New Glances at the Morphosyntax of Greek

A special issue of Languages (ISSN 2226-471X).

Deadline for manuscript submissions: closed (24 April 2022) | Viewed by 23283

Special Issue Editors


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Guest Editor
Professor Emerita, Department of Linguistics, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, 541 24 Thessaloniki, Greece
Interests: DP-structure; distribution of demonstratives; distribution and interpretation of adjectives; possessive clitics/possessor doubling; the genitive case in the DP, definiteness spread; appositional phenomena; nominalization; syntactic compounding of adjective – noun; partitive and pseudopartitive constructions; nominal ellipsis; agreement DP-internally; ethnic adjectives (adjectives of provenance); parallelisms between the nominal and the clausal domain; comparatives; metalinguistic comparison; cardinals; Vocative; Aspects of Italiot Greek (nominal) syntax from a contact linguistics perspective

E-Mail Website
Guest Editor
Department of Linguistics and Didactics, School of German, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, 541 24 Thessaloniki, Greece
Interests: voice; argument structure; aspect; tense

Special Issue Information

Dear Colleagues,

We are planning to edit a Special Issue (SI) of the journal “Languages” on Greek morphosyntax under the (working) title: “New glances at the morphosyntax of Greek”.

Recent years have witnessed a revival of interest in the relation and/or division of labor between morphology and syntax and their interaction (interface). The term morphosyntax refers to phenomena which are, in principle, subject to both or either a morphological or a syntactic approach. In Greek, case on the subject of a sentence is always morphologically marked but syntactically determined by the relation between the noun and the verb (“agree”, Alexiadou and Anagnostopoulou 1998). Similarly, the adjective bears morphological markings of gender, number and case which are determined by the corresponding features of the noun (“concord” in terms of Giusti 2011). “Agree” and “concord” are processes on which linguists agree to a large extent. In contrast, certain derivational processes (e.g., nominalization) which were traditionally (but also in the generative framework until the late eighties/early nineties) considered morphological (lexical) par excellence have been recently re-surfaced as syntactic. For instance, adjectives coming from nouns were traditionally categories derived by morphological rules, though more recently ethnic adjectives have been treated syntactically (see the discussion in Alexiadou and Stavrou 2011, also, Alexiadou 2020).

The study of argument structure over the past three decades addresses questions including how languages (Greek) morphologically mark argument structure (AS) alternations, as well as how the term Voice is used in the literature, i.e., as AS alternations, as a morphosyntactic category of the verb, or as a syntactic head (Kratzer 1996, Alexiadou 2015). Cases like the intransitive variants of these alternations that are formed with non-active morphology (NACT), i.e., passives (to spiti htizete “the house buildNACT”), anticausatives (to plio vithizete “the ship sinks NACT”) and middles (to vivlio dhiavazete efkola “the book readsNACT easily”) do not behave syntactically and semantically uniformly, although they share the same morphological marking (Condoravdi 1989, Tsimpli 1989, Embick 1998, 2004, Manney 2000, Sioupi 1998, Zombolou 1999b, Lekakou 2005, Alexiadou, Anagnostopoulou and Schäfer 2006, 2015, Spathas, Alexiadou and Schäfer 2015, among others). Research in Greek is also related to grammatical categories encoded by verbs, such as tense, aspect, and mood (TAM) (Mozer 1993, 1994, 2003, Xydopoulos 1996, Tsangalidis 1999, 2002b, Iatridou 2000, 2009, Iatridou, Anagnostopoulou and Pancheva 2003, Giannakidou 2003, 2009, among others). Greek marks tense on the verbal stem, while all verb forms are marked morphologically either as imperfective or as perfective in all tenses (with exceptions) i.e., when a verb selects a form marked for one aspect, the other form is excluded (for discussion on grammatical (viewpoint) aspect see Holton et al. 1997, Horrocks and Stavrou 2003, 2007, Kitis and Tsangalidis 2005, Sioupi 2014b, Andreou and Tsimpli 2017 for the acquisition of aspectual distinctions by bilingual children in Greek, among others)). The imperfective-perfective distinction is known to interact with lexical aspect (Aktionsarten) and with temporal adverbs of different sorts. We address approaches that relate to the interpretation of tense, grammatical, lexical aspect, and mood. Other questions that can be addressed in the SI are: how do the morphosyntactic properties of AS alternations relate to their semantics? What is the behavior of AS alternations? Are passives in Greek lexical (Smyrniotopoulos 1992)?

Pronominal clitics are a notorious grey zone between morphology and syntax; they have been variously analyzed as weak pronouns, affixes/functional heads, bundles of features or “special” words (Anagnostopoulou 1994, Mavrogiorgos 2010, among many others).

Although many phenomena have been intensely studied, there are other phenomena still in need of attention. Many of them belong to what is traditionally perceived as morphology proper, but nowadays the consensus is that the syntactic approach (Borer 1984, 2005, Alexiadou 2001, Alexiadou and Borer 2020) is both theoretically more desirable and empirically more justified. Take, as an example, nominalizations - i.e., nouns emerging from verbs/verbal roots (katastrof-i, “disaster”). The debate on whether they belong to the realm of syntax or to the realm of morphology goes back to the sixties. Nowadays the syntactic approach seems to be gaining ground. Nonetheless, one cannot overlook (maybe new) problems that arise; e.g., in Greek a large subset of deverbal nouns, in particular action and result nouns ending in –(s)i, are feminine nouns. A legitimate question is where exactly the gender feature resides and what determines it; is it the affix/ending? Is it the root? Similar questions arise with regard to other classes of deverbal nouns but also of derived adjectives (probably also of other categories) (see Alexiadou and Stavrou, op.cit. for the fact that in ethnic adjectives the –ik-suffix loses its argumental force which is otherwise strong in the “base” (original) noun). In short, assuming the correctness of the syntactic analysis, facts concerning the idiosyncratic properties of derivational morphemes must be captured in a systematic and consistent way.

We invite you to contribute to our SI with submissions on any of the topics mentioned above, or any other topic related to the morphosyntax of Greek (Standard or varieties of it). Although the theoretical perspective will be central to the volume, experimental, as well as contributions on second language morphosyntax, agrammatic morphosyntactic aphasia or diachronic and comparative perspectives are also welcome. Submissions should be anonymous and follow the guidelines for authors.

We request that, prior to submitting a manuscript, interested authors initially submit a proposed title and an abstract of 400-600 words summarizing their intended contribution. The proposal should be submitted via email to the guest editors ([email protected]) or to the Languages editorial office ([email protected]). Abstracts will be reviewed by the guest editors for the purposes of ensuring proper fit within the scope of the Special Issue. Upon acceptance of a paper proposal, guidelines for preparing final papers will be provided.

Papers must reflect original work, present novel facts and propose an analysis for them which will complement or revise older analyses. Full manuscripts will undergo double-blind peer-review.

Tentative completion schedule:

  • Abstract submission deadline: May 10, 2021
  • Notification of abstract acceptance: June 20, 2021
  • Full manuscript deadline: April 24, 2022

References

Alexiadou, A. 2001. Functional Structure in Nominals. New York-Philadelphia: John Benjamins.
Alexiadou, A. 2015. Active, middle, and passive: the morphosyntax of Voice. Catalan Journal of Linguistics 13: 1-22.
Alexiadou, A. 2020. On the morphosyntax of synthetic compounds with proper names: A case study on the diachrony of Greek. Word Structure 13(2): 189-220.
Αlexiadou, A and Borer, H. 2020. Nominalization. 50 Years on from Chomsky's Remarks. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Alexiadou, A. and Anagnostopoulou, E. 1998. Parametrizing Agr: word order, verb-movement and EPP-checking. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 16: 491-539.
Alexiadou, A, Anagnostopoulou, E. and Schäfer F. 2015. External Arguments in Transitivity Alternations. A Layering Approach. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Alexiadou, A. and Stavrou, M. 2011. Ethnic Adjectives as pseudo-adjectives: a case study in syntax-morphology interaction and the structure of DP. Studia Linguistica 65(2): 117-146. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9582.2011.01179.x
Anagnostopoulou, E. 1994. Clitic dependencies in modern Greek. PhD thesis. University of Salzburg.
Borer, H. 1984. Parametric Syntax. Foris: Dordrecht.
Borer, H. 2005. In name only. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Embick, D. 1998. Voice systems and the syntax/morphology interface. MITWPL 32: Papers from the UPenn/MIT Roundtable on Argument Structure and Aspect. Harley, H. (ed), 41-72. Cambridge: MITWPL.
Giannakidou, A. 2003. A puzzle about until and the present perfect. In Perfect Explorations, Alexiadou, A., Rathert, M., and von Stechow A. (eds), 101–133. Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110902358.101
Giannakidou, A. 2009. The dependency of the subjunctive revisited: Temporal semantics and polarity. Lingua 119(12): 1883–1908. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2008.11.007
Giusti, G. 2011. On concord and projection. In Bucharest Working Papers in Linguistics 13(1): 103-124.
Holton, D., Mackridge, P. and Philippaki-Warburton, I. 1997. Greek. A comprehensive Grammar of the Modern Language. London: Routledge.
Horrocks, G. and Stavrou, M. 2001. Lexeme-based separationist morphology: evidence from the history of Greek deverbal abstracts. In Yearbook of Morphology 2000, Booj, G. and van Marle J. (eds), 19-42. Dordrecht: Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-3724-1_2
Horrocks, G. and Stavrou, M. 2003. Actions and their Results in Greek and English: The Complementarity of Morphologically Encoded (Viewpoint) Aspect and Syntactic Resultative Predication. Journal of Semantics 20(3): 297-327. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2006.03.007
Horrocks, G. and Stavrou, M. 2007. Grammaticalized aspect and spatio-temporal culmination. Lingua 117(4): 605–644. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2006.03.007
Iatridou, S. 2000. The Grammatical Ingredients of Counterfactuality. Linguistic Inquiry 31(2): 231-270.
Iatridou, S., Anagnostopoulou, E. and Pancheva, R. 2003. Observations about the form and the meaning of the Perfect. In Perfect Explorations, Alexiadou, A., Rathert, M., and von Stechow A. (eds), 153–204. Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton.
Kratzer, A. 1996. Severing the External Argument from its Verb. In Phrase Structure and the Lexicon Studies in Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 33, Rooryck J., Zaring L. (eds), 109-137. Dordrecht: Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-015-8617-7_5
Lekakou, M. 2005. In the Middle, Somewhat Elevated. PhD thesis. University of London.
Mavrogiorgos, M. 2010. Clitics in Greek. A Minimalist account of proclisis and enclisis. New York-Philadelphia: John Benjamins. https://doi.org/10.1075/la.160
Μoser, Α. 1994. Aktionsart and Aspects of Verb [Pion kai Apopsis tou Rimatos]. Athen:  Parousia. Nr. 30.
Ralli, A. and Stavrou, M. 1998. Morphology-Syntax Interface: A-N Compounds vs. A-N Constructs. In Yearbook of Morphology 1997. Booij G., Van Marle J. (eds), 243-265. Dordrecht: Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-011-4998-3_9
Sioupi, A. 1998.  Middle constructions: a comparative study in Greek and German [Domes Mesis Diathesis: mia sygritiki meleti ellinikis-germanikis]. PhD thesis. University of Athens.
Spathas, G., Alexiadou, A. and Schäfer, F. 2015. Middle Voice and reflexive interpretations: afto-prefixation in Greek. Natural Language & Linguist Theory 33, 1293–1350. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11049-014-9279-z
Tsangalidis, A. 1999. Will and Tha: A Comparative Study of the Category Future. Thessaloniki: University Studio Press.
Xydopoulos, G. 1996. Tense, Aspect and Adverbials in Modern Greek. PhD thesis. University College London.

Prof. Emerita Melita Stavrou
Prof. Athina Sioupi
Guest Editors

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Keywords

  • Greek morphosyntax
  • inflection
  • agree
  • concord
  • derivation/derived categories
  • affix
  • gender
  • case
  • denominal/relational adjectives
  • nominalization
  • clitics
  • voice
  • tense
  • argument structure (alternations)

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Published Papers (10 papers)

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Research

13 pages, 1126 KiB  
Article
Zero-Derived Nouns in Greek
by Artemis Alexiadou and Elena Anagnostopoulou
Languages 2023, 8(1), 13; https://doi.org/10.3390/languages8010013 - 27 Dec 2022
Cited by 1 | Viewed by 2278
Abstract
In this paper, we investigate zero-derived nouns based on irregular verbs in Greek. This is an under-explored area in Greek morpho-syntax, and in this paper, we will make three main contributions. First, we will discuss the fact that the overwhelming majority of these [...] Read more.
In this paper, we investigate zero-derived nouns based on irregular verbs in Greek. This is an under-explored area in Greek morpho-syntax, and in this paper, we will make three main contributions. First, we will discuss the fact that the overwhelming majority of these nouns are feminine, while neuter nouns are considerably less represented and masculine nouns are almost nonexistent. As feminine is taken to be the semantically marked gender in the case of animate nouns, asserting female sex, and neuter is argued to be the default gender in Greek for inanimates, the fact that zero abstract nouns are feminine is surprising. We will argue that feminine is the default in the case of zero derivation by exploiting an analysis of flavors of n. Second, we will show that, contrary to the findings in earlier literature, certain zero-derived nouns do have argument structure, similarly to their affixed counterparts. As not all zero-derived nouns have argument structure, we will appeal to complex head formation to explain the properties of those zero-derived nouns that have an eventive interpretation but do not surface with arguments. Finally, we will turn to an examination of the size of the domain that is nominalized. Since, in our cases, we observe root allomorphy conditioned by a nominal affix in the presence of a zero verbal head, we will suggest that Pruning is the mechanism that allows this. Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue New Glances at the Morphosyntax of Greek)
15 pages, 1297 KiB  
Article
Locality and Intervention in the Acquisition of Greek Relative Clauses
by Nikos Angelopoulos, Eleftheria Geronikou and Arhonto Terzi
Languages 2022, 7(4), 275; https://doi.org/10.3390/languages7040275 - 28 Oct 2022
Cited by 4 | Viewed by 1798
Abstract
According to the most recent formulation of Relativized Minimality, grammatical features are distinguished between those that are syntactically active and those that are not. Under this view, only the first play a role in the computation of locality. Furthermore, whether a certain feature [...] Read more.
According to the most recent formulation of Relativized Minimality, grammatical features are distinguished between those that are syntactically active and those that are not. Under this view, only the first play a role in the computation of locality. Furthermore, whether a certain feature is +/− syntactically active is determined by language-specific factors. Gender is one of the grammatical features that has been argued to have different values in Hebrew vs. Italian, and as a result, to play a role only in Hebrew-speaking children’s comprehension of relative clauses, in terms of intervention effects. Amidst this backdrop, this paper focuses on gender and case, and examines whether or not they have similar effects in the comprehension of relative clauses by Greek-speaking children. Greek differs from Hebrew in that gender does not qualify as a syntactically active feature, hence, the prediction is that it should behave like case, which does not qualify as syntactically active either. The paper presents results from a novel study showing that, indeed, neither gender nor case are responsible for intervention effects in the comprehension of relative clauses by Greek-speaking children, although both features are robustly expressed in Greek nominal morphology. Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue New Glances at the Morphosyntax of Greek)
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49 pages, 1792 KiB  
Article
Gender Marking and Clitic Pronoun Resolution in Simultaneous Bilingual Children
by Vasiliki Koukoulioti, Stavroula Stavrakaki, Maria Vomva and Flavia Adani
Languages 2022, 7(4), 250; https://doi.org/10.3390/languages7040250 - 28 Sep 2022
Viewed by 2454
Abstract
The acquisition of clitics still remains a highly controversial issue in Greek acquisition literature despite the bulk of studies performed. Object clitics have been shown to be early acquired by monolingual children in terms of production rates, whereas only highly proficient bilingual children [...] Read more.
The acquisition of clitics still remains a highly controversial issue in Greek acquisition literature despite the bulk of studies performed. Object clitics have been shown to be early acquired by monolingual children in terms of production rates, whereas only highly proficient bilingual children achieve target-like performance. Crucially, errors in gender marking are persistent for monolingual and bilingual children even when adult-like production rates are achieved. This study aims to readdress the acquisition of clitics in an innovative way, by entering the variable of gender in an experimental design targeting to assess production and processing by bilingual and monolingual children. Moreover, we examined the role of language proficiency (in terms of general verbal intelligence and syntactic production abilities). The groups had comparable performance in both tasks (in terms of correct responses and error distribution in production and reaction times in comprehension). However, verbal intelligence had an effect on the performance of the monolingual but not of the bilingual group in the production task, and bilingual children were overall slower in the comprehension task. Syntactic production abilities did not have any effect. We argue that gender marking affects clitic processing, and we discuss the implications of our findings for bilingual acquisition. Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue New Glances at the Morphosyntax of Greek)
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24 pages, 1714 KiB  
Article
High and Low Arguments in Northern and Pontic Greek
by Elena Anagnostopoulou, Dionysios Mertyris and Christina Sevdali
Languages 2022, 7(3), 238; https://doi.org/10.3390/languages7030238 - 13 Sep 2022
Cited by 1 | Viewed by 2426
Abstract
This paper deals with the distribution of the use of the accusative as an indirect object in two major dialect groups of Modern Greek, namely Northern Greek and Pontic Greek. The loss of the dative in Medieval Greek (c. 10th c. AD) resulted [...] Read more.
This paper deals with the distribution of the use of the accusative as an indirect object in two major dialect groups of Modern Greek, namely Northern Greek and Pontic Greek. The loss of the dative in Medieval Greek (c. 10th c. AD) resulted in the use of the genitive as an indirect object in the southern varieties and of the accusative in Northern Greek and Asia Minor Greek. As Standard Modern Greek employs the genitive, little attention has been paid to the distribution of the accusative, and our study was aimed to fill that gap by presenting data collected in Northern Greece from speakers of both dialect groups. According to our findings, the accusative is exclusively used in all syntactic domains inherited from the Ancient Greek dative in both dialect groups, but the two groups are kept apart in terms of the obligatoriness vs. optionality or lack of clitic doubling and availability vs. lack of “high” positions, e.g., for external possessors and ethical dative constructions. Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue New Glances at the Morphosyntax of Greek)
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24 pages, 1502 KiB  
Article
Processing of Transitivity Alternations and Frequency-Based Accounts in Greek Adult Language
by Georgia Fotiadou
Languages 2022, 7(3), 216; https://doi.org/10.3390/languages7030216 - 12 Aug 2022
Cited by 2 | Viewed by 2002
Abstract
The processing and resolution of syntactically ambiguous structures is accounted for by serial autonomous and multiple constraint satisfaction models differently. We investigated the extent to which frequency affects native speakers’ processing and interpretation of ‘voice (non)-alternating’ anticausative Greek verbs which differ in the [...] Read more.
The processing and resolution of syntactically ambiguous structures is accounted for by serial autonomous and multiple constraint satisfaction models differently. We investigated the extent to which frequency affects native speakers’ processing and interpretation of ‘voice (non)-alternating’ anticausative Greek verbs which differ in the availability or lack of voice alternation on the verb when it appears in intransitive structures. The accessibility of interpretations was measured with an online self-paced reading (SPR) task and an offline acceptability judgment (AJ) task addressed to 45 monolingual Greek-speaking adults. In order to investigate whether processing load is affected by statistical records in the parser, we compared empirical data with the frequency of the available readings that these verbs receive in formal and informal registers (ILSP, Web-Based Corpus). The online processing study indicated that the parser is sensitive to morphological cues ((N)ACT voice marking), while semantic factors such as animacy are integrated in subsequent stages of processing. A frequency effect was found in accordance with ‘coarse-grained’ models of sentence processing, while more ‘fine-grained’ models could not be validated with respect to frequency alone. The majority of acceptability judgements attributed to the verbs investigated correlated with the most frequent interpretations of verb forms in intransitive structures in corpora. Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue New Glances at the Morphosyntax of Greek)
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30 pages, 1801 KiB  
Article
The Influence of Case and Word Order in Child and Adult Processing of Relative Clauses in Greek
by Kalliopi Katsika, Maria Lialiou and Shanley E.M. Allen
Languages 2022, 7(3), 206; https://doi.org/10.3390/languages7030206 - 3 Aug 2022
Cited by 2 | Viewed by 2323
Abstract
Previous cross-linguistic studies have shown that object relative clauses (ORCs) are typically harder to parse than subject relative clauses (SRCs). The cause of difficulty, however, is still under debate, both in the adult and in the developmental literature. The present study investigates the [...] Read more.
Previous cross-linguistic studies have shown that object relative clauses (ORCs) are typically harder to parse than subject relative clauses (SRCs). The cause of difficulty, however, is still under debate, both in the adult and in the developmental literature. The present study investigates the on-line processing of SRCs and ORCs in Greek-speaking 11- to 12-year-old children and adults, and provides evidence on relative clause processing in Greek—a free word order language. We conducted a self-paced listening task in which we manipulated the type of relative clause (SRC vs. ORC), the RC internal word order (canonical vs. scrambled), and the type of relativizer (relative pronoun vs. complementizer). The results showed that SRCs were overall processed faster than ORCs, providing evidence that children follow similar processing strategies to adults. In addition, accusative case marking facilitated the processing of non-canonical structures in adults but less so in children. Children showed heavy reliance on word order, as they processed nominative and accusative pre-verbal NPs in exactly the same way, while they were strongly garden-pathed in ORCs with post-verbal nominative NPs. We argue that these results are compatible with the Competition Model. Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue New Glances at the Morphosyntax of Greek)
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27 pages, 587 KiB  
Article
Preposition Allomorphy in Calabrian Greek (Greko) and Standard Modern Greek and Its Theoretical Implications
by Georg F. K. Höhn
Languages 2022, 7(3), 169; https://doi.org/10.3390/languages7030169 - 4 Jul 2022
Viewed by 1995
Abstract
The article argues that the alternation between the prepositions asce ‘from’ and an ‘from’ in the south Italian Greek variety Greko and a similar alternation between the preposition se ‘in, to, into’ and the allomorph s- found in both Greko and Standard Modern [...] Read more.
The article argues that the alternation between the prepositions asce ‘from’ and an ‘from’ in the south Italian Greek variety Greko and a similar alternation between the preposition se ‘in, to, into’ and the allomorph s- found in both Greko and Standard Modern Greek represent instances of contextually conditioned allomorphy sensitive to a linearly adjacent definite article. Alternative approaches in terms of portmanteaux or making use of hyper-contextual rules for vocabulary insertion are shown to be unable to account for the data, supporting the need for allowing reference to linear adjacency relations in morphosyntactic theories of allomorphy. Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue New Glances at the Morphosyntax of Greek)
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22 pages, 1671 KiB  
Article
Compounding in Greek as Phrasal Syntax
by Dimitrios Ntelitheos
Languages 2022, 7(2), 151; https://doi.org/10.3390/languages7020151 - 15 Jun 2022
Viewed by 1820
Abstract
This paper provides a syntactic analysis of two types of compounds in Greek: synthetic and phrasal compounds derived from agentive nominalizations of verbal strings containing an internal argument of the verb. The analysis is couched within a ‘morphology as syntax’ account and uses [...] Read more.
This paper provides a syntactic analysis of two types of compounds in Greek: synthetic and phrasal compounds derived from agentive nominalizations of verbal strings containing an internal argument of the verb. The analysis is couched within a ‘morphology as syntax’ account and uses independently motivated syntactic tools to show that both types of compounds are derived in syntax proper without any need for a separate morphological component. The differences in the syntactic properties of the two types of compounds are explained with reference to the ‘size’ or ‘complexity’ of the projected internal arguments, which can be either ‘roots’, in the case of synthetic compounds, or unquantized nominals projected as NumPs, which require special licensing conditions in the case of phrasal compounds. Differences in prosodic and semantic interpretation are also explained with reference to phase theory and the type/number of phase domains within the structure of the two types of compounds. Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue New Glances at the Morphosyntax of Greek)
16 pages, 1214 KiB  
Article
Bidirectional Language Contact Effects at the DP Domain: The Case of Greek and Vlach Aromanian Speakers
by Ianthi Maria Tsimpli, Alexandra Prentza and Maria Kaltsa
Languages 2022, 7(2), 150; https://doi.org/10.3390/languages7020150 - 15 Jun 2022
Cited by 1 | Viewed by 1993
Abstract
We investigate the effects of the historical language contact of Modern Greek (MG) with Vlach Aromanian (VA) in bilingual speakers of three generations living in Epirus, Greece. We focus on a VA variety spoken in a specific language community, with our study constituting [...] Read more.
We investigate the effects of the historical language contact of Modern Greek (MG) with Vlach Aromanian (VA) in bilingual speakers of three generations living in Epirus, Greece. We focus on a VA variety spoken in a specific language community, with our study constituting one of the early attempts in this field of research. (1) Background: Given that bilingualism is a dynamic process in which language domains are not uniformly affected by external (i.e., sociolinguistic) factors, the investigation of bidirectional crosslinguistic influence can shed light on the resilience of morphosyntactic and semantic feature changes. MG differs from VA in a number of morphosyntactic properties at the DP domain, namely definiteness marking, positioning the adjective and gender marking. (2) Methods: To examine the language contact effects in VA–MG bilinguals, we elicited spontaneous language production in VA and MG from speakers across three generations with different levels of proficiency in each language. (3) Results: The data analysis showed evidence of bidirectional crosslinguistic influence since (a) MG seems to affect VA in definiteness marking and adjective positioning in younger bilingual groups and (b) VA influences MG in gender marking in older bilinguals. (4) Conclusions: The present study presents original language data from VA–MG bilinguals and provides evidence of bidirectional language contact effects. Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue New Glances at the Morphosyntax of Greek)
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25 pages, 444 KiB  
Article
The Morphotactics of the Cypriot Greek Augment
by Natalia Pavlou
Languages 2022, 7(2), 149; https://doi.org/10.3390/languages7020149 - 13 Jun 2022
Viewed by 1887
Abstract
This paper adopts a morphological approach to the reduplication of the past-tense augment in Cypriot Greek and explores the morphotactic constraints that apply. Phonological reduplication phenomena have been addressed in morphology by developing a framework that can account for both doubling and metathesis. [...] Read more.
This paper adopts a morphological approach to the reduplication of the past-tense augment in Cypriot Greek and explores the morphotactic constraints that apply. Phonological reduplication phenomena have been addressed in morphology by developing a framework that can account for both doubling and metathesis. This phenomenon has been a focus of discussion, but less is known about the application of this mechanism to tense prefixes, known as augments. Doubling of the augment appears in verbal complexes depending on the position of its components, what I will argue are cases that support the post-syntactic morphological doubling and metathesis analysis in Distributed Morphology. The data from this non-standard variety provide a novel analysis of augments and contribute to a better understanding of their distribution by redefining this phenomenon as morphological and supporting a unified framework for the formalism designed to account for similar post-syntactic morphological phenomena. Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue New Glances at the Morphosyntax of Greek)
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