Localization, Globalization and Glocalization: Paradigm Shifts in the Study of Transmission and Transformation of Buddhism in Asia and Beyond

A special issue of Religions (ISSN 2077-1444).

Deadline for manuscript submissions: closed (31 December 2024) | Viewed by 21333

Special Issue Editors


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Guest Editor
Department of Asian Studies, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, BC V6T1Z2, Canada
Interests: East Asian Buddhism

Special Issue Information

Dear Colleagues,

Contact between the East and West started as early as antiquity. Alexander the Great, for instance, brought the Greek culture to India, where Greek aesthetics would heavily influence Buddhist—especially Gandhāran Buddhist—art. Similarly, Roman coins circulated the Chinese capital Xi’an as early as the Han Dynasty (202 BC–220 AD), while Christianity already spread to China by the time of the Tang Dynasty (618-907). Within Asia, intense cultural exchanges took place constantly, including the spread of Buddhism to China in the first century CE. Accompanying cultural exchanges are also conflicts. Encounters between Eastern and Western civilizations were especially combustible due to their vast political, economical, linguistic, and cultural differences. However, conflict is far from the normal mode of intercivilizational interaction. To the contrary, the advancement of human civilization is deeply indebted to the exchange and merging of cultures.

At this critical juncture of our own time when globalization faces an unprecedented crisis, history can serve as a mirror, helping us to understand the nature of intercivilizational conflict and cooperation. In particular, the history of the spread of Buddhism from India to China, its subsequent appropriation by Chinese culture, and the transmission of the Sinicized form of Buddhism to the rest of East Asia in particular reveals the mechanism of cross-cultural interactions.

From the perspective of global history, when the teachings of Buddhism first arrived in the heartland of China around the first century CE, East Asia had just started what would become an ongoing exchange with Central and South Asia. Influence from the Han Empire had already spread to Central Asia, and as a result, at least two civilizations communicated with one another through various channels, allowing for diverse cultural interactions and fusion. Buddhism, in this context, was one of many players to participate in this rich cultural dynamic. For these reasons, we propose the following (non-exclusive) themes for this Special Issue:

  1. Conflicts and Conciliations: Patterns of Intercultural/Intercivilisational Interactions as Seen from Buddhism’s Crossborder and Transcultural Transformation;
  2. Indigenization and Globalization of Buddhism as Part of World History;
  3. Sinification and Globalization of Buddhism and Reconstruction of Sacred Spaces in Asia;
  4. Case Studies Showing Glocalization as a More Dynamic Approach for the Study of Transcultural Transmission of Buddhism;
  5. Buddhism’s Transborder Transmission and the Formation and Transformation of Pan-Asian Textual Communities;
  6. Buddhism’s Transborder Transmission and Commercial Networks in Asia;
  7. Buddhism’s Transborder Transmission and Geopolitical Reshaping in Asia.

Prof. Dr. Jinhua Chen
Prof. Dr. Ru Zhan
Guest Editors

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Keywords

  • localization
  • globalization
  • glocalization
  • world history
  • Buddhism’s transborder transmission
  • sinification of Buddhism

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Published Papers (15 papers)

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Research

22 pages, 481 KiB  
Article
Yinyuan Longqi’s “Huangbo” Writing and the Construction of “Authenticity”
by Zurong Yang and Yinyu Wu
Religions 2025, 16(4), 514; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16040514 - 16 Apr 2025
Viewed by 290
Abstract
Yinyuan Longqi 隱元隆琦 was a pivotal figure in Sino–Japanese cultural exchange. His journey to Japan to propagate Buddhism, founding of the Ōbaku sect (Huangbo zong 黃檗宗), emphasis on the orthodoxy of his Zen teachings, and crafting of an “authentic” identity profoundly influenced [...] Read more.
Yinyuan Longqi 隱元隆琦 was a pivotal figure in Sino–Japanese cultural exchange. His journey to Japan to propagate Buddhism, founding of the Ōbaku sect (Huangbo zong 黃檗宗), emphasis on the orthodoxy of his Zen teachings, and crafting of an “authentic” identity profoundly influenced Japanese Buddhism and culture. While existing studies have predominantly explored the socio–historical dimensions of Yinyuan’s construction of “authenticity” (benzhen 本真), his extensive corpus of Zen verses remains understudied. By tracing the “Huangbo” (Ōbaku) 黃檗 imagery in his writings, this study addresses how Yinyuan constructed “authenticity” through his poetic works. Before his journey to Japan, Yinyuan employed “Huangbo” imagery to articulate his personal situation and sentiment, elevating it into a symbolic representation of inner “authenticity”. In the early days after Yinyuan went to Japan, driven by the dual imperatives of promoting orthodox Zen and responding to Japanese expectations of Zen origins, he intricately intertwined “Huangbo” with Zen doctrines, transforming the imagery into a marker of “authenticity” that embodied both orthodox Zen philosophy and sectarian identity. Following the establishment of Kyoto’s Mount Huangbo, Yinyuan further reshaped the “Huangbo” imagery into a trans-geographical and cultural symbol of sectarian dharma lineage, thereby ensuring the spiritual continuity of “authenticity” across Chinese and Japanese Huangbo traditions. This process not only reflects the cross-cultural transmission of Buddhism from China to Japan but also serves as a critical lens for examining the interplay between globalization and localization in religious development. Full article
18 pages, 488 KiB  
Article
The Strategic Use of “雜” (zá) in Xuanzang’s Translations
by Yanyan Shen and Zhouyuan Li
Religions 2025, 16(4), 462; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16040462 - 3 Apr 2025
Viewed by 356
Abstract
The character “雜” (zá), commonly found in Chinese Buddhist literature, typically conveys the meaning of “mixed” or “varied”. However, in the translations of the renowned Tang dynasty translator Xuanzang, its usage stands out both in frequency and distinctiveness, setting his work apart from [...] Read more.
The character “雜” (zá), commonly found in Chinese Buddhist literature, typically conveys the meaning of “mixed” or “varied”. However, in the translations of the renowned Tang dynasty translator Xuanzang, its usage stands out both in frequency and distinctiveness, setting his work apart from that of other translators. Terms traditionally conveyed using “不淨” (bù jìng, “impure”) or “穢” (huì, “filth”) were deliberately transformed by Xuanzang into “雜染” (zá rǎn, “mixed defilement”) and “雜穢” (zá huì, “mixed filth”), with “雜” nearly becoming synonymous with impurity. Examining the original meaning of “雜”, we find that it primarily signifies “to gather” or “miscellaneous”, typically carrying a neutral connotation. However, when used as an adjective describing a state, “雜” transcends its neutral sense of “various” or “diverse” to encompass notions of impurity, disorder, and deviation from normative standards—often with negative implications. Building on this understanding, it becomes clear that the abstract opposition between purity and impurity in the doctrinal meanings of Buddhist scriptures was reinterpreted by Xuanzang as a concrete opposition between “清淨” (qīng jìng, “purity”) and “雜穢” (mixed filth). This reinterpretation allowed “雜” to describe anything defiling the mind or carrying negative overtones—even when the original Sanskrit text did not explicitly indicate such a notion—thereby constituting a strategic substitution in translation. Furthermore, Xuanzang and his contemporaries frequently employed “雜” as a functional component within disyllabic compounds that collectively expressed negative meanings. Some terms containing “雜” thus cannot be understood simply as “mixed” or “varied”; instead, “雜” functions as a negative marker, reinforcing unfavorable connotations. This paper provides a focused case study on the lexical strategies of ancient Buddhist translators, illustrating how particular concepts—including 雜—were leveraged to reshape doctrinal content. In doing so, it highlights the deliberate linguistic and interpretative choices made by translators like Xuanzang, offering insights into their motivations and the cultural–linguistic contexts that framed their work. Full article
24 pages, 5930 KiB  
Article
A Sanctuary of Avataṃsaka: The Theoretical and Practical Studies on Huayan Buddhism Embodied in the Sculptures of the Huayan Grotto in Anyue
by Yuanyuan Zhang
Religions 2025, 16(4), 438; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16040438 - 28 Mar 2025
Viewed by 373
Abstract
The Huayan Grotto in Anyue County is one of the most typical caves of the grottoes of Sichuan 四川 and Chongqing 重慶. Being well known for its grand scale and the beautiful style of its sculptures, the cave was designed and carved by [...] Read more.
The Huayan Grotto in Anyue County is one of the most typical caves of the grottoes of Sichuan 四川 and Chongqing 重慶. Being well known for its grand scale and the beautiful style of its sculptures, the cave was designed and carved by the Liu-Zhao sect 柳趙教派 in eastern Sichuan during the Southern Song Dynasty. The Liu-Zhao sect is a local religious group that relies on grottoes and statues to state concepts, propagate ideas, and spread doctrines. The sect is good at integrating a variety of Buddhist thoughts to form its own unique theoretical and practical system. The large-scale statue-making activities under the auspices of the Liu-Zhao sect 柳趙教派 are a classic example of the localization of Buddhism in Southwest China. The ideological system of the Liu-Zhao sect is centered on Huayan, and Huayan Grotto is the very concentration of its special philosophy. This paper considers that the cave constitutes a holy place, with a theme of thoughts of Huayan, which was built based on important doctrines of two masters. Through the combination and arrangement of diversified images, the cave is so far the most complex, complete, and systematic visualized representation of the Huayan’s theory and practice. Inside the cave are carved full-length portraits of Li Tongxuan 李通玄, the Elder of Huayan, and Guifeng Zongmi 圭峰宗密, the fifth patriarch of the Huayan sect. There are also statues and inscriptions that illustrate Li’s thoughts, such as the Ten Assemblies in Ten Locations 十處十會and the Sudhana’s Pilgrimage 善財遍參based on Li’s exegetical writings on the Avataṃsaka Sūtra; the Three Saints of the Huayan School (Huayan sansheng 華嚴三聖) carved on the basis of Li’s pioneering idea about the trinity of three saints; and the mind-only verse 惟心偈, emphasizing mind as the foundation of Avataṃsaka practice. Zongmi’s Avataṃsaka thoughts were mainly expounded through a series of commentaries on the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment 大方廣圓覺修多羅了義經, to which the impressive Twelve Bodhisattvas of Perfect Enlightenment are directly related. In addition to the theoretical system, the cave offers two means for Avataṃsaka practice. Highly qualified Avataṃsaka practitioners practice by viewing the Trinity of Three Saints and the Buddha’s Light, and then they go through five phases of fruition to attain Buddhahood, which is the Avataṃsaka practice dominated by Li Tongxuan’s thoughts. Less qualified practitioners practice through repentance liturgies and sitting in meditation at the Ritual Site of Perfect Enlightenment, which is the practice of Perfect Enlightenment advocated by Zongmi 宗密. Full article
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22 pages, 7230 KiB  
Article
Indra’s Palace on Mount Meru: A Study on the Design Philosophy of Wu Zetian’s Bright Hall
by Delu Wang
Religions 2024, 15(12), 1530; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15121530 - 13 Dec 2024
Viewed by 2109
Abstract
Wu Zetian’s 武則天 Bright Hall 明堂 was an unprecedented structure, serving as both a political hub and a ceremonial center of the state, symbolizing the image of Wu Zetian’s regime. While it inherited some traditional design concepts, the core structure—such as the central [...] Read more.
Wu Zetian’s 武則天 Bright Hall 明堂 was an unprecedented structure, serving as both a political hub and a ceremonial center of the state, symbolizing the image of Wu Zetian’s regime. While it inherited some traditional design concepts, the core structure—such as the central pillar—differed significantly from earlier Bright Halls, aligning more closely with the Sudharmā Hall 善法堂 of the deity Indra in Buddhism. Furthermore, both the Bright Hall and the Sudharmā Hall were used for court gatherings and decision making, bearing the nature of the palace of heavenly gods. The high degree of similarity suggests that the design of Wu Zetian’s Bright Hall was likely modeled after the Sudharmā Hall. This design highlighted Wu Zetian’s identity as both the Pure Light Heavenly Maiden 淨光天女 and the Cakravartin 轉輪聖王, thereby reinforcing the political legitimacy and sanctity of her rule. The Bright Hall, together with the Celestial Pillar 天樞 which represented Mount Meru 須彌山 and the Heavenly Hall 天堂 symbolizing Tuṣita Heaven 兜率天, form a representation of Mount Meru’s cosmic landscape. Full article
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20 pages, 39824 KiB  
Article
Re-Study of the Gilt Bronze Buddha Statuettes Unearthed from the Eastern Han Dynasty Tomb in Chengren Village, Xianyang City, China
by Liming Zhang
Religions 2024, 15(12), 1476; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15121476 - 4 Dec 2024
Viewed by 1284
Abstract
In 2021, two small gilt bronze Buddha statuettes were unearthed from a tomb from the Eastern Han Dynasty in Chengren Village, Xianyang City, Shanxi Province. The excavation team believe that these statuettes are from the late Eastern Han Dynasty and represent the earliest [...] Read more.
In 2021, two small gilt bronze Buddha statuettes were unearthed from a tomb from the Eastern Han Dynasty in Chengren Village, Xianyang City, Shanxi Province. The excavation team believe that these statuettes are from the late Eastern Han Dynasty and represent the earliest independent gilt bronze Buddha statuettes ever discovered in China through archaeological excavations, a belief that has attracted widespread interest and debate among scholars worldwide. However, because the tomb had been looted in the past, the publication of these findings immediately sparked considerable debate, particularly over the dating of the statuettes. The main controversy revolves around two dating proposals: the “Late Eastern Han Dynasty” and the “Period of the Sixteen Kingdoms”. This paper proposes a third viewpoint by examining previously overlooked aspects and materials regarding the statuettes and by placing them within the context of the Guanlong region’s tradition of small gilt bronze Buddha statuettes. We contend that the two statuettes were not created at the same time: we believe that the standing Buddha statuette dates from the end of the “Period of the Sixteen Kingdoms”, whereas the flat five-Buddha statuette was likely crafted between the Yanxing 延興 era and the early Taihe 太和 era of Emperor Xiaowen 孝文帝 of the Northern Wei Dynasty. The styles, combinations of forms, and themes in these statuettes are not distinctive and are, in fact, typical of small gilt bronze Buddha statuettes from the late “Period of the Sixteen Kingdoms” to the mid-Northern Wei Dynasty in the Guanlong region. Full article
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14 pages, 756 KiB  
Article
A Study on the Sinification of Buddhism: The Acceptance of the *Tattvasiddhiśāstra 成實論 and the Demise of the Chengshi School 成實學派
by Peng Zhou
Religions 2024, 15(11), 1359; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15111359 - 8 Nov 2024
Viewed by 1212
Abstract
The *Tattvasiddhiśāstra played an essential role in the history of Buddhism during the Southern and Northern Dynasties (420–589). Hitherto, the academic world has not systematically studied this treatise’s influence on the Sinification of Buddhism, specifically manifested in the emergence and demise of [...] Read more.
The *Tattvasiddhiśāstra played an essential role in the history of Buddhism during the Southern and Northern Dynasties (420–589). Hitherto, the academic world has not systematically studied this treatise’s influence on the Sinification of Buddhism, specifically manifested in the emergence and demise of the Chengshi School. The acceptance of the *Tattvasiddhiśāstra went through three stages. In the third stage, the Chengshi masters, who studied the *Tattvasiddhiśāstra, affirmed this treatise as part of Mahāyāna. They adopted Mahāyāna doctrines to overcome the *Tattvasiddhiśāstra’s main limitation, lacking in-depth doctrines and an imperfect understanding of emptiness. However, they had mistaken that it was nirvāṇa rather than emptiness that limited the *Tattvasiddhiśāstra. Although they omitted the final target of nirvāṇa, their approach to emptiness was still influenced by the progressive mode of the *Tattvasiddhiśāstra. This paper clarifies that the demise of the Chengshi School was due to the Chengshi masters’ overestimation of the *Tattvasiddhiśāstra and their misunderstanding of Harivarman’s intention. No matter how hard the Chengshi masters attempted to improve their understanding, the Chengshi School would have inevitably died out as the Sinification of Buddhism proceeded. Full article
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20 pages, 30571 KiB  
Article
Did Wu Zetian Name “卍” as “Wanzi”? A Historical Reassessment
by Lu Lu
Religions 2024, 15(11), 1349; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15111349 - 6 Nov 2024
Viewed by 1456
Abstract
While scholarly works often attribute the pronunciation of “卍” as “wan” to Empress Wu Zetian in 693, associating it with the meaning “auspicious myriad virtues”, a closer examination of the history of “卍” in Chinese Buddhist translations suggests otherwise. The more accurate transliterations [...] Read more.
While scholarly works often attribute the pronunciation of “卍” as “wan” to Empress Wu Zetian in 693, associating it with the meaning “auspicious myriad virtues”, a closer examination of the history of “卍” in Chinese Buddhist translations suggests otherwise. The more accurate transliterations and translations of svastika emerged much later than the term “Wanzi” and had very limited influence. The connection between “卍” and “Wanzi” more likely appeared during the early transmission of Buddhism to China, when people used the accepted cursive form of “萬” to approximate the shape of the svastika symbol. However, as this rationale gradually became obsolete over time, the legend that “Empress Wu Zetian decreed that ‘卍’ be pronounced as ‘wan’” arose during the Song dynasty and has persisted to this day. Full article
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14 pages, 384 KiB  
Article
A Historical Survey of Fayun Monastery (法雲寺) in Bianjing (汴京) during the Northern Song Dynasty
by Yanhong Zong
Religions 2024, 15(10), 1199; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15101199 - 2 Oct 2024
Viewed by 969
Abstract
Fayun Monastery (法雲寺), a prominent Chan Buddhist monastery in Bianjing (汴京) during the Northern Song Dynasty, thrived for about half a century under the reigns of emperors Shenzong (神宗), Zhezong (哲宗), and Huizong (徽宗). Led by four generations of abbots—Yuantong Faxiu (圓通法秀), Datong [...] Read more.
Fayun Monastery (法雲寺), a prominent Chan Buddhist monastery in Bianjing (汴京) during the Northern Song Dynasty, thrived for about half a century under the reigns of emperors Shenzong (神宗), Zhezong (哲宗), and Huizong (徽宗). Led by four generations of abbots—Yuantong Faxiu (圓通法秀), Datong Shanben (大通善本), Foguo Weibai (佛國惟白), and Fozhao Gao (佛照杲)—the monastery was esteemed by the royal family and influential in the development of the Yunmen School. This paper examines the monastery’s history through the tenures of its abbots, providing insights into the monastery’s significance in Northern Song Buddhism and its broader cultural and political context. Full article
14 pages, 652 KiB  
Article
The Transmission and Textual Transformation of the Shisong lü 十誦律 from the 6th to 13th Centuries
by Limei Chi
Religions 2024, 15(9), 1057; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15091057 - 30 Aug 2024
Viewed by 909
Abstract
The Shisong lü 十誦律, translated in the early 5th century, remains the only complete version of this Buddhist Vinaya text preserved to date and represents the first Vinaya text translated into Chinese. This Vinaya text introduced standardized terminology that significantly influenced subsequent translations [...] Read more.
The Shisong lü 十誦律, translated in the early 5th century, remains the only complete version of this Buddhist Vinaya text preserved to date and represents the first Vinaya text translated into Chinese. This Vinaya text introduced standardized terminology that significantly influenced subsequent translations of Vinaya texts and profoundly impacted Chinese Buddhism during the Six Dynasties period. Due to its complex translation history, the text is bifurcated into two lineages: the Northern lineage, featuring an initial 58-scroll version (without a preface), and the Southern lineage, with an expanded 61-scroll version (including a preface). This study examines the two oldest extant manuscripts of the Lüxu 律序 (Preface to the Shisong lü) from the Southern lineage—one from the Dunhuang collection currently preserved in Japan and the other from the Nara Japan. Through intensive comparisons with woodblock editions, these manuscripts from Dunhuang, and ancient Japanese manuscript Buddhist canons, this study not only traces the textual evolution of the Southern lineage of the Shisong lü from the 6th to the 13th centuries but also offers new insights into both the historical development and the relationship between these two lineages of the text. Methodologically, this paper provides inspiration for textual criticism of the Vinaya in particular and Buddhist studies in general. Full article
20 pages, 16729 KiB  
Article
A Prolegomenon to the Visual Language of Dance in Gandhāra
by Ashwini Lakshminarayanan
Religions 2024, 15(8), 895; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15080895 - 25 Jul 2024
Viewed by 1289
Abstract
Pre-modern Indian subcontinent provides a treasure trove of art historical data in the form of stone sculptures and reliefs to study dance. While significant steps towards understanding the literary and visual language of dance have been made, artistic production from Gandhāra (the ancient [...] Read more.
Pre-modern Indian subcontinent provides a treasure trove of art historical data in the form of stone sculptures and reliefs to study dance. While significant steps towards understanding the literary and visual language of dance have been made, artistic production from Gandhāra (the ancient region broadly covering the northwestern part of the subcontinent) largely remains absent in scholarly discussions. Ancient Gandhāra readily lends itself to a global approach as an active participant alongside the so-called ancient Silk Roads connecting the Mediterranean regions with China. Furthermore, as part of the Buddhist pilgrimage routes, Gandhāra also developed ties with Buddhist sites located further east and participated in the spread of Buddhism to China. Within this context, this article discusses the most common dance depicted in Gandhāran art to understand how artists represented dance in the static medium. Using this dance as an illustration, this article also argues that the iconographic conventions of the Gandhāran artistic repertoire for dance are shared outside the region, notably in Kizil, which is located alongside the northern branch of the Silk Roads. Full article
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14 pages, 10333 KiB  
Article
From Aniruddha to Upāli—Examining the Compilation of the Sutra of the Buddha’s Mother and the Formation of Chinese Buddhist Scriptures
by Xi Li
Religions 2024, 15(7), 818; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15070818 - 5 Jul 2024
Viewed by 943
Abstract
The Sutra of the Buddha’s Mother (Fomu jing 佛母經), a Chinese Buddhist scripture, is closely linked to the Mahāmāyā Sutra (Mohe Moye jing 摩訶摩耶經). However, there is a significant difference between the two sutras regarding the narrative story of the Buddha’s [...] Read more.
The Sutra of the Buddha’s Mother (Fomu jing 佛母經), a Chinese Buddhist scripture, is closely linked to the Mahāmāyā Sutra (Mohe Moye jing 摩訶摩耶經). However, there is a significant difference between the two sutras regarding the narrative story of the Buddha’s nirvana and meeting with his mother, namely the difference in the disciple who travels to Trāyastriṃśa Heaven to inform the Buddha’s mother. The substitution of Aniruddha with Upāli could be attributed to Upāli’s inclusion in Tang dynasty commentaries on “Ānanda Asking the Buddha Four Questions,” where he is depicted as a prominent disciple in the gathering prior to the Buddha’s nirvana. This narrative preference was also reflected in the Mohe Moye jing. To a certain extent, this confusion reflects the process of ‘between translation and composition,’ or the compiling and mixing of various texts from different sutras and sources to create a new scripture in the Chinese context. In the nirvana images, which contain the inscriptions, the presence of Upāli becomes an important symbol for identifying the classical texts on which the frescoes were painted. Full article
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16 pages, 11943 KiB  
Article
A Re-Examination of Pelliot Tibétain 1257: A Workbook for Chinese Learning Tibetan?
by Changchun Pei
Religions 2024, 15(6), 748; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15060748 - 19 Jun 2024
Viewed by 870
Abstract
Pelliot tibétain 1257, a manuscript discovered in Dunhuang and now housed in the Bibliothèque Nationale de France, contains a Bilingual Tibetan–Chinese glossary that compiles some of the most fundamental Buddhist terminology and vocabulary excerpted from the Saṃdhi-nirmocana-sūtra. The Tibetan terms within this [...] Read more.
Pelliot tibétain 1257, a manuscript discovered in Dunhuang and now housed in the Bibliothèque Nationale de France, contains a Bilingual Tibetan–Chinese glossary that compiles some of the most fundamental Buddhist terminology and vocabulary excerpted from the Saṃdhi-nirmocana-sūtra. The Tibetan terms within this glossary were initially completed by one person, while the Chinese terms were subsequently filled in by three individuals. This vocabulary list may have served as a workbook prepared by a Tibetan teacher for Chinese students learning Tibetan vocabulary. The workbook, with Chinese vocabulary filled in by Chinese students, remained in their possession and use thereafter. The learning of Tibetan by these Chinese individuals in Dunhuang was likely closely related to the Buddhist sutra-copying project initiated by the Tibetan king at that time. Full article
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12 pages, 374 KiB  
Article
The Making of a Monk: The Training of Śrāmaṇera (Novice Monks) in Dunhuang with a Focus on Scriptural Study
by Shoucheng Shen and Shaowei Wu
Religions 2024, 15(6), 635; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15060635 - 22 May 2024
Viewed by 1238
Abstract
Monastic life begins with the ordination of novice monks, who start their formal training at this stage. The education of a novice involves both general cultural studies and specialized Buddhist training. However, the focus during the novice stage is predominantly on Buddhist education, [...] Read more.
Monastic life begins with the ordination of novice monks, who start their formal training at this stage. The education of a novice involves both general cultural studies and specialized Buddhist training. However, the focus during the novice stage is predominantly on Buddhist education, which encompasses learning monastic discipline and studying Buddhist scriptures. The Dunhuang manuscripts offer a wealth of information, providing valuable insights into the training and education of novice monks in Dunhuang during the periods of Tibetan Occupation (787–848) and Guiyi Army (851–1036). Full article
13 pages, 649 KiB  
Article
Sacred Resurgence: Revitalizing Buddhist Temples in Modern China
by Yifeng Liu
Religions 2024, 15(5), 627; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15050627 - 20 May 2024
Cited by 1 | Viewed by 2858
Abstract
This paper examines the construction and maintenance of Chinese Han Buddhist temples in modern China against the backdrop of societal transformation. Initially, it analyzes the profound impact of social changes since the mid-19th century on Buddhist monasteries, including political turmoil, economic development, and [...] Read more.
This paper examines the construction and maintenance of Chinese Han Buddhist temples in modern China against the backdrop of societal transformation. Initially, it analyzes the profound impact of social changes since the mid-19th century on Buddhist monasteries, including political turmoil, economic development, and urbanization. Furthermore, the paper explores how temples were reconstructed and revitalized within this historical context, highlighting the monastic community’s unwavering commitment to protecting the Dharma and ensuring its enduring presence. Additionally, this paper also explores the role of charismatic monks in enhancing the sanctity of temples and the influence of Buddhist institutional frameworks on the dynamics of state and society. The study employs a multifaceted analysis to understand the complex interplay between temple construction, economic development, and the cultural heritage of Buddhism in China. Full article
15 pages, 725 KiB  
Article
A Study on the Literacy Rate of Buddhist Sangha in the Tang Dynasty
by Shaowei Wu
Religions 2024, 15(3), 306; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15030306 - 29 Feb 2024
Cited by 1 | Viewed by 2351
Abstract
The Buddhist sangha played a crucial role in ancient China, exerting significant influence on its society through religious identity and cultural knowledge. However, not all members of the monastic community were literate. The Tang Dynasty introduced an examination system that assessed monks’ proficiency [...] Read more.
The Buddhist sangha played a crucial role in ancient China, exerting significant influence on its society through religious identity and cultural knowledge. However, not all members of the monastic community were literate. The Tang Dynasty introduced an examination system that assessed monks’ proficiency in reciting Buddhist scriptures, determining their eligibility for ordination. Simultaneously, efforts to remove unqualified monks and nuns provided an opportunity to estimate the literacy rate within the monastic community. A statistical analysis of the literacy rate offers a novel perspective for understanding the evolution of Buddhism, the intricate relationship between religion and politics, and the role of the monastic community in local society during the Tang Dynasty. Full article
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