagogical support are also important for improving parents’ positive homeschooling experience and their children’s educational outcomes.

A positive homeschooling experience for both parents and children also requires a balanced and supportive learning environment across academic, developmental, and social dimensions. Irrespective of the national context, clear guidance, access to structured resources, training opportunities, and opportunities to work together with schools and local networks, while building a sense of community through peer networks and online learning communities, could offer a collective environment that enhances the educational journey.

8. Limitations

The results concerning arithmetical attainment should be interpreted cautiously. The Greek and UK samples were small, unequal in size, and not intended to be representative of the wider populations of homeschooled children in either country. Additionally, the two groups differed in several characteristics, including age, disability profile, educational history, and support needs, which may have influenced the observed patterns. Parents completed the arithmetic checklist, thereby reflecting parent-reported attainment rather than performance measured through direct standardized assessment.

Accordingly, the results should be understood as preliminary and exploratory evidence from the participating cases rather than as definitive estimates of national differences. The arithmetical attainment results should be interpreted in light of the different eligibility frameworks governing home education in the two countries. In Greece, home education is generally approved only in exceptional cases involving severe health conditions or disabilities/special educational needs. Consequently, the Greek sample included children with more complex and intensive educational needs than the UK sample. This structural difference limits direct comparison between the two groups and means that the observed score patterns cannot be attributed solely to homeschooling practices or to national educational systems. Nevertheless, as the first study in Greece to explore homeschooling experiences alongside arithmetical attainment, it offers preliminary evidence that may inform future research with larger, more closely matched samples.