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30 pages, 1096 KiB

Open AccessArticle

The Emergence and Spread of Relic Veneration in Medieval China: A Study with a Special Focus on the Relics Produced by Miracles

by Zhiyuan Chen

Religions 2025, 16(5), 652; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16050652 - 20 May 2025

Abstract

Miracle tales are almost the sole source for the investigation of the emergence and spread of the relic cult in the early phase of Chinese Buddhism. The earliest excavated relic casket dates back to 453 CE, over four centuries after Buddhism was introduced [...] Read more.

Miracle tales are almost the sole source for the investigation of the emergence and spread of the relic cult in the early phase of Chinese Buddhism. The earliest excavated relic casket dates back to 453 CE, over four centuries after Buddhism was introduced to China. Through a critical textual analysis of Ji Shenzhou Sanbao Gantonglu, it is evident that the initial form of relic veneration was based on miraculous responses. Legends about imperial relic worship before the 3rd century are all later fabrications. Two archeological finds—the alleged relic murals in a Han tomb at Horinger, Inner Mongolia, and the stūpa-shaped bronze vessel in Gongyi, Henan—are not directly related to relic veneration. Based on the available evidence, it is tentatively concluded that relic worship first emerged around the 3rd century in the vicinity of Luoyang, the capital of the Western Jin, and later spread to the south of the Yangtze River after the Yongjia chaos. The early worshippers included both monks and lay Buddhists, such as merchants and lower-ranking officials. Royal interest in relics did not arise until the 5th century. The rise of relic veneration in China occured two or three centuries later than that in Gandhāra, from which Chinese Buddhism was significantly influenced. Compared to the cult of images or scriptures, relic veneration also emerged relatively late in China. The reluctance to adopt relics as worship objects can be partly explained by (the mahāyāna) Buddhist doctrines and the Chinese cultural mentality. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Localization, Globalization and Glocalization: Paradigm Shifts in the Study of Transmission and Transformation of Buddhism in Asia and Beyond)

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22 pages, 481 KiB

Open AccessArticle

Yinyuan Longqi’s “Huangbo” Writing and the Construction of “Authenticity”

by Zurong Yang and Yinyu Wu

Religions 2025, 16(4), 514; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16040514 - 16 Apr 2025

Viewed by 347

Abstract

Yinyuan Longqi 隱元隆琦 was a pivotal figure in Sino–Japanese cultural exchange. His journey to Japan to propagate Buddhism, founding of the Ōbaku sect (Huangbo zong 黃檗宗), emphasis on the orthodoxy of his Zen teachings, and crafting of an “authentic” identity profoundly influenced [...] Read more.

Yinyuan Longqi 隱元隆琦 was a pivotal figure in Sino–Japanese cultural exchange. His journey to Japan to propagate Buddhism, founding of the Ōbaku sect (Huangbo zong 黃檗宗), emphasis on the orthodoxy of his Zen teachings, and crafting of an “authentic” identity profoundly influenced Japanese Buddhism and culture. While existing studies have predominantly explored the socio–historical dimensions of Yinyuan’s construction of “authenticity” (benzhen 本真), his extensive corpus of Zen verses remains understudied. By tracing the “Huangbo” (Ōbaku) 黃檗 imagery in his writings, this study addresses how Yinyuan constructed “authenticity” through his poetic works. Before his journey to Japan, Yinyuan employed “Huangbo” imagery to articulate his personal situation and sentiment, elevating it into a symbolic representation of inner “authenticity”. In the early days after Yinyuan went to Japan, driven by the dual imperatives of promoting orthodox Zen and responding to Japanese expectations of Zen origins, he intricately intertwined “Huangbo” with Zen doctrines, transforming the imagery into a marker of “authenticity” that embodied both orthodox Zen philosophy and sectarian identity. Following the establishment of Kyoto’s Mount Huangbo, Yinyuan further reshaped the “Huangbo” imagery into a trans-geographical and cultural symbol of sectarian dharma lineage, thereby ensuring the spiritual continuity of “authenticity” across Chinese and Japanese Huangbo traditions. This process not only reflects the cross-cultural transmission of Buddhism from China to Japan but also serves as a critical lens for examining the interplay between globalization and localization in religious development. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Localization, Globalization and Glocalization: Paradigm Shifts in the Study of Transmission and Transformation of Buddhism in Asia and Beyond)

18 pages, 488 KiB

Open AccessArticle

The Strategic Use of “雜” (zá) in Xuanzang’s Translations

by Yanyan Shen and Zhouyuan Li

Religions 2025, 16(4), 462; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16040462 - 3 Apr 2025

Viewed by 416

Abstract

The character “雜” (zá), commonly found in Chinese Buddhist literature, typically conveys the meaning of “mixed” or “varied”. However, in the translations of the renowned Tang dynasty translator Xuanzang, its usage stands out both in frequency and distinctiveness, setting his work apart from [...] Read more.

The character “雜” (zá), commonly found in Chinese Buddhist literature, typically conveys the meaning of “mixed” or “varied”. However, in the translations of the renowned Tang dynasty translator Xuanzang, its usage stands out both in frequency and distinctiveness, setting his work apart from that of other translators. Terms traditionally conveyed using “不淨” (bù jìng, “impure”) or “穢” (huì, “filth”) were deliberately transformed by Xuanzang into “雜染” (zá rǎn, “mixed defilement”) and “雜穢” (zá huì, “mixed filth”), with “雜” nearly becoming synonymous with impurity. Examining the original meaning of “雜”, we find that it primarily signifies “to gather” or “miscellaneous”, typically carrying a neutral connotation. However, when used as an adjective describing a state, “雜” transcends its neutral sense of “various” or “diverse” to encompass notions of impurity, disorder, and deviation from normative standards—often with negative implications. Building on this understanding, it becomes clear that the abstract opposition between purity and impurity in the doctrinal meanings of Buddhist scriptures was reinterpreted by Xuanzang as a concrete opposition between “清淨” (qīng jìng, “purity”) and “雜穢” (mixed filth). This reinterpretation allowed “雜” to describe anything defiling the mind or carrying negative overtones—even when the original Sanskrit text did not explicitly indicate such a notion—thereby constituting a strategic substitution in translation. Furthermore, Xuanzang and his contemporaries frequently employed “雜” as a functional component within disyllabic compounds that collectively expressed negative meanings. Some terms containing “雜” thus cannot be understood simply as “mixed” or “varied”; instead, “雜” functions as a negative marker, reinforcing unfavorable connotations. This paper provides a focused case study on the lexical strategies of ancient Buddhist translators, illustrating how particular concepts—including 雜—were leveraged to reshape doctrinal content. In doing so, it highlights the deliberate linguistic and interpretative choices made by translators like Xuanzang, offering insights into their motivations and the cultural–linguistic contexts that framed their work. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Localization, Globalization and Glocalization: Paradigm Shifts in the Study of Transmission and Transformation of Buddhism in Asia and Beyond)

24 pages, 5930 KiB

Open AccessArticle

A Sanctuary of Avataṃsaka: The Theoretical and Practical Studies on Huayan Buddhism Embodied in the Sculptures of the Huayan Grotto in Anyue

by Yuanyuan Zhang

Religions 2025, 16(4), 438; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16040438 - 28 Mar 2025

Viewed by 441

Abstract

The Huayan Grotto in Anyue County is one of the most typical caves of the grottoes of Sichuan 四川 and Chongqing 重慶. Being well known for its grand scale and the beautiful style of its sculptures, the cave was designed and carved by [...] Read more.

The Huayan Grotto in Anyue County is one of the most typical caves of the grottoes of Sichuan 四川 and Chongqing 重慶. Being well known for its grand scale and the beautiful style of its sculptures, the cave was designed and carved by the Liu-Zhao sect 柳趙教派 in eastern Sichuan during the Southern Song Dynasty. The Liu-Zhao sect is a local religious group that relies on grottoes and statues to state concepts, propagate ideas, and spread doctrines. The sect is good at integrating a variety of Buddhist thoughts to form its own unique theoretical and practical system. The large-scale statue-making activities under the auspices of the Liu-Zhao sect 柳趙教派 are a classic example of the localization of Buddhism in Southwest China. The ideological system of the Liu-Zhao sect is centered on Huayan, and Huayan Grotto is the very concentration of its special philosophy. This paper considers that the cave constitutes a holy place, with a theme of thoughts of Huayan, which was built based on important doctrines of two masters. Through the combination and arrangement of diversified images, the cave is so far the most complex, complete, and systematic visualized representation of the Huayan’s theory and practice. Inside the cave are carved full-length portraits of Li Tongxuan 李通玄, the Elder of Huayan, and Guifeng Zongmi 圭峰宗密, the fifth patriarch of the Huayan sect. There are also statues and inscriptions that illustrate Li’s thoughts, such as the Ten Assemblies in Ten Locations 十處十會and the Sudhana’s Pilgrimage 善財遍參based on Li’s exegetical writings on the Avataṃsaka Sūtra; the Three Saints of the Huayan School (Huayan sansheng 華嚴三聖) carved on the basis of Li’s pioneering idea about the trinity of three saints; and the mind-only verse 惟心偈, emphasizing mind as the foundation of Avataṃsaka practice. Zongmi’s Avataṃsaka thoughts were mainly expounded through a series of commentaries on the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment 大方廣圓覺修多羅了義經, to which the impressive Twelve Bodhisattvas of Perfect Enlightenment are directly related. In addition to the theoretical system, the cave offers two means for Avataṃsaka practice. Highly qualified Avataṃsaka practitioners practice by viewing the Trinity of Three Saints and the Buddha’s Light, and then they go through five phases of fruition to attain Buddhahood, which is the Avataṃsaka practice dominated by Li Tongxuan’s thoughts. Less qualified practitioners practice through repentance liturgies and sitting in meditation at the Ritual Site of Perfect Enlightenment, which is the practice of Perfect Enlightenment advocated by Zongmi 宗密. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Localization, Globalization and Glocalization: Paradigm Shifts in the Study of Transmission and Transformation of Buddhism in Asia and Beyond)

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22 pages, 7230 KiB

Open AccessArticle

Indra’s Palace on Mount Meru: A Study on the Design Philosophy of Wu Zetian’s Bright Hall

by Delu Wang

Religions 2024, 15(12), 1530; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15121530 - 13 Dec 2024

Viewed by 2294

Abstract

Wu Zetian’s 武則天 Bright Hall 明堂 was an unprecedented structure, serving as both a political hub and a ceremonial center of the state, symbolizing the image of Wu Zetian’s regime. While it inherited some traditional design concepts, the core structure—such as the central [...] Read more.

Wu Zetian’s 武則天 Bright Hall 明堂 was an unprecedented structure, serving as both a political hub and a ceremonial center of the state, symbolizing the image of Wu Zetian’s regime. While it inherited some traditional design concepts, the core structure—such as the central pillar—differed significantly from earlier Bright Halls, aligning more closely with the Sudharmā Hall 善法堂 of the deity Indra in Buddhism. Furthermore, both the Bright Hall and the Sudharmā Hall were used for court gatherings and decision making, bearing the nature of the palace of heavenly gods. The high degree of similarity suggests that the design of Wu Zetian’s Bright Hall was likely modeled after the Sudharmā Hall. This design highlighted Wu Zetian’s identity as both the Pure Light Heavenly Maiden 淨光天女 and the Cakravartin 轉輪聖王, thereby reinforcing the political legitimacy and sanctity of her rule. The Bright Hall, together with the Celestial Pillar 天樞 which represented Mount Meru 須彌山 and the Heavenly Hall 天堂 symbolizing Tuṣita Heaven 兜率天, form a representation of Mount Meru’s cosmic landscape. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Localization, Globalization and Glocalization: Paradigm Shifts in the Study of Transmission and Transformation of Buddhism in Asia and Beyond)

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20 pages, 39824 KiB

Open AccessArticle

Re-Study of the Gilt Bronze Buddha Statuettes Unearthed from the Eastern Han Dynasty Tomb in Chengren Village, Xianyang City, China

by Liming Zhang

Religions 2024, 15(12), 1476; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15121476 - 4 Dec 2024

Viewed by 1378

Abstract

In 2021, two small gilt bronze Buddha statuettes were unearthed from a tomb from the Eastern Han Dynasty in Chengren Village, Xianyang City, Shanxi Province. The excavation team believe that these statuettes are from the late Eastern Han Dynasty and represent the earliest [...] Read more.

In 2021, two small gilt bronze Buddha statuettes were unearthed from a tomb from the Eastern Han Dynasty in Chengren Village, Xianyang City, Shanxi Province. The excavation team believe that these statuettes are from the late Eastern Han Dynasty and represent the earliest independent gilt bronze Buddha statuettes ever discovered in China through archaeological excavations, a belief that has attracted widespread interest and debate among scholars worldwide. However, because the tomb had been looted in the past, the publication of these findings immediately sparked considerable debate, particularly over the dating of the statuettes. The main controversy revolves around two dating proposals: the “Late Eastern Han Dynasty” and the “Period of the Sixteen Kingdoms”. This paper proposes a third viewpoint by examining previously overlooked aspects and materials regarding the statuettes and by placing them within the context of the Guanlong region’s tradition of small gilt bronze Buddha statuettes. We contend that the two statuettes were not created at the same time: we believe that the standing Buddha statuette dates from the end of the “Period of the Sixteen Kingdoms”, whereas the flat five-Buddha statuette was likely crafted between the Yanxing 延興 era and the early Taihe 太和 era of Emperor Xiaowen 孝文帝 of the Northern Wei Dynasty. The styles, combinations of forms, and themes in these statuettes are not distinctive and are, in fact, typical of small gilt bronze Buddha statuettes from the late “Period of the Sixteen Kingdoms” to the mid-Northern Wei Dynasty in the Guanlong region. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Localization, Globalization and Glocalization: Paradigm Shifts in the Study of Transmission and Transformation of Buddhism in Asia and Beyond)

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14 pages, 756 KiB

Open AccessArticle

A Study on the Sinification of Buddhism: The Acceptance of the *Tattvasiddhiśāstra 成實論 and the Demise of the Chengshi School 成實學派

by Peng Zhou

Religions 2024, 15(11), 1359; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15111359 - 8 Nov 2024

Viewed by 1256

Abstract

The *Tattvasiddhiśāstra played an essential role in the history of Buddhism during the Southern and Northern Dynasties (420–589). Hitherto, the academic world has not systematically studied this treatise’s influence on the Sinification of Buddhism, specifically manifested in the emergence and demise of [...] Read more.

The *Tattvasiddhiśāstra played an essential role in the history of Buddhism during the Southern and Northern Dynasties (420–589). Hitherto, the academic world has not systematically studied this treatise’s influence on the Sinification of Buddhism, specifically manifested in the emergence and demise of the Chengshi School. The acceptance of the *Tattvasiddhiśāstra went through three stages. In the third stage, the Chengshi masters, who studied the *Tattvasiddhiśāstra, affirmed this treatise as part of Mahāyāna. They adopted Mahāyāna doctrines to overcome the *Tattvasiddhiśāstra’s main limitation, lacking in-depth doctrines and an imperfect understanding of emptiness. However, they had mistaken that it was nirvāṇa rather than emptiness that limited the *Tattvasiddhiśāstra. Although they omitted the final target of nirvāṇa, their approach to emptiness was still influenced by the progressive mode of the *Tattvasiddhiśāstra. This paper clarifies that the demise of the Chengshi School was due to the Chengshi masters’ overestimation of the *Tattvasiddhiśāstra and their misunderstanding of Harivarman’s intention. No matter how hard the Chengshi masters attempted to improve their understanding, the Chengshi School would have inevitably died out as the Sinification of Buddhism proceeded. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Localization, Globalization and Glocalization: Paradigm Shifts in the Study of Transmission and Transformation of Buddhism in Asia and Beyond)

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20 pages, 30571 KiB

Open AccessArticle

Did Wu Zetian Name “卍” as “Wanzi”? A Historical Reassessment

by Lu Lu

Religions 2024, 15(11), 1349; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15111349 - 6 Nov 2024

Viewed by 1577

Abstract

While scholarly works often attribute the pronunciation of “卍” as “wan” to Empress Wu Zetian in 693, associating it with the meaning “auspicious myriad virtues”, a closer examination of the history of “卍” in Chinese Buddhist translations suggests otherwise. The more accurate transliterations [...] Read more.

While scholarly works often attribute the pronunciation of “卍” as “wan” to Empress Wu Zetian in 693, associating it with the meaning “auspicious myriad virtues”, a closer examination of the history of “卍” in Chinese Buddhist translations suggests otherwise. The more accurate transliterations and translations of svastika emerged much later than the term “Wanzi” and had very limited influence. The connection between “卍” and “Wanzi” more likely appeared during the early transmission of Buddhism to China, when people used the accepted cursive form of “萬” to approximate the shape of the svastika symbol. However, as this rationale gradually became obsolete over time, the legend that “Empress Wu Zetian decreed that ‘卍’ be pronounced as ‘wan’” arose during the Song dynasty and has persisted to this day. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Localization, Globalization and Glocalization: Paradigm Shifts in the Study of Transmission and Transformation of Buddhism in Asia and Beyond)

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14 pages, 384 KiB

Open AccessArticle

A Historical Survey of Fayun Monastery (法雲寺) in Bianjing (汴京) during the Northern Song Dynasty

by Yanhong Zong

Religions 2024, 15(10), 1199; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15101199 - 2 Oct 2024

Viewed by 1001

Abstract

Fayun Monastery (法雲寺), a prominent Chan Buddhist monastery in Bianjing (汴京) during the Northern Song Dynasty, thrived for about half a century under the reigns of emperors Shenzong (神宗), Zhezong (哲宗), and Huizong (徽宗). Led by four generations of abbots—Yuantong Faxiu (圓通法秀), Datong [...] Read more.

Fayun Monastery (法雲寺), a prominent Chan Buddhist monastery in Bianjing (汴京) during the Northern Song Dynasty, thrived for about half a century under the reigns of emperors Shenzong (神宗), Zhezong (哲宗), and Huizong (徽宗). Led by four generations of abbots—Yuantong Faxiu (圓通法秀), Datong Shanben (大通善本), Foguo Weibai (佛國惟白), and Fozhao Gao (佛照杲)—the monastery was esteemed by the royal family and influential in the development of the Yunmen School. This paper examines the monastery’s history through the tenures of its abbots, providing insights into the monastery’s significance in Northern Song Buddhism and its broader cultural and political context. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Localization, Globalization and Glocalization: Paradigm Shifts in the Study of Transmission and Transformation of Buddhism in Asia and Beyond)

14 pages, 652 KiB

Open AccessArticle

The Transmission and Textual Transformation of the Shisong lü 十誦律 from the 6th to 13th Centuries

by Limei Chi

Religions 2024, 15(9), 1057; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15091057 - 30 Aug 2024

Cited by 1 | Viewed by 934

Abstract

The Shisong lü 十誦律, translated in the early 5th century, remains the only complete version of this Buddhist Vinaya text preserved to date and represents the first Vinaya text translated into Chinese. This Vinaya text introduced standardized terminology that significantly influenced subsequent translations [...] Read more.

The Shisong lü 十誦律, translated in the early 5th century, remains the only complete version of this Buddhist Vinaya text preserved to date and represents the first Vinaya text translated into Chinese. This Vinaya text introduced standardized terminology that significantly influenced subsequent translations of Vinaya texts and profoundly impacted Chinese Buddhism during the Six Dynasties period. Due to its complex translation history, the text is bifurcated into two lineages: the Northern lineage, featuring an initial 58-scroll version (without a preface), and the Southern lineage, with an expanded 61-scroll version (including a preface). This study examines the two oldest extant manuscripts of the Lüxu 律序 (Preface to the Shisong lü) from the Southern lineage—one from the Dunhuang collection currently preserved in Japan and the other from the Nara Japan. Through intensive comparisons with woodblock editions, these manuscripts from Dunhuang, and ancient Japanese manuscript Buddhist canons, this study not only traces the textual evolution of the Southern lineage of the Shisong lü from the 6th to the 13th centuries but also offers new insights into both the historical development and the relationship between these two lineages of the text. Methodologically, this paper provides inspiration for textual criticism of the Vinaya in particular and Buddhist studies in general. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Localization, Globalization and Glocalization: Paradigm Shifts in the Study of Transmission and Transformation of Buddhism in Asia and Beyond)

20 pages, 16729 KiB

Open AccessArticle

A Prolegomenon to the Visual Language of Dance in Gandhāra

by Ashwini Lakshminarayanan

Religions 2024, 15(8), 895; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15080895 - 25 Jul 2024

Viewed by 1345

Abstract

Pre-modern Indian subcontinent provides a treasure trove of art historical data in the form of stone sculptures and reliefs to study dance. While significant steps towards understanding the literary and visual language of dance have been made, artistic production from Gandhāra (the ancient [...] Read more.

Pre-modern Indian subcontinent provides a treasure trove of art historical data in the form of stone sculptures and reliefs to study dance. While significant steps towards understanding the literary and visual language of dance have been made, artistic production from Gandhāra (the ancient region broadly covering the northwestern part of the subcontinent) largely remains absent in scholarly discussions. Ancient Gandhāra readily lends itself to a global approach as an active participant alongside the so-called ancient Silk Roads connecting the Mediterranean regions with China. Furthermore, as part of the Buddhist pilgrimage routes, Gandhāra also developed ties with Buddhist sites located further east and participated in the spread of Buddhism to China. Within this context, this article discusses the most common dance depicted in Gandhāran art to understand how artists represented dance in the static medium. Using this dance as an illustration, this article also argues that the iconographic conventions of the Gandhāran artistic repertoire for dance are shared outside the region, notably in Kizil, which is located alongside the northern branch of the Silk Roads. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Localization, Globalization and Glocalization: Paradigm Shifts in the Study of Transmission and Transformation of Buddhism in Asia and Beyond)

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14 pages, 10333 KiB

Open AccessArticle

From Aniruddha to Upāli—Examining the Compilation of the Sutra of the Buddha’s Mother and the Formation of Chinese Buddhist Scriptures

by Xi Li

Religions 2024, 15(7), 818; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15070818 - 5 Jul 2024

Viewed by 981

Abstract

The Sutra of the Buddha’s Mother (Fomu jing 佛母經), a Chinese Buddhist scripture, is closely linked to the Mahāmāyā Sutra (Mohe Moye jing 摩訶摩耶經). However, there is a significant difference between the two sutras regarding the narrative story of the Buddha’s [...] Read more.

The Sutra of the Buddha’s Mother (Fomu jing 佛母經), a Chinese Buddhist scripture, is closely linked to the Mahāmāyā Sutra (Mohe Moye jing 摩訶摩耶經). However, there is a significant difference between the two sutras regarding the narrative story of the Buddha’s nirvana and meeting with his mother, namely the difference in the disciple who travels to Trāyastriṃśa Heaven to inform the Buddha’s mother. The substitution of Aniruddha with Upāli could be attributed to Upāli’s inclusion in Tang dynasty commentaries on “Ānanda Asking the Buddha Four Questions,” where he is depicted as a prominent disciple in the gathering prior to the Buddha’s nirvana. This narrative preference was also reflected in the Mohe Moye jing. To a certain extent, this confusion reflects the process of ‘between translation and composition,’ or the compiling and mixing of various texts from different sutras and sources to create a new scripture in the Chinese context. In the nirvana images, which contain the inscriptions, the presence of Upāli becomes an important symbol for identifying the classical texts on which the frescoes were painted. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Localization, Globalization and Glocalization: Paradigm Shifts in the Study of Transmission and Transformation of Buddhism in Asia and Beyond)

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16 pages, 11943 KiB

Open AccessArticle

A Re-Examination of Pelliot Tibétain 1257: A Workbook for Chinese Learning Tibetan?

by Changchun Pei

Religions 2024, 15(6), 748; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15060748 - 19 Jun 2024

Viewed by 894

Abstract

Pelliot tibétain 1257, a manuscript discovered in Dunhuang and now housed in the Bibliothèque Nationale de France, contains a Bilingual Tibetan–Chinese glossary that compiles some of the most fundamental Buddhist terminology and vocabulary excerpted from the Saṃdhi-nirmocana-sūtra. The Tibetan terms within this [...] Read more.

Pelliot tibétain 1257, a manuscript discovered in Dunhuang and now housed in the Bibliothèque Nationale de France, contains a Bilingual Tibetan–Chinese glossary that compiles some of the most fundamental Buddhist terminology and vocabulary excerpted from the Saṃdhi-nirmocana-sūtra. The Tibetan terms within this glossary were initially completed by one person, while the Chinese terms were subsequently filled in by three individuals. This vocabulary list may have served as a workbook prepared by a Tibetan teacher for Chinese students learning Tibetan vocabulary. The workbook, with Chinese vocabulary filled in by Chinese students, remained in their possession and use thereafter. The learning of Tibetan by these Chinese individuals in Dunhuang was likely closely related to the Buddhist sutra-copying project initiated by the Tibetan king at that time. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Localization, Globalization and Glocalization: Paradigm Shifts in the Study of Transmission and Transformation of Buddhism in Asia and Beyond)

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12 pages, 374 KiB

Open AccessArticle

The Making of a Monk: The Training of Śrāmaṇera (Novice Monks) in Dunhuang with a Focus on Scriptural Study

by Shoucheng Shen and Shaowei Wu

Religions 2024, 15(6), 635; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15060635 - 22 May 2024

Viewed by 1268

Abstract

Monastic life begins with the ordination of novice monks, who start their formal training at this stage. The education of a novice involves both general cultural studies and specialized Buddhist training. However, the focus during the novice stage is predominantly on Buddhist education, [...] Read more.

Monastic life begins with the ordination of novice monks, who start their formal training at this stage. The education of a novice involves both general cultural studies and specialized Buddhist training. However, the focus during the novice stage is predominantly on Buddhist education, which encompasses learning monastic discipline and studying Buddhist scriptures. The Dunhuang manuscripts offer a wealth of information, providing valuable insights into the training and education of novice monks in Dunhuang during the periods of Tibetan Occupation (787–848) and Guiyi Army (851–1036). Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Localization, Globalization and Glocalization: Paradigm Shifts in the Study of Transmission and Transformation of Buddhism in Asia and Beyond)

13 pages, 649 KiB

Open AccessArticle

Sacred Resurgence: Revitalizing Buddhist Temples in Modern China

by Yifeng Liu

Religions 2024, 15(5), 627; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15050627 - 20 May 2024

Cited by 1 | Viewed by 2945

Abstract

This paper examines the construction and maintenance of Chinese Han Buddhist temples in modern China against the backdrop of societal transformation. Initially, it analyzes the profound impact of social changes since the mid-19th century on Buddhist monasteries, including political turmoil, economic development, and [...] Read more.

This paper examines the construction and maintenance of Chinese Han Buddhist temples in modern China against the backdrop of societal transformation. Initially, it analyzes the profound impact of social changes since the mid-19th century on Buddhist monasteries, including political turmoil, economic development, and urbanization. Furthermore, the paper explores how temples were reconstructed and revitalized within this historical context, highlighting the monastic community’s unwavering commitment to protecting the Dharma and ensuring its enduring presence. Additionally, this paper also explores the role of charismatic monks in enhancing the sanctity of temples and the influence of Buddhist institutional frameworks on the dynamics of state and society. The study employs a multifaceted analysis to understand the complex interplay between temple construction, economic development, and the cultural heritage of Buddhism in China. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Localization, Globalization and Glocalization: Paradigm Shifts in the Study of Transmission and Transformation of Buddhism in Asia and Beyond)

15 pages, 725 KiB

Open AccessArticle

A Study on the Literacy Rate of Buddhist Sangha in the Tang Dynasty

by Shaowei Wu

Religions 2024, 15(3), 306; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15030306 - 29 Feb 2024

Cited by 1 | Viewed by 2417

Abstract

The Buddhist sangha played a crucial role in ancient China, exerting significant influence on its society through religious identity and cultural knowledge. However, not all members of the monastic community were literate. The Tang Dynasty introduced an examination system that assessed monks’ proficiency [...] Read more.

The Buddhist sangha played a crucial role in ancient China, exerting significant influence on its society through religious identity and cultural knowledge. However, not all members of the monastic community were literate. The Tang Dynasty introduced an examination system that assessed monks’ proficiency in reciting Buddhist scriptures, determining their eligibility for ordination. Simultaneously, efforts to remove unqualified monks and nuns provided an opportunity to estimate the literacy rate within the monastic community. A statistical analysis of the literacy rate offers a novel perspective for understanding the evolution of Buddhism, the intricate relationship between religion and politics, and the role of the monastic community in local society during the Tang Dynasty. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Localization, Globalization and Glocalization: Paradigm Shifts in the Study of Transmission and Transformation of Buddhism in Asia and Beyond)

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