Skip to Content
Education SciencesEducation Sciences
  • Essay
  • Open Access

10 June 2026

17 Pages

Learning as Mediated Desire: René Girard and the Anthropological Foundations of Educational Theory

Institute of Educational Research, School of Education, University of Wuppertal, 42119 Wuppertal, Germany

Abstract

Despite a century of learning research, why human beings desire to learn remains theoretically unresolved. Behaviorist, cognitivist, and constructivist paradigms explain the mechanisms of learning but presuppose rather than account for its motivational genesis—a gap this paper terms motivational minimalism. Drawing on René Girard’s mimetic anthropology, this paper develops Mimetic Learning Theory (MLT), grounded in philosophical anthropology (Plessner, Gehlen), hermeneutics (Rosa, Gadamer), and normative theory (Biesta, Honneth, Arendt). MLT reconceives learning as the reflective transformation of mediated desire. Humans do not merely copy actions but appropriate the desires of models who render knowledge, identity, and recognition worth striving for. Eight dominant learning paradigms are reread as partial articulations of this mimetic dynamic. Two novel constructs are introduced: mimetic load (the affective–cognitive tension from competing models of desire, complementing cognitive load theory) and zones of desire (a reformulation of Vygotsky’s zone of proximal development). MLT does not displace existing frameworks but re-grounds them in a shared anthropological logic—that learning begins not in the mind, but in the field of mediated desire.

1. The Search for a Unifying Theory of Learning

Every school is, before it is anything else, an economy of desire—and this economy is broken. Students do not fail to learn because they lack ability or because instruction is poorly designed. They fail, arguably, because the desires that animate learning—the sense that knowledge is worth having, that understanding is worth pursuing, that becoming educated is a meaningful project—have never been kindled in the first place, or have been extinguished by the very institutions charged with sustaining them. This is not a pedagogical failure. It is an anthropological one.
Few concepts in the human sciences appear as intuitively simple yet theoretically fragmented as learning. Across a century of educational thought, researchers have developed what van Merriënboer and de Bruin (2013, p. 22) call “an infinite universe of instructional theories,” each emphasizing a distinct factor: insight in Gestalt psychology, reinforcement in behaviorism, developmental stages in Piagetian theory, social interaction in cultural–historical theory, active processing in information-processing approaches, the limits of working memory in cognitive load theory, and the social construction of meaning in constructivism. Despite their differences, these paradigms share a structural limitation: where they address why human beings desire to learn at all, they tend to naturalize the answer rather than render it educationally tractable. Cognitivist and developmental accounts, for instance, frequently locate the impulse to learn in evolved dispositions or maturational unfolding (Piaget, 1952; Tomasello, 1999), and behaviorist accounts in reinforcement histories (Skinner, 1938). Such explanations are not wrong, but they treat the desire to learn as a given to be presupposed rather than as something socially formed, unequally distributed, and open to cultivation. What remains undertheorized is precisely the dimension educators can act upon: why certain forms of knowledge, skills, or identities become worth striving for within a given social world. This paper names that gap, identifies its source, and proposes a theoretical framework capable of addressing it.
The argument advanced in this paper is that educational research has systematically mislocated the problem of learning. Across a century of theoretical development, researchers have asked how humans learn. They have mapped the mechanisms of conditioning, processing, construction, and collaboration with increasing sophistication. What they have not adequately asked is the prior question: why do humans desire to learn at all—and why, so often, they do not? This question cannot be answered within the frameworks that currently dominate the field, because it requires a theory of desire that none of them possess.
Girard (1961/1965, 1978/1987) provides that theory. His central insight—that human desire is not autonomous but mimetic, structured by the mediation of others who appear to desire before us—has been taken up extensively in literary theory, theology, anthropology, and economics, yet has found remarkably little systematic application in educational theory (Palaver, 2013; Garrels, 2006). Girard’s anthropology has transformed literary theory, theology, and the study of violence and culture. It has not yet transformed educational theory. This paper argues that it should—and that the transformation it enables is not merely theoretical refinement but a fundamental reorientation of how we understand what education is for. The teacher who animates a classroom does not merely transmit information; the peer group that determines what is cool does not merely enforce social norms; the platform algorithm that curates content does not merely recommend items. Each of these figures is a mimetic mediator—a source of desire that shapes what learners find worth wanting before they decide what to learn.
Mimetic Learning Theory (MLT), developed in what follows, reconceives learning as the reflective transformation of mediated desire. It does not replace existing theories of cognition, motivation, or social construction—it grounds them. It explains why the mechanisms that behaviorism, cognitivism, and constructivism have identified work when they work and fail when they fail: because desire, which precedes and orients all of them, has or has not been adequately cultivated, mediated, and transformed. And it reveals what existing frameworks systematically conceal: that educational institutions are, in their deepest structure, not knowledge factories but recognition economies—systems for organizing who desires what, and at what cost to whom.
Despite their differences, the major learning paradigms share a structural absence: none of them sufficiently explains why human beings desire to learn—why certain forms of knowledge, skills, or identities become worth striving for within a given social world. Motivation, engagement, curiosity, and even the pursuit of autonomy (Deci & Ryan, 2000) can all be reinterpreted as forms of mimetic alignment: processes by which individuals orient their attention and energy toward what is socially valorized. Ignoring this dimension has led to what we might call motivational minimalism in learning theory. Behaviorists reduce motivation to reinforcement (Skinner, 1938); self-determination theory relocates it within the individual as the satisfaction of innate psychological needs (Deci & Ryan, 2000); and influential cognitive-architectural accounts bracket motivation altogether, treating instructional design as a matter of managing working-memory load rather than desire (Sweller, 2004; van Merriënboer & Sweller, 2005). Yet empirical work on social contagion, peer influence, and aspiration gaps consistently shows that motivation is relationally constructed. In schools, students’ engagement, career aspirations, and self-concept are profoundly shaped by the desires they perceive in others.
Three guiding questions organize the argument. First, why do human beings come to desire to learn—what is the origin of the motivational orientation that existing paradigms presuppose? Second, under what conditions does this desire become transformative, issuing in genuine formation, rather than merely rivalrous or conformist? Third, what follows, for how we understand educational institutions and inequality, once learning is reconceived as the mediation of desire? These are not empirical research questions to be settled by data analysis; they are conceptual questions whose answers a theory of learning ought to supply. The argument is structured to answer them in turn. In this article, I firstly map eight dominant learning paradigms and demonstrate how each captures a partial expression of a deeper mimetic dynamic. Afterwards, I develop the conceptual core of MLT—its anthropological foundations in Girard, Helmuth Plessner, and Arnold Gehlen; its integration with Hartmut Rosa’s resonance theory and Hans-Georg Gadamer’s hermeneutics of Bildung; its normative grounding in Gert Biesta, Axel Honneth, and Hannah Arendt; and its most urgent diagnostic implication, that schools routinely transform educational desire into educational violence through unrecognized scapegoating. Finally, I draw out MLT’s implications for empirical educational research and articulate its explanatory gains over existing frameworks. The paper concludes with a claim that is simultaneously philosophical and urgent: that teaching desire—understanding how it forms, how it is mediated, and how it can be transformed—is the most important educational task of our time, and the one for which we are least theoretically prepared.

2. Learning Paradigms as Partial Articulations of Mimetic Desire

Reviewing the eight dominant learning paradigms identified by van Merriënboer and de Bruin (2013, p. 22)—Gestalt psychology, behaviorism, developmental psychology, cultural–historical theory, information-processing theory, symbolic cognitive theory, cognitive resource theory, and social constructivism—reveals a striking structural pattern. The eight-paradigm taxonomy is van Merriënboer and de Bruin’s; the mimetic reinterpretation that follows—here and in Table 1—is my own. Each paradigm describes a genuine mechanism of learning; none explains why that mechanism is engaged in the first place. Each presupposes a motivational orientation that it does not account for. Gestalt theory views learning as the reorganization of perceptual and cognitive fields—the famous Aha-Erlebnis of insight. Yet even productive thinking depends on an imitative moment: the learner appropriates the way of attending that others exemplify. Behaviorism reduces learning to conditioning: behavior is shaped by reinforcement and punishment (Skinner, 1938). From a mimetic standpoint, reinforcement itself is a social signal of desire—a form of recognition that indicates what is valued by a model or institution. The “reward” that drives behavior gains power only because the learner desires to be desired by the source of reinforcement.
Table 1. From Learning Mechanisms to Mimetic Mediation.
Vygotsky’s (1978) cultural–historical theory emphasizes that higher mental functions develop through social mediation—particularly through tools and language within the zone of proximal development. Mimetic Learning Theory builds directly on this Vygotskian foundation but proposes a shift of emphasis that constitutes one of its central original claims: that the decisive mediator within the zone of proximal development is not the cultural tool but the desire that orients its use. Where Vygotsky (1978) and subsequent socio-cultural theory foreground the semiotic and instrumental means of mediation, MLT foregrounds the affective-motivational means—the model whose evident valuation of an activity renders it worth mastering. Within the zone of proximal development, the learner’s striving is sustained by mimetic tension—the attraction to the model’s mastery and the wish to share in its significance. The scaffolding that enables learning is thus not merely cognitive support but affective resonance: a structure of shared desire. Social constructivism (Palincsar, 1998) asserts that learning is the co-construction of meaning through dialogue and collaboration. MLT retains this insight but exposes its ambivalence. Co-construction is also co-desiring: students emulate one another’s interests, standards, and forms of recognition. Collaboration therefore harbors both solidarity and rivalry, empathy and envy. From this perspective, the empirical literature on cooperative versus competitive classroom structures can be reread as large-scale experiments in the regulation of mimetic desire. Roseth et al.’s (2008) meta-analysis of 148 studies demonstrates that cooperative goal structures reliably outperform competitive and individualistic arrangements not only in terms of achievement but also with respect to the quality of peer relations. Interpreted mimetically, cooperative structures engineer a context in which the success of others becomes a desirable model rather than a threat.
From the standpoint of MLT, these paradigms are best understood as partial articulations of a single underlying dynamic: the intersubjective mediation of desire. Reinforcement works because recognition is mimetically valued; cognitive processing is selective because desire directs attention; developmental stages matter because desire matures through relational differentiation; scaffolding functions because learners orient toward models they find desirable to emulate. Mimesis is the meta-mechanism through which the specific processes identified by other paradigms gain their motivational force. MLT therefore does not compete with existing frameworks—it grounds them, explaining why learning occurs in the first place: because humans are beings whose sense of value, identity, and meaning emerges through mediated desire and fallible expectation. Table 1 summarizes the key reinterpretations that MLT proposes for each paradigm, illustrating how the core mechanism of each framework ultimately depends upon a primary mediator to supply its missing motivational force.

3. The Conceptual Core of Mimetic Learning Theory

3.1. From Learning as Cognition to Learning as Desire

Every learning theory must answer two questions: what changes when we learn and why change occurs. Most paradigms in educational research have concentrated on the what: on mechanisms of representation, reasoning, and adaptation. Mimetic Learning Theory shifts attention to the why: to the genesis of desire that precedes and shapes every act of learning. Drawing on Girard’s (1961/1965, 1978/1987) anthropology, MLT begins from the assumption that human motivation is mimetic, not autonomous. Humans do not simply desire objects for their intrinsic utility; they desire what others already seem to value. Desire, in this view, is mediated through models—it is relational and contagious. In Girard’s famous triangular schema, every act of desire involves three poles: the subject, the model, and the object. The learner’s striving toward knowledge or competence is mediated by figures whose desire for these goods renders them valuable. Teachers, peers, and cultural exemplars do not only transmit content; they model desirability itself. Learning thus becomes a process of mediated desire—a transformation of what the learner finds worthy of knowing or becoming.
Palaver (2013), in the most comprehensive secondary treatment of Girard’s work, distils the motivational core of mimetic theory with characteristic economy: humans “do not themselves know what to desire; as a result, they imitate the desires of others.” This formulation captures what is simultaneously most obvious and most unsettling about Girard’s anthropology: the claim that the autonomous, self-determining desiring subject is a fiction. Desire is always already borrowed, always already oriented by the prior desire of others. For educational theory, the implication is immediate: what teachers, peers, and institutional cultures model is not primarily knowledge but the desire for knowledge—the affective orientation that makes certain forms of understanding worth pursuing in the first place.
Girard’s mimetic anthropology provides MLT’s motivational core, but it generates three theoretical problems that require philosophical supplementation. First, it does not explain why the human being is constitutively mimetic at all—a question that philosophical anthropology (Plessner, Gehlen) answers. Second, it does not specify under what affective conditions mimetic desire becomes transformative rather than rivalrous—a question that Rosa’s resonance theory and Gadamer’s hermeneutics answer. Third, it does not ground a normative theory of what mimesis should become—a question that Honneth’s recognition theory, Biesta’s subjectification, and Arendt’s natality answer. MLT is not eclectic; it is the systematic elaboration of what Girard’s theory requires but does not itself provide.

3.2. Mimetic Mediation Versus Imitational Learning

At first glance, MLT seems to echo Social Learning Theory (Bandura, 1977), which likewise emphasizes the social origins of learning. Yet the resemblance is deceptive. Bandura conceives imitation as a functional mechanism: individuals observe, internalize, and reproduce behaviors that are perceived as effective or rewarded. The learner imitates because a modeled behavior appears efficient in reaching a goal. Girard’s conception of mimesis, by contrast, is ontological rather than functional. The subject does not imitate a behavior but appropriates the model’s desire itself—its affective orientation toward value, prestige, or meaning (Girard, 1961/1965). Bandura’s learner imitates because the action appears effective; Girard’s learner imitates because the desire appears meaningful. Where observational learning explains the acquisition of behavioral patterns, mimetic learning explains the formation of the motivational horizon in which those behaviors become significant. This shift exposes the pre-cognitive foundation of learning motivation and the social dynamics—envy, admiration, rivalry—that conventional models overlook.
From an educational standpoint, this difference is decisive. While Bandura’s model can account for how learners acquire strategies, only MLT can explain why certain knowledge domains, skills, or roles acquire their compelling force in the first place. The teacher’s enthusiasm, the peer group’s prestige, or cultural narratives of success do not merely model actions—they model what is worth pursuing. The classroom, therefore, is not merely a site of cognitive transmission but a field of mimetic mediation: an affective economy of desires circulating between models and learners.

3.3. MLT in the Tradition of Mimetic Thought: Beyond Tarde, Meltzoff, Tomasello, and Lacan

Mimetic Learning Theory does not emerge in a theoretical vacuum. Several intellectual traditions have placed imitation at the center of social and cognitive life, and MLT’s originality can only be appreciated through precise demarcation from these predecessors. Tarde (1890) was the first to propose imitation as the foundational mechanism of social life—the means by which beliefs, practices, and values propagate through human communities. In this respect, Girard’s mimesis inherits Tarde’s sociological ambition. Yet Tarde’s imitation is fundamentally neutral—a mechanism of cultural diffusion without inherent conflict. What Girard adds is the triangular structure of desire: imitation does not merely spread practices; it generates rivalry, because imitating another’s desire means converging on the same object. A concrete example clarifies the difference. On Tarde’s account, two students who both adopt a teacher’s enthusiasm for mathematics simply instantiate the diffusion of a practice—the more imitation, the more shared competence, with no inherent tension. On Girard’s account, if what the students imitate is the teacher’s desire for the recognition that mathematical excellence confers, their imitation places them in latent competition for a scarce good (the teacher’s esteem, the top rank), so that the very success of imitation breeds rivalry. Tarde can model how enthusiasm spreads; only Girard can model why it curdles into envy. For educational theory, this distinction is not peripheral: a theory that cannot account for envy, rivalry, and the destructive potential of admiration cannot explain the classroom.
Andrew Meltzoff’s research establishes that imitation is innate—neonates replicate observed gestures through cross-modal perception–action mapping (Meltzoff & Moore, 1977). This demonstrates the mechanism by which imitation operates. Girard’s theory addresses what imitation does to motivation. As Garrels (2006) argued in the most sustained attempt to bridge these traditions, Girard’s claim about the influence of imitation on motivation represents a unique and significant contribution that the neuroscientific paradigm, focused on action representation, cannot capture. Meltzoff shows how we imitate; Girard explains why we come to desire what others desire. Tomasello’s shared intentionality framework (1999) proposes that what distinguishes human learning is not imitation per se but the uniquely human capacity to share goals, intentions, and attention in cooperative joint activity. Where Tomasello places cooperation at the origin of cultural learning, Girard identifies an irreducible ambivalence: the same other who serves as a collaborative partner is also, by virtue of being a model of desire, a potential rival. Livingston (1994, p. 291) captured this distinction precisely: mimetic desire is distinguished from observational learning by the kind of belief the imitator holds about the model—not a thin instrumental belief about competence, but a “tutelary belief,” a deeper identification with the model as an authority on what is worth wanting.
The most philosophically intricate comparison is with Jacques Lacan. Both Girard and Lacan insist that desire is triangular—mediated by a third term beyond the dyad of subject and object. For Lacan (2006), this third term is the symbolic Other: desire is structured by language and law, and is, in his often-cited formula, always the desire of the Other—directed ultimately at the Other’s recognition. For Girard, the mediating third is an interpersonal model whose desire I imitate. Despite their divergences, both thinkers converge on the dangers of narcissism and its relation to violence. Their accounts of desire’s opacity differ fundamentally: Lacan holds that the Other’s desire is always enigmatic, accessible only through fantasy; Girard treats the model’s desire as sufficiently transparent to be imitated. For educational theory, this difference is decisive: Lacan’s account tends toward the structural unresolvability of desire, while Girard’s permits—and indeed requires—the possibility of transformation through reflection. Gallese (2009) argued from a neuroscientific perspective that mimesis has two irreducible faces—social identification and mimetic rivalry—and that a biologically plausible account of intersubjectivity requires integrating both. MLT takes this dual structure as its anthropological starting point and asks how educational institutions can cultivate the former while containing the latter.
Taken together, these comparisons clarify MLT’s position in the intellectual landscape: it accepts the empirical reality of imitation established by Meltzoff and Tomasello, inherits Tarde’s sociological ambition, and takes Lacan seriously as a philosophical interlocutor—while insisting that none of these traditions adequately accounts for the motivational depth, rivalrous dynamics, and transformative potential of mimetic desire in educational contexts. MLT occupies a unique position between the empirical researchers who document imitation and the philosophical traditions that theorize desire: it takes both seriously while arguing that neither, alone, can explain the classroom.
The resistance that Girard’s thesis typically provokes is itself, from an MLT perspective, evidence for the thesis, though this argument cannot, of course, substitute for independent support. Palaver (2013) observes that any person seen as imitating the crowd automatically attracts scorn, and that reactions to Girard’s mimetic theory have consequently been predominantly negative—precisely because it argues that all human beings are determined by imitation, a claim that strikes a culture devoted to originality as scandalous. The culture of originality is itself a mimetic formation: individuals strive to distinguish themselves by imitating the desire for distinction. The classroom enacts this paradox daily: students compete to demonstrate independence while tracking one another’s judgments with exquisite precision. Recognizing this dynamic—rather than pretending it away with appeals to intrinsic motivation—is the first step toward pedagogically intelligent responses to it.

3.4. The Anthropological Foundation of Reflective Mimesis: Plessner and Gehlen

Mimetic Learning Theory requires an anthropological foundation that can answer two distinct questions: why is education necessary, and why is transformation within it possible? René Girard’s anthropology provides the motivational architecture of desire; the philosophical anthropology of Plessner (1928/2019) and Gehlen (1940/2016) supplies the deeper ontological ground. Arnold Gehlen’s concept of the Mängelwesen—the human as a biologically deficient being—establishes the necessity of education from first principles (Gehlen, 1940/2016). Unlike other animals, whose behavior is regulated by instinct, the human being enters the world radically underequipped: without reliable sensory apparatus, without fixed behavioral programs, without an instinctual orientation toward the environment. This deficiency is not incidental but constitutive. Gehlen’s claim is stronger than the familiar observation that humans are born more helpless than other animals: it is that the human organism is constitutionally world-open (weltoffen) rather than environment-bound, and must therefore compensate for absent instinct through culture, institution, and—crucially—imitation. Gehlen himself, however, draws a conservative conclusion from this premise: institutions function as Entlastung, relief that narrows the burdensome openness of the Mängelwesen and substitutes for the missing instinctual ground (Gehlen, 1940/2016). On this reading, Gehlen’s anthropology explains why imitation is anthropologically necessary but cannot by itself ground the possibility of transformation, since its tendency is precisely to close the openness from which it begins. This openness must in turn be defended against a powerful counterposition. Sociological and economic determinisms—from Bourdieu’s (1986) reproduction theory to rational-choice models of human capital—hold that behavior is in fact heavily structured in advance, by class habitus or by the optimizing pursuit of returns, leaving little of the openness philosophical anthropology posits. That determinism is, however, contested even from within the Bourdieusian tradition: critics from King (2000) to Friedman (2016) argue that the habitus, properly understood, cannot account for the social mobility, reflexivity, and ‘cleft’ trajectories that empirical research repeatedly documents. MLT does not deny that mimetic desire is socially patterned—on the contrary, it insists that access to models is stratified (a point developed below)—but it locates the ground of revisability not in Gehlen’s closing institutions but in the reflexive structure that Plessner’s anthropology supplies, to which the next section turns. Because humans lack instinctual programs, they must acquire behavioral patterns by assimilating themselves to others and to institutional norms. Wulf (2020) develops this into a comprehensive mimetic theory of socialization, arguing that a large part of basic human socialization is mimetic in nature—processes that are historical, cultural, and fundamentally changeable. From an MLT perspective, Gehlen’s Mängelwesen explains why mimetic desire is not a pathology but an anthropological given: the human being is structurally oriented toward models because it has no other means of orienting itself toward the world. Yet Gehlen’s framework carries a characteristic limitation: it tends toward socialization as adaptation—learning as the internalization of stable role structures—and cannot adequately account for individual transformation, critical dissent, or learning that exceeds the given institutional order (Renou, 2016).
Helmuth Plessner’s concept of excentric positionality (exzentrische Positionalität) addresses this limitation directly (Plessner, 1928/2019). For Plessner, the human being is distinguished by its capacity to take a position outside its own position—to stand, reflexively, beyond the boundary of its own bodily and social situation. The human simultaneously is a body (Leib) and has a body (Körper), inhabiting its existence from within while simultaneously regarding it from without. This doubled structure means that the human is never simply identical with any given formation. It can always step outside, reflect, reinterpret, and revise. For MLT, the educational significance of excentric positionality is precise: it provides the anthropological condition of possibility for reflective mimesis. If Gehlen explains why humans must imitate—because biological deficiency demands cultural compensation—Plessner explains why humans are capable of recognizing and transforming their imitation: because they are never fully coincident with any role, any model, or any desire they have appropriated. The capacity to step outside one’s own mimetic formations, to observe whose recognition one is seeking and why, is not a cognitive achievement added to an otherwise determined nature—it is, as Plessner argues, constitutive of human existence as such: the incompleteness of the human being shared across Scheler’s world-openness, Plessner’s excentric positionality, and Gehlen’s Mängelwesen is the starting point for every philosophical anthropology of education.
The tension between Gehlen and Plessner thus maps productively onto MLT’s central dynamic. Gehlen accounts for the gravitational pull of mimesis—the structural necessity of imitating models, internalizing norms, and seeking recognition within institutional frameworks. Plessner accounts for the critical distance that makes reflective mimesis possible—the uniquely human capacity to regard one’s own desires from outside and to ask whether they are worth having. Education, understood through this anthropological lens, is neither pure socialization nor pure emancipation: it is the sustained negotiation between the two poles that Gehlen and Plessner respectively illuminate. Kubitza (2005) has shown that Plessner’s concept of Verkörperung—the self as something continually enacted and revised through embodied performance—implies that identity is not a fixed essence but an ongoing accomplishment. The self that emerges through mimetic learning is always already a performing, revising, eccentrically positioned self—one that can become aware of its own imitative history and begin, however provisionally, to author it.

3.5. Resonance, Hermeneutic Encounter, and the Conditions of Mimetic Transformation

Mimetic Learning Theory identifies desire as the generative force of learning, but must also account for the conditions under which desire becomes transformative rather than merely rivalrous. Two philosophical traditions supply complementary answers: Hartmut Rosa’s theory of resonance and Hans-Georg Gadamer’s account of Bildung as transformation through encounter with the other. Rosa’s resonance theory begins from a diagnosis of modernity as structured by social acceleration and the consequent spread of Entfremdung—a mode of relation to the world in which things, people, and activities no longer speak to the subject, no longer move or affect it (Rosa, 2016). Against this, Rosa proposes resonance as the ontological alternative: a bidirectional, responsive relationship between subject and world in which both sides are genuinely affected and transformed. Crucially, Rosa insists on the fundamental unavailability of resonance: it cannot be forced or produced by institutional design, only enabled by creating the conditions under which it might arise. From an MLT perspective, Rosa’s resonance describes precisely the affective-relational condition under which mimetic desire becomes transformative rather than merely acquisitive. When a learner enters into resonance with a domain of knowledge—genuinely moved by it, not merely performing engagement—the mimetic cycle shifts toward reflective mimesis: a mode of desiring in which the object of desire becomes intrinsically meaningful rather than merely instrumentally or competitively valuable.
Gadamer’s (1960/2013) account of Bildung in Truth and Method approaches the same transformation from a hermeneutic angle. For Gadamer, Bildung is not the accumulation of knowledge but the expansion and revision of one’s horizon through genuine encounter with what is other and alien. Graaff (2008) identifies two constitutive moments in this encounter: first, “being pulled short”—the deflation of one’s prior self-understanding when confronted with something genuinely alien; and second, “allowing oneself to be interrogated by the other”—the openness to the possibility that the other might be right. The convergence with MLT is structurally precise. What Gadamer calls the disruption of one’s prior horizon corresponds to the moment of rivalry in the mimetic cycle—the tension between one’s own self-understanding and the model’s alternative claim on value. What Gadamer calls the productive integration of the alien corresponds to reflection and innovation in MLT’s framework. Charbonnier (2012), drawing on Girard, names what neither Rosa nor Gadamer alone can supply: a theory of how desire circulates between persons as the medium of educational transformation. Rosa describes the affective quality of genuine learning; Gadamer describes its hermeneutic structure; Girard—and MLT—describes its social mechanism. The threefold framework does not yet exist as a unified account in the literature. MLT proposes this synthesis as a constitutive element of a complete philosophical theory of learning.

3.6. Zones of Desire and Mimetic Load

Vygotsky’s (1978) zone of proximal development defined learning as the distance between independent performance and potential growth through guidance. MLT reformulates this notion as the zone of desire: the relational space where a learner’s aspirations intersect with the model’s desires. Within this zone, five stages of mimetic transformation can be distinguished: (1) Imitation—the learner perceives another’s desire and orients attention toward its object; (2) Identification—the learner internalizes the model’s desire as a self-defining orientation; (3) Rivalry—the learner experiences tension between admiration and autonomy; (4) Reflection—the learner recognizes the mimetic structure of their motivation; (5) Innovation—the learner transforms mimetic energy into autonomous creation or understanding. The passage from imitation to reflection marks the educational transformation of mimesis. Learning succeeds when institutions guide students from unreflective imitation toward reflective mimesis—from borrowing another’s desire to consciously reshaping it.
Cognitive theories have long stressed the limitations of working memory (Sweller, 2004; van Merriënboer & Sweller, 2005). Analogously, MLT introduces the concept of mimetic load—the affective–cognitive tension produced by exposure to multiple, competing models of desire. In contemporary learning environments, students navigate numerous mediators—teachers, peers, influencers, algorithms—each presenting a distinct image of what is desirable. Excessive mimetic load can lead to distraction, anxiety, or disengagement; too little can produce dogmatic conformity. The construct of mimetic load complements cognitive load theory by adding the affective-relational dimension that cognitive architecture alone cannot capture. Instructional designers who optimize for cognitive load while ignoring mimetic load are solving half the problem. Pedagogically, this calls for mimetic design: structuring learning environments that balance admiration and autonomy, resonance and differentiation. Educational systems must curate recognition ecologies that orient desire without overwhelming it.
The construct of mimetic load gains further empirical grounding when situated against research on social comparison in classrooms. A substantial body of quantitative research on social comparison in classrooms documents that upward comparison toward slightly better-performing peers is both the dominant pattern and an ambivalent force: it can enhance performance and aspiration, but also depress academic self-concept and trigger anxiety, particularly in highly competitive climates (Dijkstra et al., 2008; Huguet et al., 2009). The Big-Fish–Little-Pond Effect, demonstrated across more than fifty countries in large-scale international assessment data, encapsulates this ambivalence: for students of equal objective ability, placement in high-achieving settings enhances exposure to strong models but often lowers academic self-concept, whereas lower-achieving environments protect self-evaluations at the cost of aspirational reach (Marsh & Hau, 2003; Marsh et al., 2008; Nagengast & Marsh, 2012). A crucial refinement comes from research that separates two compositional forces usually confounded. Marsh et al. (2023), using doubly latent multilevel models on a nationally representative U.S. longitudinal sample tracked to age 26, found that school-average achievement and school-average socioeconomic status push in opposite directions: high school-average achievement depresses academic self-concept and aspirations through contrast (the BFLPE), whereas high school-average SES raises them through normative influence—an aspirations contagion. From an MLT standpoint, this dissociation is precisely what the theory predicts. The two forces are two faces of mediated desire: contrastive comparison generates rivalrous mimetic load, while normative exposure to credible aspiring others raises the reach of desire. The concept of mimetic load offers a unifying account of why the same high-achieving environment can simultaneously energize and destabilize learners—an account their original settings, drawing on social comparison theory alone, cannot fully provide.

3.7. Institutional Mimesis and the Scapegoat Mechanism

Educational institutions can be reinterpreted as systems for managing mimetic relations. They distribute attention, regulate rivalry, and institutionalize recognition. Grades, diplomas, and rankings are not merely evaluative devices but symbolic currencies in the economy of desire. Following Honneth (1995), learning environments sustain or frustrate the basic human need for recognition. Structural inequalities (Bourdieu, 1986) entail mimetic inequality: access to desirable models, cultural narratives, and aspirational identities is unequally distributed. Educational disadvantage is thus not only a lack of knowledge but a deficit of mediated desire—a restricted capacity to identify with models that make learning meaningful.
The analysis of schools as economies of recognition opens onto Girard’s most radical insight: the scapegoat mechanism (Girard, 1986). When mimetic rivalry within a community escalates to the point of crisis, the community spontaneously converges its violence onto a single victim or group. The expulsion of the scapegoat temporarily restores social peace, not because the victim was genuinely responsible for the crisis, but because the displacement of collective violence onto a single target releases the mimetic tension that had been building across the whole community. The mechanism is effective precisely because it is misrecognized: the community believes it is punishing a guilty party, not enacting a ritual of social regulation. Educational institutions reproduce this mechanism with disturbing structural regularity. The student who is permanently excluded, the chronic absentee who is pathologized rather than understood, the disruptive child who becomes the occasion for the class to cohere around shared disapproval—these are not aberrations at the margins of educational life. They are, in Girard’s terms, the system functioning as designed: managing mimetic tension through the ritualized exclusion of individuals whose removal permits the majority to continue without confronting the underlying recognition economy that generated the crisis. What makes this mechanism particularly insidious in educational contexts is its bureaucratic legitimation. Where archaic societies enacted the scapegoat ritual through explicit violence, modern schools enact it through diagnostic categories, disciplinary procedures, and institutional referrals. The mechanism is identical; the vocabulary has been sanitized. Institutions that fail to develop reflective awareness of their own mimetic dynamics will systematically reproduce the scapegoat mechanism—not out of malice but out of structural necessity: when mimetic tension has no other outlet, it seeks a victim. Pedagogical practices oriented toward reflective mimesis are therefore not merely ethically desirable but functionally necessary.
The digital dimension of contemporary learning extends this analysis in a new direction. In AI-driven educational ecosystems, algorithms increasingly act as mimetic agents—observing learners’ clicks, predicting preferences, and amplifying prior desires. Students no longer learn solely from human models but from algorithmic reflections of collective desire. Artificial intelligence, in this view, acts as a mimetic amplifier: it learns what humans desire and feeds it back in intensified form—recommendations, rankings, metrics. This feedback loop collapses the distance between model and subject, producing hyper-mediation and escalating mimetic load. Educational theory must therefore reconceive digital literacy as mimetic literacy: the capacity to discern, resist, and reorient algorithmically mediated desires. The goal is not the personalization of content but the personalization of desire—developing learners capable of reflective navigation in digital ecologies of imitation.
The structural logic of this amplification was visible before algorithms existed. Palaver (2013) notes that in advertising, the product itself rarely appears on screen; what is shown instead are the people who already desire it, whose modelled desire activates imitation in the viewer—a clear illustration of the triangular structure of mimetic desire rendered as marketing technique. The recommendation algorithm is the technological perfection of this technique: it learns what millions of desiring subjects want and feeds each individual a curated mirror of collective longing, stripped of the friction and relational complexity that, in embodied educational settings, can create conditions for reflective mimesis.

3.8. The Normative Core of MLT: Education as the Transformation of Desire

A philosophical theory of learning that centers on mimetic desire cannot remain descriptive. If desire is the generative force of learning, and if educational institutions inevitably shape which desires circulate and how, then education is always already a normative practice—whether or not it recognizes itself as such. Mimetic Learning Theory therefore requires an explicit normative thesis: the purpose of education is the transformation of unreflected mimetic desire into reflective, self-authorizing aspiration—a movement from borrowed wanting toward conscious and responsible orientation in the world.
Three philosophical traditions ground this thesis. Biesta’s (2010, 2020) concept of subjectification defines the educational function that exceeds qualification and socialization: the emergence of the student as subject of her own life, not as object of educational interventions. For MLT, subjectification names the endpoint of the mimetic cycle—the movement from unreflected imitation toward reflective mimesis, a mode of self-relation in which the learner can interrogate, inhabit, and consciously reshape the desires she has acquired. Critics have rightly noted that subjectification risks an insufficiently institutional account of how this transformation occurs (Guillemin, 2025; Thompson, 2024), and that it lacks criteria for distinguishing genuine from false emancipation (Christodoulou, 2020). MLT addresses these objections directly: the mechanism of transformation is mimetic mediation itself, and its institutional conditions are what the present framework analyzes as mimetic design, zones of desire, and mimetic load.
Honneth’s (1995) theory of recognition specifies the intersubjective conditions under which mimetic desire can be transformed rather than merely redirected: recognition is not only the object of mimetic striving but its enabling condition. Learners who are systematically misrecognized cannot move from rivalry to reflection, because the relational security that reflective mimesis requires has been structurally withheld. Educational inequality, on this reading, is a recognition deficit before it is a cognitive one. Arendt’s (1958) concept of natality names what the mimetic cycle is ultimately oriented toward: the fifth stage of innovation, in which mimetic energy is no longer borrowed desire but creative contribution. Yacek and Ijaz (2019) articulate this as renarrativation: the transformative educational experience in which learners come to articulate and revise the aspirational story they tell about themselves and what is worth pursuing. Three normative questions follow directly, and MLT provides determinate answers to each. A good teacher in MLT’s framework is not primarily an information transmitter but a reflective mediator—a figure who renders knowledge desirable while making the structure of that desirability visible. Educational justice is equitable mimetic access—ensuring that all learners can find themselves mirrored by a world that values their becoming. Educational failure is the fixation of desire at the stage of unreflected rivalry—the institutional arrest of the mimetic cycle before reflective mimesis can occur.
These three normative answers constitute MLT’s normative program: an education oriented not toward the suppression of mimesis but toward its conscious cultivation—from borrowed desire toward reflective aspiration, from rivalry toward recognition, from imitation toward natality. The institution that recognizes its own mimetic structure is one that can begin to design recognition ecologies deliberately: asking not only what content to teach, but whose desires it models, how it distributes acknowledgment, and what forms of aspiration it renders visible and credible. Such an institution is one that treats desire not as a pre-educational given but as the fundamental educational task—and that recognizes, in the phrase of Charbonnier (2012), that what lies at the heart of the educational relation is first of all desire and its conditions of circulation.

4. Implications and Future Research

Although the present paper is theoretical rather than empirical, the framework is deliberately constructed to be testable, and it is worth indicating briefly how. Four propositions follow directly from MLT and are open to empirical examination in subsequent work. First, exposure to multiple competing models of desire generates mimetic load that, above a threshold, predicts disengagement, anxiety, and motivational fragmentation. Rather than acting as a mere byproduct of social context, mimetic load functions here as the central explanatory mechanism for the ambivalent outcomes of upward comparison and the Big-Fish–Little-Pond Effect—measurable by combining indicators of social-comparison intensity, perceived performance climate, and status sensitivity. Second, learners’ aspirational reach is constrained by the availability of proximate, credible models, such that learners deprived of such models exhibit alienation independent of cognitive readiness or material resources—examinable through analysis of aspirational identification across socioeconomic strata. Third, pedagogical interventions that make the mimetic structure of motivation visible shift learners from unreflected rivalry toward autonomous aspiration more effectively than content-focused interventions alone. Fourth, cooperative goal structures reduce rivalrous mimesis and increase prosocial aspiration via the mimetic mechanism, reframing the meta-analytic findings of Roseth et al. (2008) within MLT’s explanatory architecture. These propositions also mark where MLT goes beyond its neighbors: self-determination theory (Deci & Ryan, 2000) does not explain why intrinsic motivation is unequally distributed across social groups, whereas MLT predicts this variance through differential mimetic access; cognitive load theory does not explain why structurally identical instructional designs produce different engagement outcomes across groups, whereas MLT predicts this through differential mimetic load.

4.1. The Value of MLT: Explanatory Gain over Existing Theories and Empirical Research

MLT’s value for empirical research lies not in offering them a deeper and more unified theoretical home. The empirical studies cited in this paper are invoked not as evidence that confirms MLT’s claims but as phenomena consistent with and reinterpretable through the mimetic framework—phenomena for which MLT offers a more coherent account than their original theoretical settings provide. This is not a claim of confirmation but of interpretive gain—and it is precisely the kind of contribution that justifies a theoretical framework paper in a journal committed to the intersection of philosophy and empirical inquiry.
Three research traditions illustrate this interpretive gain. The literature on teacher enthusiasm (Kunter et al., 2013) documents that teacher enthusiasm predicts student motivation above and beyond instructional clarity. The existing explanation—motivational contagion—is a description, not a mechanism. MLT supplies the mechanism: teachers who communicate their own desire for understanding function as mimetic mediators whose valuation of knowledge renders it worth knowing for students. The teacher’s enthusiasm is not a surface feature of classroom interaction; it is the visible sign of a desiring orientation that learners imitate before they engage with content. The literature on educational aspiration and inequality (Bourdieu, 1986; Appadurai, 2013) shows that aspiration is stratified by social class and cultural capital. MLT reframes this as mimetic inequality: learners from marginalized contexts lack access to credible models whose desires make educational aspiration meaningful. The zone of desire is structurally impoverished before any instructional intervention occurs. Large-scale and quasi-experimental evidence is consistent with this reading. International assessment data show that, controlling for measured ability, students’ educational and occupational aspirations vary sharply with the socioeconomic and educational composition of their schools and peer groups (OECD, 2018). More strikingly, designs that exploit random or exogenous assignment isolate the causal effect of model exposure itself. Using the Project STAR randomized experiment and North Carolina administrative data, Gershenson et al. (2022) found that Black students assigned to at least one Black teacher in grades K–3 were significantly more likely to graduate from high school and enroll in college—an effect the authors attribute not to instructional quality but to the model’s signaling of what is achievable. Dee (2004), exploiting the same random assignment, found own-race teacher effects on achievement for both Black and White students. The mechanism extends well beyond schooling: Riise et al. (2022) found that girls quasi-randomly assigned to female general practitioners became more likely to pursue STEM tracks and majors, with effects largest for high-ability girls with low-educated mothers. Upon reading through MLT, these are not disparate findings but instances of a single mechanism: model exposure transmits not competence but desirability—a sense of what is worth striving for—and its distribution is structurally unequal. Resource allocation without mimetic access—without the provision of proximate, credible, aspirationally diverse models—addresses the symptom while leaving the mechanism intact. This reframing has direct implications for compensatory educational policy. The literature on school belonging (Osterman, 2000) demonstrates that sense of belonging predicts academic engagement and achievement. MLT reframes belonging as a mimetic phenomenon: students belong to the extent that they find themselves mirrored by figures whose desires resonate with their own emerging aspirations.
Perhaps MLT’s most fundamental contribution lies at the level of the image of the human being that underlies educational research. The learner of behaviorism is a reactive organism shaped by contingencies. The learner of information-processing theory is a cognitive processor whose motivation is treated as noise. The learner of Self-Determination Theory is an autonomous agent with universal psychological needs whose motivational structure is relationally invariant. The learner of social constructivism is a collaborative meaning-maker whose desire to construct is taken for granted. Against all of these, MLT proposes the learner as a desiring, relational, eccentrically positioned subject—a being who does not know what to want until others show it, who is never simply identical with any formation imposed upon it. This anthropological reorientation has practical consequences. If learners desire relational subjects, then educational quality must be assessed along a fourth dimension beyond instructional clarity, cognitive activation, and need-supportive climate: the quality of the mimetic environment—the degree to which a school constitutes a recognition ecology in which diverse aspirations can emerge, circulate, and undergo reflective transformation. This is a dimension that current educational quality frameworks do not measure, current teacher training does not develop, and current school inspection does not assess. MLT identifies it as the dimension on which the deepest educational outcomes—formation, aspiration, authorship—ultimately depend.
For empirical educational research, this means that the next generation of studies on motivation, inequality, belonging, and school effectiveness will need instruments and designs capable of capturing mimetic dynamics: the quality of model identification, the intensity and valence of mimetic load, the institutional distribution of recognition, and the conditions under which rivalrous mimesis is transformed into reflective aspiration. MLT does not prescribe a single method for this work; it provides the theoretical grammar without which such instruments cannot be coherently constructed. Three directions appear particularly promising: mixed-methods designs that combine ethnographic observation of classroom interactions with quantitative modeling of social-network influence; dynamic systems analysis using time-series or agent-based modeling to simulate how small admiration differentials cascade into systemic hierarchies; and critical discourse and narrative analysis examining curricula, textbooks, and digital media as artifacts of institutional mimesis.

4.2. Conclusions

This paper has sought to establish the anthropological foundations of MLT, to position it within and against existing learning paradigms, and to articulate its normative core. In doing so it has answered the three guiding questions with which it began. To the first—why human beings come to desire to learn—it answers that the desire to learn is neither innate nor self-generated but mimetically mediated, kindled by models whose evident valuation of knowledge renders it worth pursuing. To the second—under what conditions this desire becomes transformative—it answers that transformation occurs when mimetic desire passes, through resonance and recognition, from unreflected imitation into reflective mimesis. To the third—what follows for educational institutions and inequality—it answers that institutions are economies of recognition whose unequal distribution of credible models constitutes a form of mimetic inequality prior to, and partly generative of, the cognitive inequalities educational research more commonly measures. MLT positions desire at the heart of learning, linking the philosophical with the empirical, the affective with the institutional, and the human with the technological. It proposes that education’s ultimate task is not only to cultivate knowledge but to transform the mimetic structures of desire through reflection, recognition, and renewal. The telos of learning is freedom through recognition: the movement from unacknowledged imitation toward authorship. Education succeeds when learners become aware of the mimetic forces shaping their aspirations and can inhabit them reflectively rather than reactively. Learning, in its deepest sense, is the journey from borrowed desire to creative freedom. MLT does not compete with empirical educational research—it offers it a theoretical home: a conceptual architecture that explains why the mechanisms empirical researchers document work when they work, and fail when they fail. The mimetic turn invites scholars to reconsider education’s foundational categories—motivation, inclusion, innovation, and freedom—as derivatives of mediated desire, opening a research horizon where philosophy and empiricism converge in a shared inquiry: the study of how humans become themselves through others.

Funding

This research received no external funding.

Institutional Review Board Statement

Not applicable. This manuscript presents entirely theoretical research involving no human subjects, animal subjects, or empirical data collection.

Data Availability Statement

No new data were created or analyzed in this study. Data sharing is not applicable to this article.

Acknowledgments

During the preparation of this manuscript, the author used Claude (Anthropic, claude.ai, model Opus 4.7) for the purposes of structural development, literature synthesis support, formatting, and iterative drafting of sections. The author has reviewed and edited the output and takes full responsibility for the content of this publication.

Conflicts of Interest

The author declares no conflicts of interest.

References

  1. Appadurai, A. (2013). The future as cultural fact: Essays on the global condition. Verso. [Google Scholar]
  2. Arendt, H. (1958). The human condition. University of Chicago Press. [Google Scholar]
  3. Bandura, A. (1977). Social learning theory. Prentice Hall. [Google Scholar]
  4. Biesta, G. (2010). Good education in an age of measurement: Ethics, politics, democracy. Routledge. [Google Scholar]
  5. Biesta, G. (2020). Risking ourselves in education: Qualification, socialization, and subjectification revisited. Educational Theory, 70(1), 89–104. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef] [Scilit]
  6. Bourdieu, P. (1986). The forms of capital. In J. Richardson (Ed.), Handbook of theory and research for the sociology of education (pp. 241–258). Greenwood Press. [Google Scholar]
  7. Charbonnier, S. (2012). Désir et imitation. Le Télémaque, 41(1), 47–60. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef] [Scilit]
  8. Christodoulou, A. (2020). Emancipation as subjectification: A critical realist reading of biesta’s educational philosophy. Journal of Critical Realism, 19(4), 367–383. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef] [Scilit]
  9. Deci, E. L., & Ryan, R. M. (2000). The ‘what’ and ‘why’ of goal pursuits: Human needs and the self-determination of behavior. Psychological Inquiry, 11(4), 227–268. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef] [Scilit]
  10. Dee, T. S. (2004). Teachers, race, and student achievement in a randomized experiment. Review of Economics and Statistics, 86(1), 195–210. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef] [Scilit]
  11. Dijkstra, P., Kuyper, H., van der Zee, G., Barelds, D. P. H., & van der Werf, W. (2008). Social comparison in the classroom: A review. Review of Educational Research, 78(4), 828–879. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef] [Scilit]
  12. Friedman, S. (2016). Habitus clivé and the emotional imprint of social mobility. The Sociological Review, 64(1), 129–147. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef] [Scilit]
  13. Gadamer, H.-G. (2013). Truth and method (J. Weinsheimer, & D. G. Marshall, Trans.; Rev. ed.). Bloomsbury Academic. (Original work published 1960). [Google Scholar]
  14. Gallese, V. (2009). Mirror neurons, embodied simulation, and the neural basis of social identification. Psychoanalytic Dialogues, 19(5), 519–536. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef] [Scilit]
  15. Garrels, S. R. (2006). Imitation, mirror neurons, and mimetic desire: Convergence between the mimesis theory of rené girard and empirical research on imitation. Contagion: Journal of Violence, Mimesis, and Culture, 12–13, 47–86. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef] [Scilit]
  16. Gehlen, A. (2016). Der mensch: Seine natur und seine stellung in der welt (16th ed.). Klostermann. (Original work published 1940). [Google Scholar]
  17. Gershenson, S., Hart, C. M. D., Hyman, J., Lindsay, C. A., & Papageorge, N. W. (2022). The long-run impacts of same-race teachers. American Economic Journal: Economic Policy, 14(4), 300–342. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef] [Scilit]
  18. Girard, R. (1965). Deceit, desire, and the novel: Self and other in literary structure (Y. Freccero, Trans.). Johns Hopkins University Press. (Original work published 1961). [Google Scholar]
  19. Girard, R. (1986). The scapegoat (Y. Freccero, Trans.). Johns Hopkins University Press. (Original work published 1982). [Google Scholar]
  20. Girard, R. (1987). Things hidden since the foundation of the world (S. Bann, & M. Metteer, Trans.). Stanford University Press. (Original work published 1978). [Google Scholar]
  21. Graaff, J. (2008). Encountering the alien: Gadamer and transformation in pedagogy. Educational Philosophy and Theory, 40(6), 771–783. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef] [Scilit]
  22. Guillemin, M. (2025). Biesta’s world-centred education: Subjectification revisited? Journal of Philosophy of Education, 58(1), 14–26. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef] [Scilit]
  23. Honneth, A. (1995). The struggle for recognition: The moral grammar of social conflicts. MIT Press. [Google Scholar]
  24. Huguet, P., Dumas, F., Marsh, H. W., Régner, I., Wheeler, L., Suls, J., Seaton, M., & Nezlek, J. B. (2009). Clarifying the role of social comparison in the big-fish–little-pond effect. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 97(1), 156–170. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef] [Scilit] [PubMed]
  25. King, A. (2000). Thinking with Bourdieu against Bourdieu: A ‘practical’ critique of the habitus. Sociological Theory, 18(3), 417–433. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef] [Scilit]
  26. Kubitza, T. (2005). Identität—Verkörperung—Bildung: Pädagogische perspektiven der philosophischen anthropologie helmuth plessners. [transcript] Verlag. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef] [Scilit]
  27. Kunter, M., Frenzel, A., Nagy, G., Baumert, J., & Pekrun, R. (2013). Teacher enthusiasm: Dimensionality and context specificity. Contemporary Educational Psychology, 36(4), 289–301. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef] [Scilit]
  28. Lacan, J. (2006). Écrits: The first complete edition in English (B. Fink, Trans.). W. W. Norton. [Google Scholar]
  29. Livingston, P. (1994). Girard and literary knowledge. In M. Juvan, & T. Virk (Eds.), On rené girard (pp. 21–40). Ljubljana University Press. [Google Scholar]
  30. Marsh, H. W., & Hau, K.-T. (2003). Big-fish–little-pond effect on academic self-concept: A cross-cultural (26-country) test of the negative effects of academically selective schools. American Psychologist, 58(5), 364–376. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef] [Scilit] [PubMed]
  31. Marsh, H. W., Pekrun, R., Dicke, T., Guo, J., Parker, P. D., & Basarkod, G. (2023). Disentangling the long-term compositional effects of school-average achievement and SES. Educational Psychology Review, 35(3), 70. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef] [Scilit]
  32. Marsh, H. W., Seaton, M., Trautwein, U., Lüdtke, O., Hau, K.-T., O’Mara, A. J., & Craven, R. L. (2008). The big-fish–little-pond-effect stands up to critical scrutiny. Educational Psychology Review, 20(3), 319–350. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef] [Scilit]
  33. Meltzoff, A. N., & Moore, M. K. (1977). Imitation of facial and manual gestures by human neonates. Science, 198(4312), 75–78. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef] [Scilit]
  34. Nagengast, B., & Marsh, H. W. (2012). Big fish in little ponds aspire more: Mediation and cross-cultural generalizability of school-average ability effects on self-concept and career aspirations in science. Journal of Educational Psychology, 104(4), 1033–1053. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef] [Scilit]
  35. OECD. (2018). Equity in education: Breaking down barriers to social mobility. OECD Publishing. [Google Scholar]
  36. Osterman, K. F. (2000). Students’ need for belonging in the school community. Review of Educational Research, 70(3), 323–367. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  37. Palaver, W. (2013). René Girard’s mimetic theory (G. Borrud, Trans.). Michigan State University Press. [Google Scholar]
  38. Palincsar, A. S. (1998). Social constructivist perspectives on teaching and learning. Annual Review of Psychology, 49, 345–375. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef] [Scilit] [PubMed]
  39. Piaget, J. (1952). The origins of intelligence in children. International Universities Press. [Google Scholar]
  40. Plessner, H. (2019). Levels of organic life and the human: An introduction to philosophical anthropology (M. Hyatt, Trans.). Fordham University Press. (Original work published 1928). [Google Scholar]
  41. Renou, X. (2016). Relation, uncertainty and political contestation: The limits of the anthropology of Arnold Gehlen for the sociology of institutions. Revue du MAUSS, 47(1), 213–229. [Google Scholar]
  42. Riise, J., Willage, B., & Willén, A. (2022). Can female doctors cure the gender STEMM gap? Evidence from exogenously assigned general practitioners. Review of Economics and Statistics, 104(4), 621–635. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef] [Scilit]
  43. Rosa, H. (2016). Resonanz: Eine soziologie der weltbeziehung. Suhrkamp. [Google Scholar]
  44. Roseth, C. J., Johnson, D. W., & Johnson, R. T. (2008). Promoting early adolescents’ achievement and peer relationships: The effects of cooperative, competitive, and individualistic goal structures. Psychological Bulletin, 134(2), 223–246. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef] [Scilit]
  45. Skinner, B. F. (1938). The behavior of organisms: An experimental analysis. Appleton-Century-Crofts. [Google Scholar]
  46. Sweller, J. (2004). Instructional design consequences of an analogy between evolution by natural selection and human cognitive architecture. Instructional Science, 32(1–2), 9–31. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef] [Scilit]
  47. Tarde, G. (1890). Les lois de l’imitation. Félix Alcan. [Google Scholar]
  48. Thompson, C. (2024). Rethinking subjectification: On the limits of Biesta’s educational theory. Educational Theory, 74(2), 201–218. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef] [Scilit]
  49. Tomasello, M. (1999). The cultural origins of human cognition. Harvard University Press. [Google Scholar]
  50. van Merriënboer, J. J. G., & de Bruin, A. B. H. (2013). Research paradigms and perspectives on learning. In J. M. Spector, M. D. Merrill, J. Elen, & M. J. Bishop (Eds.), Handbook of research on educational communications and technology (pp. 21–29). Springer. [Google Scholar]
  51. van Merriënboer, J. J. G., & Sweller, J. (2005). Cognitive load theory and complex learning: Recent developments and future directions. Educational Psychology Review, 17(2), 147–177. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef] [Scilit]
  52. Vygotsky, L. S. (1978). Mind in society: The development of higher psychological processes. Harvard University Press. [Google Scholar]
  53. Wulf, C. (2020). Grundlagen einer mimetischen Sozialisationstheorie. SSRN. [Google Scholar]
  54. Yacek, D., & Ijaz, K. (2019). Education as transformation: Formalism, moralism and the substantivist alternative. Journal of Philosophy of Education, 53(4), 718–736. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef] [Scilit]
Disclaimer/Publisher’s Note: The statements, opinions and data contained in all publications are solely those of the individual author(s) and contributor(s) and not of MDPI and/or the editor(s). MDPI and/or the editor(s) disclaim responsibility for any injury to people or property resulting from any ideas, methods, instructions or products referred to in the content.

Article Metrics

Citations

Article Access Statistics

Multiple requests from the same IP address are counted as one view.