From Ottoman Tradition to Global Practice: The Revival and Diffusion of Interfaith’s Iftar Dinners

Abstract

Ramadan iftar (breaking fast) dinners hold a significant social, spiritual, and interfaith dimension. They serve as a unifying practice that brings together family, friends, and the wider community. The 9/11 tragedy prompted Muslim minorities, particularly in Western countries, to reach out to non-Muslims in efforts to challenge misconceptions about Islam and Muslims. Over more than twenty years, iftar dinners have become platforms for intercultural and interfaith dialogue. Historically, interfaith iftar dinners were common in multifaith Muslim regions, especially within the Ottoman Empire. However, this tradition was discontinued after M. Kemal Atatürk established the Republic of Türkiye, with his ardent attraction ambitious tack for the Jacobin secularism, an enforced militant policy of laïcité. In this case, what was folded in 1923 in Istanbul was regenerated in 1994 in Istanbul. This study first explores how interfaith dinners were reintroduced in Türkiye and gradually globalised by analysing approximately 2000 websites manually in English, Turkish, Arabic, and Persian related to interfaith dinners, identified through searches on Yahoo and Google. Second, it presents findings from 15 interviews that examine how interfaith iftar dinners were initially started in Türkiye in 1994, in Australia in 2001, in Chicago in 2001, and in Boston in 2002. Third, it considers the perspectives of both supporters and opponents of interfaith iftar dinners. This article argues that interfaith iftar dinners across various traditions promote social cohesion, using Robert D. Putnam’s social capital theory.

1. Introduction

Iftar dinners constitute an important aspect of Ramadan, reflecting its religious, spiritual, social, cultural, and economic dimensions. This long-standing tradition dates to the early period of Islam and continued throughout the centuries, including during the Ottoman era. Sharing the iftar meal with non-Muslim neighbours and fellow citizens was a well-established practice in Muslim civilization, particularly in regions such as the Ottoman Empire. From the caliph or sultan to local administrators in towns and villages, both state authorities and charitable institutions organized free iftar meals during Ramadan, open to all members of society, including non-Muslims (Georgeon 2018). Non-Muslims also shared in the broader culture of visits and hospitality associated with the month. Such practices were widely regarded as expressions of universal values, generosity, solidarity, and hospitality that contributed to social harmony and the well-being of the wider community.

Ottoman sultans invited leaders and representatives of religious communities, patriarchs, and clergy to the palace for the iftar meal (Georgeon 2018, p. 135). When the annual records of Ottoman officials are examined, it becomes clear that many non-Muslims were among those invited to iftar dinners. For wealthy families and members of the Ottoman elite, hosting iftar dinners was not only a religious duty but also a marker of social prestige. These gatherings often contributed to the formation and maintenance of broad social networks. Relatives, neighbours, state officials, and friends would gather at the same table, and the iftar invitations served to strengthen social relationships (Tacar 2024).

Following the proclamation of the Republic by M. Kemal Atatürk (d. 1938), a series of reforms significantly altered the public role of religion. On 3 March 1924, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk’s government abolished the Ottoman Caliphate and enacted legislation that led to the closure of traditional Islamic educational institutions (madrasahs). On 30 November 1925, the government closed Sufi lodges (tekkes and zaviyes) and prohibited the activities of Sufi orders as part of its broader secularisation reforms. The alphabet reform took place on 1 November 1928, and the Latin alphabet was adopted in place of the Arabic and Ottoman Turkish scripts (Ahmad 1993).

On 25 November 1925, the Turkish Grand National Assembly adopted the Hat Law (Şapka Kanunu), which has often been interpreted as a symbol of the regime’s Westernisation agenda. Resistance to the law emerged in several regions. According to some accounts, government forces used naval bombardment in Rize to suppress unrest. Individuals who participated in anti-hat-law protests were tried before the Independence Tribunals (İstiklal Mahkemeleri), and 78 were executed (Küçük 2001; Cicek 2012). According to Cevdet Küçük, 1450–1500 of those who protested against the new regime were executed. In addition, 41,678 individuals received other forms of punishment, while 11,744 defendants were acquitted (Küçük 2001). As a result, religion was largely removed from the sphere of social and public life. The US professor John Dewey, who was serving as an educational consultant for the Ministry of Education in Ankara at the time, described the anti-religious reform: though enforced, he observed that “the Turks did not leave any of their Islamic or spiritual values” (Dewey 1928, p. 143). State officials no longer hosted iftar dinners as prevalent during the Ottoman period (Tacar 2024). In the post-1923 period, the reforms led to a shift whereby the provision of public iftar dinners ceased to be part of the state’s social policy.

Reintroduction of Interfaith Iftar Dinner

Although interfaith iftar dinners were uncommon before 9/11, the first such event in the Republic of Türkiye was reintroduced in 1994 by the Journalists and Writers Foundation (hereafter JWF), a Hizmet movement-affiliated organization based in Istanbul, and attracted approximately 400 participants. The event brought together leaders of non-Muslim minority religious communities, state dignitaries, journalists, intellectuals, academics, artists, business leaders, actors and actresses, as well as representatives of the Alawite and Kurdish communities (Sosyal Pencere 2014). Since the fall of the Ottoman Empire, no comparable interfaith iftar gathering had been organized in Türkiye. Appearing publicly alongside non-Muslim religious leaders remained a social and political taboo.

Salim (one of the interview participants and also the president of JWF in 1994) stated, “Over time, the scope of these gatherings expanded further. These iftar programs gradually attracted considerable public interest.” An even more notable development was that religious leaders who attended these events later began organizing their own iftar invitations. For example, the Armenian Patriarchate hosted iftar programs for many years during Ramadan. Similarly, the Chief Rabbinate in Istanbul organised large-scale iftar dinners attended by hundreds of people. Such gatherings resonated widely in the media and society, inspiring similar initiatives in different cities across Türkiye. Murtaza and Taha mentioned, “These gatherings symbolized a rare moment of unity in a historically fragmented social landscape, with participants emphasizing their potential to foster peace and mutual understanding. Prominent intellectuals and journalists also viewed these events as reflective of a more inclusive and authentic vision of Turkish society.” Selim added that “the aim was the universalization or globalization of Ramadan.” This expression had not previously appeared in the literature on Ramadan in Turkish culture. Reintroducing interfaith iftar dinners drew sharp criticism from some political Islamist groups, ultra-nationalists and some secularists who questioned both their religious legitimacy, negative impact on Turkish nationalist identity, and their perceived extravagance. Each group presented its specific arguments. Gradually, interfaith iftar dinners spread to other cities in Türkiye and, after 2001, to cities around the world. Selim and Murtaza mentioned that “Despite this opposition, the Hizmet movement’s leading figure persisted, maintaining that interreligious engagement could play a meaningful role in promoting long-term peace and coexistence.”

Iftar dinners, hosted by government institutions, Muslim and non-Muslim religious organizations and institutions, and NGOs, have become a widespread practice across many countries, serving diplomatic, interfaith, and community engagement purposes. National executive offices, such as the White House in the United States, hosted annual Ramadan iftar receptions from 1996 to 2016, bringing together Muslim community leaders, diplomats, and policymakers (Wikipedia Contributors n.d.). Similar events have also been organized in the post-9/11 period by ministries, parliaments, and local administrations, reflecting efforts to acknowledge Muslim citizens and foster multicultural dialogue.

This article proceeds in four stages. First, it reviews the relevant literature. Second, it examines the reintroduction in Türkiye of the previously discontinued tradition of interfaith iftar dinners and its subsequent international diffusion, drawing on data from fifteen interviews. Third, it analyses the globalization of interfaith iftar dinners through a systematic examination of approximately 2000 English-, Turkish-, Arabic-, and Persian-language webpages identified through Google and Yahoo searches, including sources produced by both proponents and critics of the initiative. All webpages were manually reviewed and qualitatively coded by the authors; no AI-assisted, automated, or computational text analysis methods were used. Finally, this article concludes by offering a number of recommendations.

2. Literature Review

While there is a substantial body of research on interfaith dialogue, the scholarly literature specifically addressing interfaith iftar dinners remains very limited. Numerous books, articles, and book chapters have examined the spiritual, social, and cultural dimensions of interfaith dialogue. Some of these works briefly mention interfaith iftar dinners, highlighting their potential contributions to social cohesion and community building through shared spiritual and cultural experiences (Curtis 2013; Weiner 2006; Hartati et al. 2025; Bendixsen 2013; Haveric 2017; Nosratabadi et al. 2020; Sahib 2020; Kabir 2020; Journalists and Writers Foundation 2016; Schielke 2009).

The communal dimension of iftar dinners is deeply rooted in Islamic tradition. As narrated in a hadith recorded by Tirmidhi, “Whoever provides the food for a fasting person to break his fast, then for him is the same reward as the fasting person without diminishing the fasting person’s reward at all” (Tirmidhī 1975, Hadith #807). Anas, a young companion, also reported that a Jewish man once invited the Prophet Muhammad (peace and blessings be upon him) to a meal of barley bread and stale meat, which the Prophet accepted (Ibn Ḥanbal 2001, Hadith no. 13201). “During his time in Mecca, the Prophet provided meals to non-Muslims on numerous occasions” (Köksal n.d., pp. 285–86).

On 9 December 1805, Thomas Jefferson hosted the White House’s very first iftar dinner in honour of Sidi Soliman Mellimelli, an envoy from the Beylik of Tunis. Annual Ramadan iftar dinners were held at the White House during the Clinton, Bush, and Obama administrations from 1996 onwards. This tradition continued until Donald Trump became president. He ended the iftar dinner at the White House, (Hunt and Smith 2017). However, Ramadan iftar dinners were held during President Joe Biden and President Donald Trump’s second terms in 2025 and 2026. Since the 9/11 terrorist attacks, heads of state from other Western countries have also started organizing iftar programs.

Ramadan is not only a spiritual month but also a social arena that fosters social cohesion through religious rituals and acts of generosity (Curtis 2013). Weiner argues that “Indeed, for Muslims, breaking the fast-during Ramadan is often very much a public event, an occasion for offering hospitality to their own community as well as the wider community.” (Weiner 2006).

Alghafl et al. discuss their research findings and argue that fasting brings people closer together by sharing meals and other social, religious, and cultural activities during Ramadan (Alghafl et al. 2019). Social and cultural activities, including iftar dinners, strengthen social harmony. “Public iftar gatherings take place in open spaces that welcome diverse participants without barriers…” (Hartati et al. 2025, p 64). Communal iftar gatherings during Ramadan serve as platforms for interfaith dialogue and cultural exchange in diverse communities (ibid.). Ramadan serves as a pivotal period for fostering interfaith dialogue and mutual understanding among diverse religious communities, thereby enhancing social cohesion (Parliament of the World’s Religions n.d.). Schielke analyses the social and spiritual aspects of fasting, including the meaning of breaking the fast together (Schielke 2009).

According to Weiner (2006), iftar has increasingly become a public event, particularly in Western contexts such as the United States. These gatherings provide opportunities for hospitality not only within Muslim communities but also toward members of other faith traditions. Through such interactions, iftar has emerged as a meaningful expression of Muslim identity that integrates religious commitment with civic participation in plural societies.

This practice highlights the importance of generosity and hospitality during Ramadan which is based on a teaching integral to the Islamic spiritual pursuit. In addition to its religious significance, iftar functions as a space where cultural traditions are preserved and adapted. Bendixsen (2013) notes that communal Ramadan meals allow Muslims, particularly younger generations in diaspora communities, to strengthen their religious and cultural identity. Through these shared experiences, iftar becomes not only a ritual meal but also a mechanism for social cohesion and highlights the dignity of difference.

Beyond its role within Muslim communities, iftar has increasingly become a space for interfaith engagement and social dialogue. Weiner (2006) notes that interfaith iftar gatherings expanded significantly in the United States after the terrorist attacks of 9/11 2001. In the aftermath of these events, Muslim communities sought ways to engage with broader society and counter negative stereotypes about Islam. Interfaith iftar events provided opportunities for Muslims, Christians, Jews, and individuals from other faith traditions to come together, share meals, and engage in constructive dialogue.

Research also indicates that communal iftar gatherings can strengthen relationships within multicultural societies. Hartati et al. (2025) found that communal iftar events in diverse neighbourhoods facilitate meaningful interactions among individuals from different cultural and religious backgrounds. These gatherings often involve collaboration between faith-based organizations, community leaders, and civic institutions, creating opportunities for dialogue and mutual understanding. Public iftar events held in open spaces are particularly effective at promoting inclusivity by removing social barriers and encouraging broad community participation (Hartati et al. 2025).

Similarly, Nosratabadi et al. (2020) emphasize that Ramadan fosters the development of social capital by encouraging communal gatherings, charitable activities, and shared meals. These practices strengthen interpersonal relationships, build trust among community members, and reinforce social solidarity. The tradition of providing free public meals during Ramadan, such as Egypt’s ‘Table of Mercy,’ further demonstrates how communal dining practices promote social support and collective responsibility.

Interfaith iftar events have expanded beyond local communities to include international and institutional settings. One notable example is the United Nations Interfaith Iftar Dinner in 2016, which brought together representatives from multiple countries and religious traditions to promote peace and solidarity. Organized by community activist groups such as the Peace Islands Institute and the Journalists and Writers Foundation, these gatherings emphasize the shared ethical values that unite diverse faith communities (Journalists and Writers Foundation 2016).

Interfaith iftar gatherings also occur in diverse cultural contexts worldwide. Leichtman’s (2013) research on Lebanese Christian communities in Senegal illustrates how Christian institutions sometimes host iftar dinners for Muslim neighbours. These gatherings create spaces of trust, mutual recognition, and cross-religious cooperation. By sharing meals during Ramadan, participants strengthen social relationships and demonstrate respect for each other’s religious practices.

Similar patterns are observed among Muslim immigrant communities in Western societies. Riikonen and Dervin (2012) note that universities in Canada often organize Ramadan events, including communal iftar dinners, to support Muslim students. These events provide opportunities for social interaction and help immigrants maintain their religious identity while integrating into multicultural environments. Through these institutional initiatives, Ramadan becomes a platform for both cultural preservation and intercultural engagement.

In some contexts, scholars argue that these interactions represent more than dialogue. Brittain (2016) suggests that relationships formed through shared observances such as Ramadan and Lent are better described as ‘interfaith partnerships’ rather than simple dialogue. Ramadan also influences social practices within institutional settings, including healthcare environments. Abu-Ras and Laird (2011) highlight the importance of accommodating Muslim patients during Ramadan by adjusting iftar meal schedules, medication timing, and dietary provisions to align with fasting practices. Such accommodation reflects a broader recognition of religious diversity in contemporary institutions. From community gatherings and educational initiatives to healthcare services and international diplomacy, Ramadan practices shape interactions across diverse institutional and cultural contexts.

Food culture also plays a significant role in shaping the public expression of Ramadan. Tayob (2020) highlights how iftar gatherings in India have become prominent social and political events attended by celebrities, politicians, and public figures. These high-profile gatherings often feature elaborate meals and distinguished guest lists, demonstrating how food functions as a tool of social networking and cultural display. Such events illustrate the broader sociocultural significance of iftar beyond its purely religious dimension.

The practice of Ramadan has also been influenced by processes of globalization and modernization. Sandıkçı and Omeraki (2007) argue that contemporary consumer culture has reshaped certain Ramadan traditions, particularly in urban settings. Their research in Türkiye demonstrates how market dynamics interact with religious rituals, transforming how Ramadan is celebrated in public and commercial spaces. Restaurants, shopping centres, and media outlets increasingly organize Ramadan-themed events and promotions, integrating religious observance with modern consumer lifestyles.

However, Sandıkçı and Omeraki (2007) caution against interpreting these developments solely as examples of cultural commodification or Western cultural dominance. Instead, they suggest that commercialization represents a hybrid process in which Western consumer practices intersect with local religious traditions. Through this interaction, new expressions of Ramadan rituals emerge that simultaneously preserve religious meaning while adapting to contemporary social contexts. In this sense, globalization does not erase traditional practices but rather reshapes them in ways that reflect evolving social and economic realities.

The existing literature highlights the multifaceted significance of Ramadan and iftar within contemporary societies. While fasting remains a deeply personal spiritual practice, the communal meal that breaks the fast serves as an important social institution. Scholars emphasize that iftar gatherings foster religious identity, strengthen community bonds and cultural rapprochement, and encourage acts of generosity and hospitality (Bendixsen 2013; Schielke 2009). They also create a constructive and unifying platform for individuals, societies, and political actors alike. In addition, globalization and consumer culture have transformed certain aspects of Ramadan practices, creating new hybrid expressions of traditional rituals (Sandıkçı and Omeraki 2007).

3. Theoretical Framework

This study employs social capital theory (hereafter SCT), as developed by Robert D. Putnam, as its primary theoretical framework to analyse the social functions of interfaith iftar dinners. Putnam (2000) distinguishes between different forms of social capital, arguing that bonding social capital strengthens individuals’ sense of belonging and reinforces internal group cohesion, while bridging social capital connects people across diverse social, cultural, and religious divisions. In the contemporary global political climate, particularly in the period following the 9/11 attacks, Muslim minority communities have increasingly sought to challenge negative stereotypes and foster mutual understanding. In this context, interfaith initiatives such as iftar dinners have emerged as important platforms for dialogue, visibility, and people-to-people social engagement where prejudice is ironed out and bigotry confronted with friendship and hospitality. It also constitutes a type of ‘capital’ that increases both individual and societal well-being and welfare.

Drawing on Putnam’s framework, interfaith iftar dinners can be understood as practices that generate multiple forms of social capital, including bonding, bridging, and linking capital. These gatherings bring together individuals from diverse religious, ethnic, and cultural backgrounds, often including those who might not otherwise interact, thereby fostering interpersonal trust and mutual recognition. At the same time, they create connections between civil society actors, community leaders, and public institutions, contributing to what is often described as linking social capital.

From this perspective, iftar events are not merely religious or cultural occasions, but dynamic social practices shaped by broader transformations in state—society relations, civil society activism, and global communication processes. Furthermore, the revival of interfaith iftars in the mid-1990s and their subsequent international diffusion can be analysed through Diffusion Theory, associated with Everett Rogers, which explains how ideas and practices spread across contexts through networks and institutional channels (Rogers 2003). The relatively rapid globalization of interfaith iftar dinners over the past two decades demonstrates the continued relevance of SCT, as these events contribute to trust building, the expansion of civic networks, and the creation of collaborative environments across diverse societies.

Drawing on the empirical integration of Durkheim’s theory of religion and Putnam’s social capital theory, interfaith iftar dinners function as vital rituals and ceremonies that directly foster sustainable social development by embedding shared moral values and civic cohesion (Sumi et al. 2025). As ritualistic and participatory practices, these gatherings do not merely exist as spiritual events; rather, they serve as platforms for social learning where abstract ethical commitments of mutual responsibility are translated into routine, pro-social behaviours (Saaida and Saaidah 2023). In pluralistic contexts, the moral regulation and collective conscience cultivated through the shared experience of the iftar dining ritual reinforce a communal identity that transcends doctrinal divisions, promoting interpersonal trust. This shared normative framework is subsequently operationalized through networks of civic engagement, which act as critical mediators, channelling the social trust and religious capital generated at the table into coordinated community actions, collaborative advocacy, and inclusive local governance (Hariram et al. 2023).

Furthermore, the systematic capacity of interfaith iftars to generate collective social resources can be precisely unpacked through the multidimensional framework of social capital—spanning structural, relational, and cognitive dimensions—and their underlying mechanisms of availability, accessibility, and coordination (Deane-Drummond 2011). Structurally, iftar dinners expand social capital density by connecting previously isolated or disconnected individuals across cultural lines, thereby increasing the accessibility of diverse communal knowledge, skills, and resources. Relationally, the shared environment of hospitality and friendship cultivates goodwill and mutual trust. This relational capital increases the availability of individual human capital, making participants more willing to openly share context-specific perspectives, disclose novel ideas, and engage in helping behaviours without fear of conflict, especially in highly heterogeneous groups. Cognitively, these dinners build cognitive social capital by introducing shared narratives, common goals, and mutual systems of meaning, which significantly enhance coordination (Sumi et al. 2025). By aligning personal and collective objectives, this cognitive dimension reduces communication barriers and guides the newly accessible and available social assets toward achieving harmonious, collaborative, and sustainable societal welfare (Hedlund-de Witt 2011).

When it comes to Émile Durkheim’s theory of religion, it defines religion not as an individual phenomenon reducible to belief in supernatural beings or divine entities, but as a fundamental social institution that constructs, regulates, and preserves society (Simpson and Conklin 1989). According to Durkheim, the distinctive essence of religion lies in the division of reality into two categories: the sacred and the profane. Shared beliefs and rituals organized around the sacred unite individuals into a single moral community. This theoretical approach transcends the limitations of hierarchical or purely theological definitions and offers a universal conception of religion applicable across diverse traditions. Religious rituals and symbols foster strong social integration by connecting individuals to the collective consciousness (Roulleau-Berger and Liu 2012). At the same time, religion performs an independent protective social function by regulating individual desires and imposing a coherent moral order on everyday life, thereby reducing isolation and social disintegration. From a Durkheimian perspective, an interfaith iftar dinner can be understood as a ritual gathering that strengthens social solidarity and reinforces a shared sense of community among participants from different religious traditions. By bringing individuals together around a meaningful symbolic practice, such events generate what Durkheim called “collective effervescence,” fostering mutual respect, social cohesion, and a deeper awareness of common moral values (Simpson and Conklin 1989; Roulleau-Berger and Liu 2012).

3.1. Research Design

This research was approved by the Charles Sturt University Research Ethics Committee (H23575) in 2023. Potential participants were informed about the study, including their role in the project, their rights as participants, and the voluntary nature of their involvement. After expressing interest, fifteen adult participants were provided with an information sheet outlining the study’s aims, procedures, confidentiality protocols, and their right to withdraw at any time without consequence. Participants who agreed to proceed were then sent a consent form to review, sign, and return prior to the interview.

Participants were identified through snowball sampling and the researchers’ professional networks. Fifteen individuals who were actively involved in organizing interfaith iftar dinners in Türkiye, the United States, and Australia were recruited. All interviews were conducted in a private online setting. Interview data were securely stored and anonymized to protect participants’ identities, and code numbers were assigned in all reporting. Interviews were recorded and transcribed, and transcripts were reviewed by the interviewers to ensure accuracy.

To examine the prevalence and institutional diversity of interfaith iftar events, the researchers also conducted a web-based survey of publicly available sources covering approximately the past three decades (1994–2025). Using the key phrase “Ramadan interfaith iftar dinner,” searches were conducted on Yahoo Search and Google Search in English, Arabic, Turkish and Persian. These searches produced approximately 2000 webpages, of which around 3100 relevant pages were examined for evidence of organizations hosting or co-hosting interfaith iftar dinners. The sources included institutional announcements, news reports, community organization websites, and event documentation. The purpose of this exploratory analysis was to identify the types of institutions involved in organizing interfaith iftar gatherings and to assess the range of sectors participating in such initiatives across different countries and social contexts.

3.2. Data Analysis

Thematic analysis is a widely utilized qualitative method for identifying and interpreting recurring patterns or themes within textual data, particularly in research based on semi-structured interviews (Braun and Clarke 2006) This approach is appropriate for exploring participants’ experiences and meanings because it allows researchers to examine how individuals interpret social practices and interactions. In this study, thematic analysis facilitated the identification of key themes related to motivations for organizing interfaith iftar dinners, perceptions of interreligious engagement, and the social contexts in which these events take place. The analysis involved familiarization with the transcripts, generating initial codes, and developing and refining themes through an iterative process (Braun and Clarke 2006). Its theoretical flexibility also makes it suitable for interpretive approaches that view interfaith dialogue as a socially constructed practice shaped by cultural and institutional contexts.

4. Globalization of Ramadan Interfaith Iftar Dinners

Musab, the Executive Director of AIS in the early 2000s, stated that “Robert Charles Grant Sercombe, a Member of Federal Parliament for Maribyrnong, attended AIS’s first interfaith iftar dinner in Melbourne in 2002. During the event, Musab informed him that Muslims in Australia faced discrimination and prejudice, with many feeling they were viewed by the broader society as potential terrorists. Sercombe was reportedly impressed by the interfaith iftar dinner and subsequently proposed hosting a similar event in the Federal Parliament under his sponsorship to promote social harmony in 2003.” According to Taha, a board member of the Affinity Intercultural Foundation (hereafter AIF) in Sydney, New South Wales (hereafter NSW), Premier Bob Carr attended the third interfaith iftar dinner in 2003. Taha and Turan suggested to the Premier that interfaith iftar dinners be held in NSW. The Premier agreed and began hosting annual interfaith iftar dinners at the NSW Parliament House. This continued until 2024, when it ceased due to Muslims’ boycott in response to the Gaza War.

In the year 2003, the Australian Intercultural Society (hereafter AIS) led the way in pioneering the first Inaugural Federal Parliament Iftar dinner in Canberra during the holy month of Ramadan in a Western country. (Prentice 2022). Australia’s Federal Parliament hosted its first-ever Ramadan iftar, bringing together government and opposition leaders to celebrate multiculturalism, religious freedom, and social unity. Labor MP Bob Sercombe and Liberal MP Sussan Ley welcomed attendees and highlighted Australia’s identity as a peaceful, democratic, and pluralistic society in which Muslim Australians play a valued role. Sercombe expressed hope that the parliamentary iftar would become an annual tradition and thanked those who helped organize the event (ibid.).

Opposition Leader Simon Crean described the evening as an important opportunity to strengthen unity despite differences. He emphasized that Australia’s multicultural success has been built through immigration and that diversity has enriched the country socially, culturally, and economically. He argued that Australians should draw strength not only from their majority culture but also from the values and connections that unite all communities (ibid.).

Representing Prime Minister John Howard, Deputy Prime Minister Gary Hardgrave praised the commitment shown by Muslims during Ramadan and reaffirmed Australia’s commitment to religious freedom and mutual respect. He stated, “Australians should support people of other faiths when they face discrimination or hostility. Referring to global terrorism, he noted that many victims have been Muslims and stressed that communities must work together against intolerance. He concluded by emphasizing faith, sacrifice, cooperation, and resilience as essential values for overcoming challenges and preserving social harmony. These were the very first of their kind and paved the way for many other civil and public organizations to adopt the Islamic tradition of breaking bread and sharing a meal with others in the holy month of Ramadan.” (Australian Intercultural Society 2004).

As mentioned above, the first interfaith iftar dinner was organized by JWF in Türkiye in 1994, and this practice has continued to the present day, with the state and various institutions involved. Based on the results from the digital research engines Yahoo and Google, as well as 15 interviews, the first NGO interfaith iftar dinners in the West were organised by the Affinity Intercultural Foundation in Sydney (here after AIF) and subsequently in 2001 (https://affinity.org.au/friendship-and-dialogue-dinner-2001/?utm_2001 (accessed on 10 June 2026)). In Illinois, the Muslim Students Association at the University of Chicago organized the first interfaith iftar dinner with Hillel and Brent House (Wolf 2002), as did the Boston Dialogue Foundation (hereafter BDF) in Boston based on Haris’s archive, who was president of the foundation between 2000 and 2003, and the Australian Intercultural Society (hereafter AIS) in Canberra in 2003 (Prentice 2022). However, the interfaith iftar dinner at the University of Chicago was discontinued. Former U.S. presidential candidate Michael Dukakis delivered the keynote address at the first interfaith iftar dinner in Boston. According to the BDF news bulletin, the event was attended by approximately 200 participants representing 26 faith-based organizations.

The first interfaith iftar dinners were held in the EU parliament in 2005 (Aymaz 2005), and the first interfaith iftar dinner of 2016 was given at the United Nations by Peace Islands Institute and the JWF (Journalists and Writers Foundation 2016).

Although the Hizmet movement had previously organized interfaith iftar dinners in Türkiye and abroad, this study demonstrates that the tragic events of 9/11 compelled Muslim minorities in the West to engage more actively with non-Muslims in order to counter prejudice and misunderstandings about Islam and Muslims and to build bridges with the wider community. In this context, gathering for iftar during Ramadan became both an important opportunity and a powerful catalyst for addressing Islamophobia and correcting misconceptions. The results of this study show that, over time, almost all Muslim organizations have been hosting interfaith iftar dinners not only on their premises but also at universities, local and federal parliament houses, churches, synagogues, Buddhist temples, schools, and other civic organizations.

Islamic religious, cultural, and dialogue organizations appear most frequently as hosts, often collaborating with Christian churches from multiple denominations, interfaith dialogue initiatives, and peacebuilding organizations. Educational institutions, including universities and, in some cases, secondary schools with significant Muslim student populations, also actively coordinate these events to promote multicultural engagement and community inclusion. In addition, this study identified events arranged by business corporations, financial institutions, human rights organizations, sports clubs, and professional associations, indicating the diffusion of interfaith iftar beyond strictly religious settings. The data further reveal participation by institutions representing other faith traditions, which occasionally host or co-organize iftar gatherings as opportunities for interreligious encounters and mutual understanding. The results suggest that over the past three decades, interfaith iftar dinners have evolved into a widely adopted civic and interreligious practice, involving actors from diverse sectors and contributing to initiatives aimed at dialogue, social cohesion, and cross-cultural engagement.

The findings also show that in the past two and a half decades, iftar dinners hosted by governmental institutions have become a widespread practice across many countries, serving diplomatic, interfaith, and community engagement purposes. National executive offices, events organized by ministries, parliaments, and local administrations, reflect efforts to acknowledge Muslim citizens and foster multicultural dialogue. For example, state and provincial governments in Australia have hosted iftar dinners at parliamentary venues such as those organized by the NSW Premier at Parliament House and events linked to the Victorian Parliament attended by political leaders, faith representatives, and community organizations. Collectively, these state-hosted iftars illustrate how Ramadan observances have been incorporated into governmental public diplomacy and multicultural governance practices in diverse political contexts. These have almost become annual features in the civic calendar and organized by officials but in association with community leadership within the local or federal authorities.

In addition, diplomatic missions and international bodies organize iftar gatherings involving ambassadors, government officials, and civil society actors to strengthen international and intercultural relations. Many non-Muslim ambassadors, or governmental institutions, began to hold iftar dinners after 2005, mostly for Muslims only, while Muslim ambassadors have held interfaith iftar dinners that included non-Muslims too. At the diplomatic level, this practice, as a civic encounter rather than purely religious is, in fact, a significant socio-religious event. Its packaging reflects the specific institutional relationships in each city, whether it is a Muslim-majority country or a country where Muslims are a minority. Civic practice here is pragmatic and admirable as many levels of social contact are promoted in one single event.

A broad survey of English-language web content discussing “interfaith dialogue iftars” or iftar programs that include non-Muslim participants suggests that supportive perspectives dominate the online discourse. Based on a structured sampling of approximately 2000 webpages (including news reports, NGO publications, interfaith organization pages, opinion articles, and blogs), the overall distribution indicates that roughly 71% of the content portrays interfaith iftar events positively or as initiatives promoting dialogue, while approximately 29% presents critical or opposing views. Nonetheless, the opponents of iftar dinners appear to have been gradually weakening since 2010. Supportive materials commonly found in mainstream media, community organization websites, and interfaith institutions typically emphasize themes such as social cohesion, intercultural understanding, and peacebuilding, portraying shared iftar meals as opportunities for people of different religions to build relationships and mutual respect. For example, reports on such events frequently highlight how gatherings bring together participants from multiple faith traditions to ‘foster understanding’ and strengthen community ties.

In a content analysis of Turkish-language web materials discussing ‘interfaith dialogue iftars’ or iftar programs to which non-Muslims are invited, the distribution of perspectives is as follows. Based on an examination of approximately 100 Turkish webpages returned by Google and Yahoo searches using relevant keywords such as interfaith iftar dinner (including news websites, opinion columns, blogs, and religious commentary platforms), about 63% of the content presents such iftars in a positive or supportive manner, while 37% adopts a critical or opposing stance. Supportive texts generally consist of municipal announcements, civil society activities, and media reports, and they emphasize that these events promote peace, tolerance, and a culture of coexistence among people of different faiths.

In contrast, critical perspectives are more frequently found in opinion columns, religious commentary websites, and certain Islamic blogs. These writings often argue that interfaith iftar events are part of broader interreligious dialogue initiatives, which, according to their critics, may obscure theological differences between religions or raise concerns regarding the preservation of Muslim religious identity. Consequently, within Turkish online discourse, the topic is generally presented in a predominantly positive, informational news tone, yet it remains a subject of significant critical debate. Criticism of interfaith dialogue initiatives in Turkey has also been reflected in sections of the media. For example, Türkiye Gazetesi published a headline entitled “Fetullah Gülen tehlikesine bu kitapla dikkat çekmişti! Yazarımız Mehmet Oruç’un eserinde anlattıkları yeniden gündemde / Attention Was Drawn to the Threat of Fethullah Gülen Through This Book: What Our Writer Mehmet Oruç Discussed Is Back in the Spotlight” (Türkiye Gazetesi 2024), while Yeni Akit ran an article under the headline “Terör elebaşı sırtını Vatikan’a dayamış/The Terrorist Leader Had the Vatican Behind Him!” (Yeni Akit 2016). Such portrayals indicate that interfaith dialogue and related practices, including interfaith iftar gatherings, have often been viewed with suspicion and interpreted by some commentators through political, ideological, or missionary lenses.

Arabic and Persian sources consistently portray shared iftars as neither purely religious nor merely social events. Rather, they function as ’dialogue-producing rituals’ that embody lived forms of coexistence in increasingly diverse societies. This role is particularly evident in Europe and North America, where interfaith iftars are often held in churches or public spaces. An iftar hosted in a Berlin church courtyard, attended by hundreds of Muslim and Christian neighbours, illustrates how these gatherings promote mutual recognition, inclusion, and coexistence in multicultural settings (Shammat 2016).

In Lebanon, where Christians make up more than 30 percent of the population, Muslim–Christian iftars serve as powerful reminders of both the country’s sectarian past and its enduring traditions of coexistence. Arabic and Persian sources note that these events are frequently attended by religious leaders and representatives of multiple denominations. While some are hosted by Muslims, others take place in church courtyards organized by Christian communities. Such gatherings demonstrate how religious and spatial boundaries can be transcended through shared rituals. One Persian report even recounts a young Christian from Beirut fasting for several days to better understand the experiences of his Muslim friends (Bakhitairi n.d.).

Jordan offers a more visible and often state-supported model of interfaith iftar. A notable example is the annual Ramadan Iftar organized by the Our Lady of Peace Center under the patronage of Prince Mraad bin Raad, bringing together senior Muslim and Christian religious figures, diplomats, and community representatives (Habib 2014).

Media reports also highlight Christians distributing iftar meals to motorists at sunset, symbolizing mutual respect and compassion.

In Jerusalem, shared iftars possess both social and spiritual significance. Al Jazeera Arabic reports that Christian clergy regularly host iftar tables attended by Muslims, religious leaders, and local residents. These gatherings reflect the city’s long history of Muslim–Christian interaction and have evolved into a reciprocal tradition embraced by both communities.

Similar initiatives appear in Iran, Egypt, and Oman. In Tehran, Archbishop Sebuh Sarkisyan’s 2018 iftar brought together government officials and interfaith leaders, emphasizing peace, respect, and shared moral values (Young Journalists Club 2018). In Egypt, annual iftars organized by the Coptic Orthodox Church and later supported by the Ministry of Endowments have long symbolized national unity. Meanwhile, Oman demonstrates a more informal model in which Muslims, Christians, and expatriate communities naturally gather for shared Ramadan meals (Al Shabiba and Oman Daily Observer 2024).

5. Observing Criticism

The general criticism towards interfaith iftar dinners can be divided into two camps, namely the so-called Muslim camp and the right-wing Christian camp plus some Islamophobic websites. Although they differ about their faith and approach to interfaith dinners, both sides, on one hand, come together to sharply criticize interfaith iftar dinners. While the Muslim camps views interfaith dinners as Christianization of Muslims, the Christian camp argues that it is Islamization of the West. The burdens of history on both camps yet again are amply orchestrated and we describe such burdens here.

The Muslim opposition camp includes some political Islamists, ultra-nationalists and some left-wing groups. Their criticisms of inviting non-Muslims to iftar are generally grouped into the following categories: the perceived risk of conflating religions; concerns about missionary activity or cultural influence; the view that interfaith iftar initiatives may serve political purposes; and anxieties that Islamic identity may be weakened. Criticisms have been voiced that interfaith iftar gatherings are ‘part of an interfaith dialogue project,’ and that they may obscure theological differences between religions or be problematic from the perspective of Muslim and national identity. In the long term, they will weaken national identity. Interfaith dialogue approaches are particularly visible through symbolic activities (such as joint meetings, shared meals, or iftar programs), a situation that, in some Muslim circles, gives rise to concerns about ‘the relativization of religious identity’ (Güngör 2005). In an interview, Fatima, who was actively involved in interfaith iftars and dialogue, said, “Some were suspicious, even calling dialogue a ‘Trojan horse’ for conversion. Others disrupted events by quoting religious texts out of context.”

A syndicate columnist of Türkiye Newspaper wrote that “The objective of interfaith dialogue, including interfaith iftar, is to Christianize Muslims and to eliminate the principle of tawhid” (divine unity). “Interfaith dialogue is viewed as part of a broader mission aimed at bringing all people back to the Church” (Demirbaş 2004). Has argues that, in some cases, interfaith dialogue activities may create a basis for compromise that overlooks the core teachings of religions (Has 2002): Iftar is for Muslims who are fasting. It is not possible to understand the logic of gathering people who have nothing to do with fasting or Islam in a church under the name of iftar. If you just want to come together and eat, then come and eat outside of Ramadan. Oruc stated that one of the aims of the activities carried out in recent years under the rubric of ‘interreligious dialogue’ is to conduct missionary activities (Oruç 2019).

Certain Muslim critics reject interfaith iftar invitations on the grounds that they contravene Islamic teachings. Statements such as “A Muslim can’t invite a non-Muslim to an iftar; it is against the Qur’an and the Sunnah” illustrate an attempt to enforce rigid communal boundaries. Here, the concern is not assimilation but rather the preservation of religious purity and adherence to perceived orthodox practice.

Selim, the former president of the WJF, indicated that after the iftar program in 1994, one Islamist political syndicate columnist wrote iftara vaftiz suyu karıştı, which means “baptismal water was mixed into the iftar meal”. In the context of Turkish parlance, it is an insult, a humiliation, a great degradation. As can be observed, the tone adopted by some on this issue is becoming increasingly sharp. Indeed, those who oppose iftar dinners also tend to reject interfaith dialogue, joint prayer initiatives organized by faith groups, and many other constructive efforts that seek to promote social cohesion.

A notable rhetorical feature in these criticisms is the fear of relational transformation. The phrase “If you invite them to iftar dinners, you will be like them” implies that social familiarity may undermine ideological distance. This reflects a broader sociological pattern in which interpersonal contact challenges rigid group boundaries. This social rigidity indicates a social fear of identity displacement, which sociologically is a pull factor for self-affirmation, but the worse outcome is a situation that creates an enemy within (fellow Muslims who opt for Interfaith iftars) and an enemy without (those who attend outside the fold). This, indeed, is a critical distinction of a ‘near other’ and a ‘far other’, but outside the sacred canopy of the orthodoxy, a clear ‘otherization’ is defined.

A review of English-language commentary written by non-Muslim authors indicates that several Christian, secular, and political commentary websites have expressed criticism of interfaith iftar dinners or Muslim and non-Muslim shared Ramadan events. It is argued that interfaith dinners mean legitimizing Islam-linked organizations and compromising the theological difference. Some go further, indicating the Islamization of the West.

These critiques frequently appear in conservative Christian blogs and political commentary sites (Smith and Iner 2021). For example, articles published on Paul and Virtue discuss whether Christians should attend or host iftar events and raise concerns that participation in such gatherings could create theological ambiguity or imply religious equivalence between Christianity and Islam (Paul 2018; Virtue 2025).

Similarly, opinion pieces in Christian media outlets such as Premier Christianity have noted that interfaith iftars involving church leaders have sparked debate among Christians regarding the appropriate boundaries of interreligious engagement (Khan 2024). Mek sharply criticizes Dhimmi Houston, Mayor of Whitmire, who attended an interfaith iftar dinner. She argues that it is the Islamization of Texas (Mek 2026). More broadly, ideological commentary platforms including sites such as Gatestone Institute, Jihad Watch, New English Review, RAIR Foundation and Faith Freedom International often frame interfaith initiatives, including interfaith iftar dinners, within wider debates about religious pluralism, multiculturalism, and the perceived risks of religious relativism, which is a sweeping judgement passed on to those who work for reconciliation and interfaith endeavours globally. These sites typically argue that interfaith gatherings may obscure doctrinal differences between religions or serve as symbolic gestures that downplay theological exclusivity. Critics from traditionalist Christian perspectives similarly contend that interfaith dialogue can sometimes pressure participants to minimize central beliefs such as the divinity of Christ or the uniqueness of Christian salvation. Jihadwatch questions “why outreach is one way?” when an interfaith iftar dinner was hosted by Anglican St Paul Cathedral in London (Spencer 2024). Consequently, while much mainstream media portrays interfaith iftars as tools of community building and intercultural understanding, a visible segment of English-language religious commentary views such events with scepticism, particularly on theological and ideological grounds.

The critical headlines frame interfaith iftar participation as a threat to religious authenticity and cultural identity. Unlike the conciliatory tone of the supportive narratives, these statements employ urgent or alarmist language, such as ‘Wake up America’ and ‘Islamization of Texas.’ This rhetoric situates the practice within broader political anxieties about demographic change, immigration, and cultural transformation.

From some right-wing Christian perspectives, participation in an iftar dinner is interpreted as theological compromise. The claim that “if you attend an interfaith iftar, you are worshipping a different God” frames the event as implicitly polemical and broadly counter-religious rather than providing its inherent social value for integration. Under this interpretation, attending a Muslim ritual meal could be seen as violating Christian doctrinal boundaries, very much a question of purity and a starkly enforced taboo.

6. Interfaith Iftar as Civic Hospitality and a Social Bridge

The collected headlines and themes reveal that the first frame is dominant in the positive headlines, which present interfaith iftar as a practice of civic hospitality, community building, and social cohesion. The title of the event plays an important role in its branding strategy, attracting attention and prompting reflection among prospective participants. By appealing to human curiosity, it encourages individuals to attend and explore the event’s purpose. New attendees often bring companions, thereby extending their reach and impact. This process generates a multiplier effect, enhancing interpersonal connections and enriching the collective experience of the gathering. It indeed has a rollercoaster effect on each other and those gathered. The themes that used were as follows: Faiths unite at Iftar Dinner, Food faith and Friendship, Interfaith friendship iftar dinner, Shoulder to shoulder iftar dinner, Potluck iftar dinner, Breaking bread with Muslim brothers (churches), Open Our doors, Share a Meal, and Build Understanding with Neighbors, Meaningful Connections, Reduce misunderstanding, and Strengthen Local Relationships, Street Iftar: SalamFest, Keeping the Flame of Community Alight, Iftar Dinner to promote fraternity, IftarMe: Sharing More Than Just a Meal, A Night of Unity: Interfaith Iftar Dinner at Sha’are Shalom Synagogue, United in Faith, Rooted in Understanding, Miami Jewish and Muslim Communities Unite Over shared Values, Being Seen and Heard, Interfaith Dinner Promotes Importance of Solidarity and Peace, Iftar Party, Interfaith iftar party, Interfaith Potluck, How Fasting, Faith and Food Become Key Ingredients to Friendship, LBGTQ and ally interfaith iftar dinner. This litany of naming iftar dinners is curiously creative and certainly indicates an imagination that effectively impacted the concerned communities, hosts and guests who eventually become friends. A socially and culturally rooted religious event (iftar gathering) manifested in public for a culture of solidarity across differences could cement formidable friendships and work towards the common good.

The positive headlines consistently construct the iftar dinner as a social ritual of inclusion rather than a strictly religious observance. Expressions such as Faiths unite at Iftar Dinner, Food, Faith and Friendship, and Shoulder to Shoulder Iftar Dinner emphasize collective participation and interpersonal connection. Food serves as a recurring symbolic medium: phrases such as “Breaking bread with Muslim brothers,” “Potluck iftar dinner,” and “Sharing More Than Just a Meal” frame the event within a broader tradition of communal dining that transcends doctrinal boundaries. These gatherings indicate a certain social ritual in public space but imbedded in religious significance. However, because it takes place in the public sphere, those who participate, despite their differences, experience the same or similar ‘social significance’ in their public life from such a social gathering. This reciprocal practice of giving and receiving, embodied as a gesture of solidarity and friendship, functions as a form of social glue that facilitates wider community engagement extending beyond the iftar gathering itself.

Several linguistic patterns are evident. First, many headlines foreground relational vocabulary, including ‘friendship,’ ‘unity’, understanding,’ and ‘connections.’ This language situates the iftar not merely as a religious observance but as a social practice aimed at reducing misunderstanding and restrengthening local relationships. These ‘positive vibes’ create an atmosphere of cordiality and a testing ground that turns even the initial doubters into accomplices of ‘doing good publicly’. These headlines work well as icebreakers in frozen relationships. The phrase “open our doors, share a meal, and build understanding with neighbours” illustrates how interfaith iftar events are framed as acts of hospitality embedded in the local community life.

Second, the headlines emphasize symbolic solidarity across religious communities. Examples such as “A Night of Unity: Interfaith Iftar Dinner at Sha’are Shalom Synagogue” and “Miami Jewish and Muslim communities unite over shared values” highlight the participation of multiple faith traditions. In these narratives, the ritual of breaking the fast becomes a shared civic moment rather than an exclusively Islamic one. What is significant on these occasions is that, while in some parts of the world conflict and war prevail, in these encounters peace is actively embraced. For the men and women involved, peacebuilding becomes a deeply trusted practice, an embodiment of hope and a powerful witness in the face of the despair and devastation caused by conflict and war.

Third, some headlines expand the inclusivity narrative to encompass broader social identities. The mention of an “LGBTQ and ally interfaith iftar dinner” reflects the incorporation of contemporary social justice discourses into interfaith practice even though it has its own cutting-edge debates among religionists on different global platforms. Similarly, community-oriented events such as “Street Iftar: SalamFest” present the ritual in a public, festival-like context that merges religious observance with cultural celebration.

Overall, this positive frame situates interfaith iftar within the paradigm of interreligious dialogue and grassroots peacebuilding despite the negative promptings. The emphasis on fraternity, solidarity, and shared humanity suggests that the ritual meal functions symbolically as a tool for negotiating pluralism in increasingly diverse societies.

6.1. Ritual, Identity, and the Politics of Encounter

Rituals are not merely sacred performances but social acts through which communities express identity, memory, and belonging. In contexts shaped by colonialism, migration, mono-religious cultures and cultural diversities, a ritual becomes a visible language where identities are negotiated, contested, and reimagined. The politics of encounter, therefore, unfolds not only through ideas and institutions but also through embodied practices that both mark boundaries and create spaces for people living in an increasingly multipolar world.

Taken together, the contrasting headlines reveal that interfaith iftar dinners function as more than simple communal meals. They become symbolic arenas in which competing visions of religious coexistence are negotiated. Supporters frame the events as instruments of civic integration and mutual understanding, while critics interpret them as risks to doctrinal integrity or cultural identity, creating dilution and compromise.

The divergence reflects a broader tension between two models of religious engagement. One model emphasizes dialogue, shared public life, and religion in the public domain where ‘ritual hospitality’ serves as a bridge between communities. The other emphasizes boundary maintenance, prioritizing the overstated theological clarity and rigid communal separation.

From a sociological perspective, these opposing narratives illustrate how everyday practices such as sharing a meal can acquire heightened ideological significance in plural societies. The interfaith iftars thus operate simultaneously as a religious ritual, a community-building strategy, and a contested symbol within broader debates about multiculturalism and interreligious relations within a plural world.

6.2. Conclusions

Iftar dinners constitute a long-standing and meaningful tradition within Islam, historically extending beyond Muslim communities through invitations to non-Muslim guests. Interfaith iftar dinners were an Ottoman custom, unfortunately ended with the fall of the empire. Since the reintroduction of interfaith iftar dinners by the JWF in 1994 in Türkiye, these gatherings have gradually evolved into significant platforms for interfaith and intercultural dialogue across the world. Despite strong initial opposition from political Islamists, ultra-nationalists, and some secular groups, interfaith iftars have persisted and expanded over time. This resistance reflects broader ideological tensions surrounding religion, identity, and public space, regardless of whether the Muslim population is the majority or a minority.

The globalization or as we argue ‘the diffusion’ of interfaith iftar initiatives accelerated after the 9/11 attacks, which increased the perceived need for dialogue and mutual understanding between Muslim and non-Muslim communities. This study analysed over 2000 news websites in English, Turkish, Arabic, and Persian using Yahoo Search and Google Search engines. The findings indicate that approximately 71% of news outlets portray interfaith iftars positively, emphasizing their role in fostering understanding, building bridges, and enhancing social cohesion, while 29% portray them negatively. These results align with Robert Putnam’s SCT, particularly the concept of ‘bonding social capital’ (links between people who are alike, family, close friends, ethnic groups). Its social glue relates to internal support, which is regular. However, the iftar dinner also evokes Putnam’s point of ‘bridging social capital’ (links between diverse groups, different religious traditions, classes, or those with different political views). The latter is an innovative proposition, a specifically unique practical tool from the dar al-Islam to the plural world where difference is a throbbing social reality.

However, opposition persists across different ideological spectrums. About 29% of the news examined on the 2000 website pages opposed interfaith iftar dinners. Some Muslim critics argue that interfaith iftars may even hamper cultural identities and dilute religious traditions, even leading to syncretism, including fears of Christianization or threats to national identity. Conversely, certain Islamophobic and Christian rights groups frame such initiatives as contributing to the Islamization of Western societies or a backdoor entry to legitimize Shari’ah law and other Muslim cultural practices.

Regarding the interviews conducted, they have shown that interfaith iftar dinners evolved from local gatherings in Türkiye into a global phenomenon aimed at the ‘globalization of Ramadan’ and fostering cross-cultural coexistence. While these events symbolized a rare moment of unity and successfully promoted social harmony in diverse settings—such as inspiring parliament-sponsored dinners in Australia—they also encountered significant opposition. The interviews reveal that critics, including political Islamists, ultra-nationalists, and some secularists, viewed these dialogue efforts with suspicion, framing them as a threat to religious and national identity. Ultimately, the findings highlight a deep-seated sociological tension: while participants embraced the iftars as a means to build mutual understanding, opponents feared relational transformation, leading to rigid group boundaries and the ‘otherization’ of those engaging in interfaith dialogue.

Since sharing food lies at the heart of the iftar experience, the occasion carries profound religious and social significance. As such, it provides a unique and welcoming space for encounters among friends, neighbours, and people from diverse cultural and religious backgrounds. Beyond the simple act of breaking bread together, iftar gatherings cultivate mutual understanding, foster hope, and encourage fresh and innovative thinking in an increasingly interconnected and multipolar world. In this way, they serve as meaningful occasions that not only celebrate diversity but also affirm a shared commitment to building a common future.