Some Observations on the Cantonese Lexical Suprafixes
Abstract
:1. Introduction and Preliminaries
1.1. ’Cantonese’, and Some Transcription/Presentation Issues
1.2. Suprafixation versus Tone Sandhi, and Non-Lexical vs. Lexical Suprafixation
2. Lexical Suprafixes in Cantonese
2.1. Modern Standard Cantonese
(1) | a. | mui6 | fu1 | 妹夫 | ||||
y.sis | husband | |||||||
‘younger sister’s husband’ | ||||||||
b. | hɪŋ1 | tɐi6 | tsi2 | mui6 | 兄弟姊妹 | |||
o.bro | y.bro | o.sis | y.sis | |||||
‘siblings’ |
(2) | a. | ŋɔ5 | kɔ3 | mui6-2 | 我個妹 | ||
1sg | clf | y.sis\supr | |||||
‘my younger sister’ | |||||||
b. | tsi2 | mui6-2 | 姊妹 | ||||
o.sis | y.sis\supr | ||||||
‘sisters’ (cf. (1b) above) |
(3) | a. | lʊŋ4 -mui6-1 | 聾妹 | ||
deaf -y.sis\supr | |||||
‘deaf girl’ | |||||
b. | ma5lai1 -mui6-1 | 馬拉妹 | |||
Malay -y.sis\supr | |||||
‘Malay girl’ | |||||
c. | mui6-1 -tsɐi2 | 妹仔 | |||
y.sis\supr -dim | |||||
‘young female servant’ |
(4) | nei5 | tsɛk8 | kɐu2 | kɐm3 | dai6-1 | tsɛk8 | kɛ2? | 你隻狗咁大隻嘅? |
2sg | clf | dog | so | big\supr | clf | surprise | ||
‘Your dog is so small?!’ |
(5) | citation tone | lexical suprafix tone 2 | |
a. | 片 pʰin3 classifier ‘slice’noun, e.g., 片面 pʰin3 min6 ‘one-sided’ | 片 pʰin3-2 noun ‘film’, ‘slice’ | |
b. | 房 fɔŋ4 classifier ‘wing of family’noun, e.g., 心房 sɐm1 fɔŋ4 ‘heart atrium’ | 房 fɔŋ4-2 noun ‘room’ | |
c. | 女 nɵy5 noun, e.g., 女性 nɵy5 sɪŋ3 ‘female sex’ | 女 nɵy5-2 noun ‘daughter’ | |
d. | 袋 tɔi6 classifier ‘bag’ verb ‘to (put into a) bag’ noun, e.g., (春)袋 (tsʰɵn1) tɔi6 ‘scrotum’ | 袋 tɔi6-2 noun ‘bag’ | |
e. | 鴨 ap8 noun, e.g., 鴨 ap8 ‘duck’, 鴨屎 ap8 si2 ‘duck faeces’ | 鴨 ap8-2 noun ‘duck’, ‘male prostitute’ | |
f. | 碟 tip9 classifier ‘plate’ noun, e.g., 碟頭飯 tip9 tʰau4-2 fan6 ‘rice dish’ | 碟 tip9-2 noun ‘plate’, ‘disc’ |
(6) | citation tone | lexical suprafix tone 1 | |
a. | 己 kei2 noun, e.g., 私己錢 si1 kei2 tsʰin4-2 ‘(secret) personal money’ | 自己 tsi6kei2 ~ tsi6kei2-1 pronoun ‘self’ | |
b. | 派 pʰai3 verb ‘distribute’, ‘hand out’ noun ‘faction,’ e.g., 門派 mun4 pʰai3 ‘sect’ | 派 -pʰai3 ~ -pʰai3-1 ‘-faction,’ e.g., 左派 tsɔ2 pʰai3~1 ‘left faction’ | |
c. | 欄 lan4 noun, e.g., 圍欄 wɐi4 lan4 ‘fence’ | 欄 lan4-1 noun ‘animal pen’, ‘vegetable market’ | |
d. | 尾 mei5 noun ‘tail’ | 尾 -mei5-1 e.g., 第尾 tɐi6 -mei5-1 ‘final, last’ | |
e. | 妹 mui6 noun, e.g., 妹夫 mui6 fu1 ‘younger sister’s husband’ | 妹 -mui6-1 e.g., 泰妹 tʰai3 -mui6-1 ‘Thai girl’ | |
f. | 掠 lœk9 verb, e.g., 搶掠 tsʰœŋ2 lœk9 ‘rob’ | 掠水 lœk9-1 sɵy2 ‘rob money’ |
2.2. Earlier Cantonese
2.2.1. Tone 1*
- Hong Kong Cantonese in the 1960s (Cheung Yat-Shing 1969, p. 84).
(7) | Tone 1 [53] (ordinary tone) | Tone 1* [55] (suprafix tone) | |
a. | 鞭 pin1 ‘whip’ (noun/verb) | 辮 pin1* ‘braid’ | |
b. | 忠 tʃʊŋ1 ‘loyal(ty)’ | 鐘 tʃʊŋ1* ‘clock’ | |
c. | 燒 ʃiu1 ‘burn’ | 簫 ʃiu1* ‘flute’ |
(8) | a. | 53 (tone 1) + 5 (tone 7) → 53 + 5 [no change] e.g., ʃan53 + kʊk5 → ʃan53 kʊk5 山谷 ‘mountain valley’ |
b. | 53 (tone 1) + 55 (tone 1*) → 55 + 55 e.g., ʃan53 + lʊŋ55 → ʃan55 lʊŋ55 山窿 (mountain hole) ‘cave’ | |
c. | 53 (tone 1) + 53 (tone 1) → 55 + 55 in colloquial context, 53 + 53 in literary context e.g., hœŋ53 + tʃʰyn53 → hœŋ55 tʃʰyn55 ~ hœŋ53 tʃʰyn53 鄉村 ‘rural village’ |
2.2.2. Tone 2*
2.2.3. Suprafixes in Ball’s Cantonese Textbooks
(9) | Ball (1888) | Ball (1907) | ||
a. | 師奶 ‘lady’ | sz1 nái4-1 | sz1 nái4-1~1* | |
b. | 蚊 ‘mosquito’ | man4-1 | man4-1* | |
c. | 啲 (mass classifier, comparative) | ti1 ~ tí1 | ti1* ~ tí1* | |
d. | 都 (‘all’) | tò1 | tò1~1* | |
e. | 資 ‘postage’ | tsz1~1* | tsz1* | |
f. | 艙 ‘cabin/hold’ | ch’ong1 ~ ts’ong1* | ts’ong1* |
2.3. Other Cantonese Varieties
[In Macau Cantonese, in contrast to Hong Kong Cantonese:]
人们戏称,说 [ɔu33 mun11 jan11] 者是真正的澳门人,说 [ɔu33 mun35 jan11] 者是假冒的澳门人。不过这种差别正在缩小。
‘People joke that, one who says ou3 mun4 jɐn4 is a real Macau person, one who says ou3 mun4-2 jɐn4 is a fake Macau person. But this type of difference is narrowing.’
[In Nánníng Cantonese, the high-rising (tone 2) suprafix:]
使用远无广州、香港白话那么普遍,基本可以穷尽。
‘The usage is far less common than in Canton and Hong Kong Cantonese, [examples of suprafixed words] can basically be exhaustively listed.’
[In Běihǎi Cantonese, the high-level (tone 1) and high-rising (tone 2) suprafixes:]
例子很少,在我们的词汇表里,我们一共记录了七个有变调的词。
‘There are very few examples, in our vocabulary list [of 2179 items], we have recorded seven items with a suprafix in total.’
(10) | nouns: | Nánníng Canto. | Older Macau Canto. | Hong Kong Canto. |
a. | 繩 ‘string’ | ʃeŋ21 (4) | sɪŋ21 (4) | sɪŋ25 (4-2) |
b. | 鉗 ‘pliers’ | kʰɛm21 (4) | kʰim21 (4) | kʰim25 (4-2) |
c. | 碟 ‘plate’ | tip2 (9) | tip2 (9) | tip25 (9-2) |
d. | 澳門 ‘Macau’ | u33 mun21 (4) | ou33 mun21~25 (4 ~ 2) | ou33 mun25 (4-2) |
e. | 名 ‘name’ | mɛŋ21 (4) | mɛŋ21~25 (4 ~ 2) | mɛŋ25 (4-2) |
f. | 帽 ‘hat’ | mu22 (6) | mou22 (6) | mou25 (6-2) |
g. | 枱 ‘table’ | tʰɔi21 (4) | tʰɔi21~25 (4 ~ 2) | tʰɔi25 (4-2) |
h. | 枱布 ‘table cloth’ | tʰɔi21 (4) pu33 | tʰɔi21 (4) pou33 | tʰɔi25 (4-2) pou33 |
i. | -話 ‘-speech’ | -wa22 (6) | -wa25 (6-2) | -wa25 (6-2) |
j. | 乞兒 ‘beggar’ | hɐt5-ji55 (4-1) | hat5-ji55 (4-1) | hɐt5-ji55 (4-1) |
k. | 乞兒仔 ‘little beggar’ | ? | hat5-ji21 (4) -tsɐi25 (beg-dim-dim) | hɐt5-ji55 (4-1) -tsɐi25 |
l. | 眼鏡 ‘eye glasses’ | ŋɛn24 kɛŋ33 (3) | ŋan13 kɛŋ33 (3) | ŋan13 kɛŋ25 (3-2) |
m. | 袋 ‘bag’ | tɔi22 (6) | tɔi22 (6) | tɔi25 (6-2) |
n. | -文 ‘-script/-language’ | -mɐn21 (4) | -mɐn21 (~25) (4 (~2)) | -mɐn(21~) 25 ((4~) 2) |
- Hong Kong Cantonese
(11) | i. | tʰɔi4>2 | table 枱 |
‘table’ |
(12) | i. | tʰɔi4>2 | table 枱 |
ii. | mat8 tʰɔi2 | wipe table 抺枱 | |
iii. | mat8 tʰɔi2 pou3 | wipe table cloth 抺枱布 | |
‘table-cleaning cloth’ |
- Older Macau Cantonese
(13) | i. | tʰɔi4 ~ tʰɔi4>2 | table 枱 |
‘table’ |
(14) | i. | tʰɔi4 | table 枱 |
ii. | mat8 tʰɔi4 | wipe table 抺枱 | |
iii. | mat8 tʰɔi4 pou3 (*>2) | wipe table cloth 抺枱布 | |
‘table-cleaning cloth’ |
2.4. Interim Summary
3. Lexical Suprafixes and Diminutives in Yuè and Pínghuà Dialects
3.1. Yuè and Pínghuà Diminutives
3.2. The *ɲiA and *ɲiH Diminutives
- Xìnyí Yuè (Shào Huìjūn and Gān Yū’ēn 2007, p. 21)
(15) | citation form | diminutive | ||
ai. | tʃʰœ23 | tʃʰœn↗ | 坐 ‘sit’ | |
aii. | tʃy53 | tʃyn↗ | 豬 ‘pig’ | |
aiii. | ku53 | kun↗ | 姑 ‘aunt’ | |
bi. | ap3 | am↗ | 鴨 ‘duck’ | |
bii. | fut3 | fun↗ | 闊 ‘wide’ | |
biii. | kiak3 | kiaŋ↗ | 脚 ‘foot/leg’ | |
ci. | pʰiɛn33 | pʰiɛn↗ | 片 ‘slice’ | |
cii. | pui53 | pui↗ | 杯 ‘cup’ | |
ciii. | tʰɐu23 | tʰɐu↗ | 頭 ‘head’ |
3.3. Possible Origins of the Cantonese Lexical Suprafixes
4. Conclusions
Funding
Institutional Review Board Statement
Informed Consent Statement
Data Availability Statement
Acknowledgments
Conflicts of Interest
Appendix A
Ball (1888) | Modern Cantonese | Ball (1888) | Modern Cantonese | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
bangle | 鈪 | ák8 | (ŋ)ak8-2 | probably | 約嗼 | yök8 mok8 | jœk8 mɔk8-2 |
duck | 鴨 | áp8 | ap8/2 | bear | 熊人 | hung4 yan4 A23 | huŋ4 jɒn4-2 |
tongs | 鉗 | k’im4 | kʰim4-2 | share (n.) | 股份 | kwú2 fan6 A2 | ku2 fɐn6-2 |
case | 案件 | òn3 kín6 | ɔn3 kin6-2 | jest | 笑話 | síú3 wá6 A2 | siu3 wa6-2 |
daughter | 女 | nui5 | nɵy5-2 | sister | 姊妹 | tsz2 múi6 A2 | tsi2 mui(6/)2 |
old woman | 伯爺婆 | pák8 ye4-1* p’o4 | pak8 jɛ4-1 pʰɔ4-2 | domino | 骨牌 | kwat7 p’ái4/2*A2 | kʷɐt1 pʰai4-2 |
building site | 盤 | p’un4 | pʰun4-2 | (playing) cards | 紙牌 | chí p’ái4/2* | tsi2 pʰai4-2 |
string | 繩 | shing4 | sɪŋ4-2 | Yamen | 衙門 | ngá4 mún4/2* | ŋa4 mun4-2 |
sail | 行船 | háng4 shún4 | haŋ4 syn4-2 | thief | 賊 | ts’ák9/2* | tsʰak9-2 |
plate | 碟 | tip9 | tip9-2 | home country | 鄉吓 | höng1 há5/2* | hœŋ1 ha5-2 |
peach | 桃 | t’ò4 | tʰou(4/)2 | chess | 碁 | k’éi4/2* | kʰei4-2 |
sheep | 綿羊 | min4 yöng4 | min4 jœŋ4-2 | temple | 廟 | míú6/2* | miu6-2 |
mattress | 牀褥 | ch’ong4 yuk9 | tsʰɔŋ4 jʊk9-2 | pill | 丸 | yün4/2* | jyn4-2 |
Macao | 澳門 | Ò3 mún4 | ou3 mun(4/)2 | table | 檯/臺 | t’oi4/2* | tʰɔi4-2 |
B.A. | 秀才 | sau3 ts’oi4 | sau3 tsʰɔi(4/)2 | city | 城 | sheng4/2* | sɛŋ4-2 |
general assistant | 打雜 | tá2 tsáp9 | ta2 tsap9-2 | dollars | 銀 | ngan4/2* | ŋɐn4-2 |
monastery | 祠堂 | ts’z4 t’ong4 | tsʰi4 tʰɔŋ4-2 |
Ball (1888) | Modern Cantonese | Ball (1888) | Modern Cantonese | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
man | 人 | yan4-2* A13 | jɒn4/2 | compradore | 買辦 | mái5 pán6-2* | mai5 pan6-2 |
share (n.) | 份 | fan6-2* A1 | fɐn6-2 | priest | 和尚 | wo4 shöng6-2* | wɔ4 sœŋ6-2 |
(-language) | 話 | -wá6-2* A1 | -wa6-2 | who | 乜誰 | mi1 shui4-2* | mɐt1 sɵy4-2 |
younger sister | 妹 | múi6-2* A1 | mui6-2 | egg | 蛋 | tán6-2* | tan6-2 |
card | 牌 | p’ái4-2* A1 | pʰai4-2 | master | 事頭 | sz6 t’au4-2* | si6 tʰɐu4-2 |
Yamen | 衙門 | ngá4 mún4/2* | ŋa4 mun4-2 | sun | 熱頭 | yit9 t’au4-2* | jit6 tʰɐu4-2 |
thief | 賊 | ts’ák9/2* | tsʰak9-2 | peach | 桃 | t’ò4-2* | tʰou4-2 |
home country | 鄉下 | höng1 há5/2* | hœŋ1 ha5-2 | persimmon | 柿 | ts’z5-2* | tsʰi5-2 |
chess | 碁 | k’éi4/2* | kʰei4-2 | vase, pot | 壺 | ú4-2* | wu4-2 |
temple | 廟 | míú6/2* | miu6-2 | picture | 畫 | wá6-2* | wa6-2 |
pill | 丸 | yün4/2* | jyn4-2 | kite | 鳶 | yíú6-2* | -jiu6-2 |
table | 檯/臺 | t’oi4/2* | tʰɔi4-2 | pattern | 樣 | yöng6-2* | jœŋ6-2 |
city | 城 | sheng4/2* | sɛŋ4-2 | fish | 魚 | yü4-2* | jy4-2 |
orange | 橙 | ch’ang4-2* | tsʰaŋ4-2 | garden | 園 | yün4-2* | jyn4-2 |
prisoner | 犯 | fán6-2* | fan6-2 | college | 院 | yün6-2* | jyn6-2 |
room | 房 | fong4-2* | fɔŋ4-2 | commission | 用 | yung6-2* | jʊŋ6-2 |
hong | 行 | hong4-2* | hɔŋ4-2 | ferry | 渡 | tò6-2* | -tou6/2 |
plan | 計 | kaí3-2* | kɒi3-2 | (be a) cook | tsò6 ch’ü4-2* | tsou6 tsʰy4-2 | |
sedan | 轎 | kíú6-2* | k(ʰ)iu6-2 | (that time) | 嗰陣時 | ko3 chan6 shí4-2* | kɔ2 tsɐn6 si4/2 |
accountant | 掌櫃 | chöng2 kwai6-2* | tsœŋ2 kʷɐi6-2 | (clf) | 位 | wai6-2* | wɐi6-2 |
basket | 籃 | lám4-2* | lam4-2 | about | 度 | tò?-2* | tou2 |
fox | 狸 | léi4-2* | -lei4-2 | get wife | 娶 | ts’ui2-2* | tsʰɵy2 |
blinds | 㡘 | lím4-2* | lim4-2 | allow | 由 | yau4-2* | jɐu4-2 |
name | 名 | meng4-2* | mɛŋ4-2 | certain | 定 | ting6-2* | tɪŋ6-2 |
face, top | 面 | min6-2* | min6-2 | cook (n.) | 火頭 | fo2 t’au4-2* A3 | fɔ2 tʰɐu4-2 |
hat | 帽 | mò6-2* | mou6-2 | house | 樓 | lau4-2* A3 | lɐu4-2 |
pass book | 部 | pò6-2* | pou6-2 | money | 銀 | ngan4-2* A3 | ŋɐn4-2 |
Ball (1888) | Modern Cantonese | Ball (1888) | Modern Cantonese | ||||
who | 乜人 | mi1 yan4-2* A12 | mɐt1 jɐn4 | together | 一齊 | yat7 ts’ai4-2* | jɐt7 tsʰɐi4 |
beginning | 起頭 | héi2 t’au4-2* A2 | hei2 tʰɐu4 | rope | 纜 | lám6-2* | lam6 |
upstairs | 樓上 | lau4-2* shöng6 A2 | lɐu4 sœŋ6 | shanty | 寮 | líú4-2* | liu4 |
money | 銀錢 | ngan4/2* ts’ín4-2* A2 | ŋɐn4 tsʰin4-2 | pineapple | 波羅 | po1 lo4-2* | pɔ1 lɔ4 |
ferry | 渡 | tò6-2* | -tou6/2 | furnace | 爐 | lò4-2* | lou4 |
(that time) | 嗰陣時 | ko3 chan6 shí4-2* | kɔ2 tsɐn6 si4/2 | bridge of nose | 鼻梁 | pei6 löng4-2* | pei6 lœŋ4 |
now | 呢陣 | ni1 chan6-2* | ni1 tsɐn6/2 | place | 定 | teng6-2* | tɛŋ6 |
how long (time) | 幾耐 | kéi2 noi6-2* | kei2 nɔi6 | rhyme | 韻 | wan5-2* | wɐn5 |
(verb clf) | 吓 | há5/2* | ha5 | tonight | 今晚 | kam1 mán5-2* | kɐm1 man5/1 |
sit | 坐 | ts’o5-2* | tsʰɔ5 | ||||
heavy | 重 | ch’ung5-2* | tsʰʊŋ5 | sister-in-law | 姨 | yí4-2* | ji4-1 |
Ball (1888) | Modern Cantonese | Ball (1888) | Modern Cantonese | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
tael | 両 | löng5-2 | lœŋ5-2 | cess-pool | 氹 | t’am5-2 | tʰɐm5 |
antithetical sentence | 對 | tui3-2 | tɵy3-2 | coiffure | 髻 | kai3-2 | kɐi3 |
Ball (1888) | Modern Cantonese | Ball (1888) | Modern Cantonese | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
tetter | 瘡 | chong1/1* | tsʰɔŋ1 | cloves | 丁香 | ting1-1* höng1-1* | tɪŋ1 hœŋ1 |
plaster | 膏 | kò1-1* | kou1 | colour of nature | 青 | ts’ing1-1* | tsʰɪŋ1 |
market | 欄 | lán4-1* | lan4-1 | salad | 英 | yíng1-1* | jɪŋ1 |
dollar | 文 | man4-1* | mɐn4-1 | hold/cabin | 艙 | ts’ong1-1*/ch’ong1 | tsʰɔŋ1 |
cat | 貓 | máu4-1/1* | mau4-1 | go-down | 貨倉 | fo3 ts’ong1-1* | fɔ3 tsʰɔŋ1 |
thirty | 卅 | sá1/1* | sa1 | note paper | 箋 | tsín1-1* | tsin1 |
star | 星 | seng1/1* | sɪŋ1 | old man | 伯爺公 | pák8 ye4-1* kung1 | pak8 jɛ4-1 kʊŋ1 |
hymn | 詩 | shí1/1* | si1 | old woman | 伯爺婆 | pák8 ye4-1* p’o4 | pak8 jɛ4-1 pʰɔ4-2 |
court | 廳 | t’eng1/1* | tʰɛŋ1 | beggar | 乞兒 | hat7 yí4-1* | hɐt1 ji4-1 |
gun | 鎗 | ts’öng1/1* | tsʰœŋ1 | hawk | 鷹 | ying1-1* | jɪŋ1 |
postage | (信)資 | (sun3) tsz1/1* | sɵn3 tsi1 | fly | 烏蠅 | wú1 ying4-1* | wu1 jɪŋ4-1 |
jingling | 玎 | ting1/1* | tɪŋ1 | slight rain | 雨微 | yü5 méi4-1* | jy5 mei4-1 |
throughout | 通 | t’ung1/1* | tʰʊŋ1 | scorch | 燶 | nung?-1* | nʊŋ1 |
cent | 仙 | sin1* (loanword) | sin1 | ||||
hand gong | 玎璫 | ting1-1* tong1-1* | tɪŋ1 tɔŋ1 | mosquito | 蚊 | man4-1 | mɐn4-1 |
Ball (1888) | Ball (1888) | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|
tetter | 火疔瘡 | fo2 teng1-1* chong1-1* | cash | X個錢 | X ko3 ts’ín4-2* |
posts of a certain frame | 文𥲤 | man4 kui6-2* | dollar | X個銀 | X ko3 ngan4-2* |
capital | 本銀 | pún2 ngan4-2* | pò-tsz | 寶字 | pò2 tsz6-2* |
ingot | 錠 | ting3-2* | six-barrelled revolver | 六口連 | lúk9 hau2 lín~m4-2* |
shop-coolie | kún2-tím3/2* | sailing ship | 桅棒船 | wai4 p’ang5-2 shün4 | |
mistress | 東家婆 | tung1 ká1 p’o4-2* |
Ball (1894) | Modern Cantonese | Ball (1894) | Modern Cantonese | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
mother | 老母 | lò5 mò5 | lou5 mou5-2 | mother-in-law | 家婆 | ká1 p’o4 | ka1 pʰɔ(4/)2 |
pear | 沙梨 | shá1 léi4 | sa1 lei4/2 | granny | 婆婆 | p’o4 p’o4 | pʰɔ4 pʰɔ4-2~1 |
jasmine | 茉莉花 | mút9 léi4 fá1 | mut9 lei4-2 fa1 | oppress | 難為 | nán4 waí6 | nan4 wɐi4/2 |
daughter | 女 | nuí5 | nɵy5-2 | bear | 熊人 | hung4 yan4 A89 | huŋ4 jɒn4-2 |
city | 城 | sheng4 | sɛŋ4-2 | money | 錢銀 | ts’ín4ngan4-2* A89 | tsʰin4-2ŋɐn4-2 |
church | 教會 | káu3 wúi6 | kau3 wui(6/)2 | such as | 之類 | chí1 luí6/2* | tsi1 lɵy6/2 |
holy church | 聖公會 | shing3 kung1 wúi6 | sɪŋ3 kʊŋ1 wui6-2 | spice | 香料 | höng1 líú6/2 | hœŋ1 liu6-2 |
Ball (1894) | Modern Cantonese | Ball (1894) | Modern Cantonese | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
man | 人 | yan4-2* A79 | jan4/2 | room | 房 | fong4-2* | fɔŋ4-2 |
money | 錢 | ts’ín4-2* A79 | tsʰin4-2 | money | 錢銀 | ts’ín4 ngan4-2* | tsʰin4-2 ŋɐn4-2 |
spice | 香料 | höng1 líú6/2* | hœŋ1 liu6-2 | and be done with | 罷 | pá6-2* | pa6-2 |
peach | 桃 | t’ò4-2* | tʰou4-2 | court | 衙門 | ngá4 mún4/2* | ŋa4 mun4-2 |
bean | 豆 | tau6-2* | tɐu6-2 | disorderly | 亂 | lün6-2* | lyn6-2 |
flower garden | 花園 | fá1 yün4-2* | fa1 jyn4-2 | a little | 略略 | lök9 lök9-2* | lœk9 lœk9-2 |
not (very) long | 冇(幾)耐 | mò5 (kéi2) noí6-2* | mou5 (kei2) nɔi6-2~1 | pattern | 樣 | yöng6-2* A9 | jœŋ6-2 |
sun | 熱頭 | yit9 t’au4-2* | jit9 tʰɐu4-2 | name | 名 | meng4-2* A9 | mɛŋ4-2 |
who | 乜誰 | mat7 shui4-2* | mɐt7 sɵy4-2 | potato | 薯 | shü4-2* A9 | -sy4/2 |
widow | 寡母婆 | kwá2 mò5 p’o4-2* | kʷa2 mou5 pʰɔ4-2 | such as | 之類 | chí1 luí6/2* A9 | tsi1 lɵy6/2 |
thing | 物件 | mat9 kín6-2* | mɐt6 kin6-2 | probably | 大概 | tái6 k’oi3-2* A9 | tai6 kʰɔi3-2 |
old (man) | 老大 | lò5 tái6-2* | lou5 tai6-2 | once | 一排 | yat7 p’ái4-2* A9 | jɐt1 pʰai4/2 |
(classifier) | 位 | waí6-2* | wɐi6-2 | gradually | 漸漸 | tsím6 tsím6-2* A9 | tsim6 tsim6/2 |
that (clf) time | 個陣時 | ko3 chan6 shí4-2* A9 | kɔ2 tsɐn6 si4/2 |
Ball (1894) | Modern Cantonese | Ball (1894) | Modern Cantonese | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
who | 乜人 | mi1 yan4-2* A78 | mɐt1 jɐn4 | probably | 大概 | tái6 k’oi3-2* A8 | tai6 khoi3/2 |
wages | 工錢 | kung1 ts’ín4-2*A78 | kʊŋ1 tsʰin4 | once | 一排 | yat7 p’ái4-2* A8 | jɐt1 pʰai4/2 |
appearance | 樣子 | yöng6-2* tsz2 A8 | jœŋ6 tsi2 | gradually | 漸漸 | tsím6 tsím6-2* A8 | tsim6 tsim6/2 |
Lord’s holy name | 主之聖名 | chü chí1 shing3 meng4-2*A8 | tsy2 tsi1 sɪŋ3 mɪŋ4 | that (clf) time | 個陣時 | ko3 chan6 shí4-2* A8 | kɔ2 tsɐn6 si4/2 |
potato | 薯 | shü4-2* A8 | -sy4/2 | constantly | 常常 | shöng6 shöng4-2* | sœŋ4 sœŋ4 |
such as | 之類 | chí1 luí6/2* A8 | tsi1 lɵy6/2 | sit | 坐 | ts’o5-2* | tsʰɔ5 |
Ball (1894) | Modern Cantonese | Ball (1894) | Modern Cantonese | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
cross | 十字架 | shap9 tsz6 ká3/2 | sɐp6 tsi6 ka3/2 | stomach | 肚 | t’ò5-2 | tʰou5 |
Ball (1894) | Modern Cantonese | Ball (1894) | Modern Cantonese | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
eh? | 呢 | ni1* | nɛ1 | bend down head | 垂低頭 | shuí4 tai1-1* t’au4 | sɵy4 tɐi1 tʰɐu4 |
descendent | 子/仔孫 | tsz/tsaí 2 sün1-1* | tsi2 syn1 | finally | 收尾 | shau1 méi5-1* | sɐu1 mei(5/)1 |
side | 側邊 | chak7 pín1-1* | tsɐk7 pin1 | mosquito net | 蚊帳 | man4-1 chöng3 | mɐn4-1 tsœŋ3 |
which- | 邊 | pín1-1*- | pin1- | ||||
spear | 鎗 | ts’öng1/1* | tsʰœŋ1 | evening | 挨晚 | ái1 mán5 | ai1 man5-1 |
- Old Nánníng Mandarin 南寧(邕州官話): Zhōu Běnliáng et al. (2006).
- Línguì Wǔtōng 臨桂五通: Zhōu Běnliáng (2005).
- Yǒngfú Táochéng 永福桃城: Xiè Jiànyóu (2007).
- Bǎisè Nàbì 百色那畢: Xiè Jiànyóu (2007).
- Bīnyáng Xīnqiáo 賓陽新橋: Qín Fèngyú et al. (2016).
- Chóngzuǒ Jiāngzhōu (Zhèyuánhuà) 崇左江州(蔗園話): Lǐ Liánjìn and Zhū Yàn’é (2009).
- Chóngzuǒ Xīnhé (Zhèyuánhuà) 崇左新和(蔗園話): Liáng Wěihuá and Lín Yì (2009).
- Nánníng Wèizǐlù 南寧位子碌: author’s fieldwork.
- Sānjiāng (Liùjiǎhuà) 三江(六甲話): Wéi Yùjuān (2007).
- Yízhōu Déshèng (Bǎixìnghuà) 宜州得勝(百姓話): Xiè Jiànyóu (2007).
- Standard (Hong Kong) Cantonese: general knowledge, words.hk.
- ‘Older’ Macau Cantonese: author’s parents’ speech.
- Guìpíng Cantonese 桂平(白话): Chén Xiǎojǐn and Wēng Zéwén (2010).
- Héngzhōu Cantonese 橫洲(白話): Xiè Jiànyóu (2007).
- Nánníng Cantonese 南寧(白話): Lín Yì and Qín Fèngyú (2008), general knowledge.
- Guìgǎng 貴港: Chén Xiǎojǐn and Wēng Zéwén (2010).
- Hèzhōu Guìlǐng 賀州桂嶺: Chén Xiǎoyàn (2007).
- Pínglè (Běndìhuà) 平樂(本地話): Xiè Jiànyóu (2007).
- Zhōngshān, Guǎngxī (Běndìhuà) 鍾山(本地話): Xiè Jiànyóu (2007).
- Hépǔ (Liánzhōu) 合浦(廉州): Chén Xiǎojǐn and Chén Tāo (2005).
1 | Another phenomenon that needs to be distinguished is the change of tone in a normal historical linguistic sense. A change of tone can simply be a regular or irregular historical sound change, without suprafixation or (regular) tone sandhi being involved. For instance, kau5 fu6-2 舅父 ‘mother’s brother’ is nowadays often pronounced kau3 fu6-2 by younger speakers in Hong Kong. This change from kau5 to kau3 does not involve affixation (e.g., it is not a regular occurrence to change to tone 3 for a specific meaning or function), and this is also not tone sandhi (i.e., there is no sandhi rule that says that tone 5 has to change to tone 3 before tone 6 or 2). This is just a sound change in a historical linguistic sense. |
2 | The categories are as follows: (a) voicing of the initial (i.e., non-glide onset) in Middle Chinese; (b) tones A, B, C and D in Middle Chinese, with tones A, B and C being tones on sonorant-ending syllables and tone D signifying that the syllable is obstruent-ending; (c) ‘L’ and ‘S’ are sets of Middle Chinese vowels that correspond with the long and short vowels in Cantonese (Middle Chinese is not thought of as having a vowel-length distinction). |
3 | There is also a tone 4 (low-falling) suprafix, but this is very rare. A tone 4 suprafix is most usually next to a tone 2 or 1 syllable (so perhaps the suprafix is the entire melody and not just the tone 4), but this is not always the case. The tone 4 suprafix used with address terms clearly has an endearment meaning. For instance, from the roots kɔ1 哥 ‘elder brother’ and mui6 妹 ‘younger sister’ are the words kɔ1-4 kɔ1 哥哥 ‘elder brother’ and mui6-4 mui6-2 妹妹 ‘younger sister, little girl’. There are also nicknames (here using nicknames of deceased Hong Kong celebrities as examples) like mui4-1 tsɛ2-4 梅姐 (Mui\supr elder.sister\supr) for Anita Mui Yim-fong, and tat6 kɔ1-4 達哥 (Tat elder.brother\supr) for Richard Ng Man-tat. When used in place names, it is harder to argue that endearment is involved, but at least it is still the case that only familiar place names obtain a tone 4 suprafix. For instance, wan1-4 灣 ‘bay’ can be found in place names like nam4 wan1-4 南灣 (south bay) ‘Praia Grande’ in Macau, and tʰʊŋ4 lɔ4 wan1-4 ~ tʰʊŋ4 lɔ4 wan1 銅鑼灣 (copper gong bay) ‘Causeway Bay’ in Hong Kong (see Lau and Tang 2020 on Hong Kong 灣 ‘bay’ placenames). Applying suprafixes correctly to local place names is a shibboleth. |
4 | This name is rendered Ch‘au Chan Sene in Ball (1907, p. xxxiii). In other publications, this name is rendered Ch’an Chan Sene. |
5 | Ball (1888) marks tones using a modified version of the Chinese ‘four-corner’ system (using the syllables fan and chit as examples): tone 1 ▯fan, tone 1* ˳fan or ▯fan*, tone 2 ▯fan, tone 2* [fan*, tone 3 fan▯, tone 4 ▯fan, tone 5 ▯fan, tone 6 fan▯, tone 7 chit▯, tone 8 chit˳, and tone 9 chit▯. The ways that tones are marked are slightly different in the various editions of Cantonese Made Easy. |
6 | Tone 7 syllables with a suprafix are described in Ball (1907, p. xxxii) as a prolongation of tone 7. (He calls this suprafix tone the ‘variant Upper Entering Tone’). In other words, tone 7* was the same, or at least in complementary distribution, with tone 1*. However, there are only two examples of this in Ball (1907), and both raise some questions: (a) shik7-7* 識 ‘to know’ (p. 1) comes in isolation with no further explanations (i.e., it is impossible to tell whether this is a lexical or non-lexical suprafix); and (b) hák8-7* 客 ‘visitor’ (p. 59), with citation tone 8, would normally have a suprafix tone 2 in modern day understanding. Cases of the tone 7* suprafix are not further discussed in this article. |
7 | While Yiu (2010) is correct in pointing out that there are differences in these two mergers, she has perhaps not explained the differences in the best way. With the 1-to-1* merger, it was indeed the case that it was caused by an increase in the amount of tone 1 (high-falling) syllables being pronounced in suprafix tone 1* (high level). In more than 95% of cases, tone 1* syllables had tone 1 as their citation tone; 1-1* was the default pathway for both 1→ and →1*. In addition, high level was also a sandhi realisation of tone 1 (Section 2.2.1). High level and high falling are phonetically not that similar; it was the variation in the same syllables/morphemes being pronounced high level or high falling (by different people, and also in the speech of the same person) that the contrastiveness between high level and high falling began to collapse. The situation was different with the 2-to-2* merger. The change in the number of morphemes having the tone 2* suprafix is immaterial in this case. (There has been an increase from my point of view, but Yiu (2010) argues that the opposite is true.) When there was a contrast between tones 2 and 2*, it was not the case that tone 2 morphemes started gaining a suprafix and became suprafix tone 2*; in fact, in nearly 0% of cases, tone 2* morphemes had tone 2 as their citation tone in Ball (1888). The one exception known to me is the verb ts’ui2-2* 娶 ‘get wife’, with a lexical suprafix tone 2*. This was still largely the case in later publications that distinguished tones 2 and 2*. For instance, Chao Yuen Ren (1947, p. 35) offers examples of words in suprafix tone 2* with the citation tones 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8 and 9, but citation tone 2 was specifically crossed out. In Gāo Huánián (1980), amongst the many cases of →2*, there were only two cases of 2-2*: fan2 tɐu2-2* 反斗 ‘naughty’ and tʰʊŋ2-2* 桶 ‘bucket’. So, the 2-to-2* merger was not caused by tone 2 syllables gaining a suprafix and becoming tone 2*. The merger was simply a case of tones 2* and 2 having very similar phonetic realisations: tone 2* [25] and tone 2 [35] according to Chao Yuen Ren (1947, pp. 34–35). |
8 | 湛江市霞山区志, 宗教方言民俗. http://www.zjxs.gov.cn/zlxs/zjxs/xsqz/content/post_482997.html; accessed 17 June 2024. |
9 | Romanised Middle Chinese forms are usually not ‘starred’, as they are transcriptions of the phonology system of the Qièyùn 切韻 (601 ce), not a reconstruction. On the other hand, the non-attested earlier Yuè/Pínghuà forms like *ɲiA 兒 are starred, as they are the hypothesised earlier forms that existed in these Yuè/Pínghuà varieties. They do not necessarily have the same form as Middle Chinese forms like ɲeA 兒. |
10 | In Standard Cantonese, the fossilised cases of -ɲiH 兒 that I know of are a) hɐt5 -ji21⁻55 乞兒 (beg -dim\supr) ‘beggar’; b) tsʊk5 -ji21⁻55 jɐn21⁻55 捉兒人 (catch -dim\supr person\supr) ‘hide and seek’; and c) mau55 -ji21⁻55 貓兒 (cat -dim\supr) ‘kitten’ (found in sayings like the rhyming proverb 老狗嫩貓兒,食死冇人知 lou13 kɐu25 nyn22 mau55 -ji21⁻55, sɪk2 sei25 mou13 jɐn21 tsi55 (old dog immature cat -dim\supr, eat be.dead neg.exist person know) ‘Old dog and young kitten [meats are so toxic that if you] eat [the meat you] will be dead before anyone knows’). |
11 | Probably also valid is Zhū Xiǎonóng (2004)’s proposal that child-directed speech is the origin of suprafixes. |
12 | Not discussed in this article is the low-tone suprafix that is very common amongst Szeyap/Sìyì Yuè dialects. See, e.g., Gān Yū’ēn (2010, pp. 35–39) and (Tan 2010; Tán Yǔtián 2011). This low-tone suprafix coincides with their Lower tone B. Kwok Bit-Chee (2016, pp. 307–8) observes that in a number of geographically peripheral and non-contiguous Szeyap varieties, their Lower tone B is a high tone instead. Based on this, Kwok hypothesises that the Lower tone B was a high tone in Proto-Szeyap; the low-tone suprafix in the modern-day Szeyap dialects is an older suprafix that existed in Proto-Szeyap, and it was originally a high-tone suprafix. |
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A | B | C | D(L) | D(S) | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
*voiceless | 1 [55] | 2 [25~35] | 3 [33] | 8 [33] (=3) | 7 [55] (=1) |
*voiced | 4 [21~11] | 5 [23~13] | 6 [22] | 9 [22] (=6) |
Items Shown in Table: | Tone in Ball (1888) | Tone in Modern Cantonese | Suprafix: | Number of Items |
---|---|---|---|---|
A1 | citation tone | suprafix tone 2 | gained | 33 |
A2 | suprafix tone 2* | suprafix tone 2 | maintained | 34 |
A3 | suprafix tone 2* | citation tone | lost | 19 |
A3 | suprafix tone 2* | suprafix tone 1 | changed | 2 |
A4 | suprafix tone 2 | suprafix tone 2 | maintained | 2 |
A4 | suprafix tone 2 | citation tone | lost | 2 |
A5 | suprafix tone 1* | suprafix tone 1 | maintained | 28 |
A5 | suprafix tone 1 | suprafix tone 1 | maintained | 1 |
A6 | suprafix | (word is now obsolete) | ? | 11 |
Items Shown in Table: | Tone in Ball (1894) | Tone in Modern Cantonese | Suprafix: | Number of Items |
---|---|---|---|---|
A7 | citation tone | suprafix tone 2 | gained | 14 |
A8 | suprafix tone 2* | suprafix tone 2 | maintained | 27 |
A9 | suprafix tone 2* | citation tone | lost | 6 |
A10 | suprafix tone 2 | suprafix tone 2 | maintained | 1 |
A10 | suprafix tone 2 | citation tone | lost | 1 |
A11 | citation tone | suprafix tone 1 | gained | 1 |
A11 | suprafix tone 1* | suprafix tone 1 | maintained | 7 |
A11 | suprafix tone 1* | citation tone | lost | 1 |
A11 | suprafix tone 1 | suprafix tone 1 | maintained | 1 |
Dialect Group | Locality/Name of Dialect | Form of Suffix | Tone Category |
---|---|---|---|
Pínghuà, Northern | 臨桂五通 Línguì Wǔtōng | 兒 -ɲi31 | Lower tone A |
Pínghuà, Northern | 永福桃城 Yǒngfú Táochéng | 兒 -ɲi23 | Lower tone A |
Yuè, Gōulòu | 平樂本地話 Pínglè ‘Běndìhuà’ | 兒 -ɲi31 | Lower tone A |
Yuè, Gōulòu | 鍾山本地話 Zhōngshān ‘Běndìhuà’ | 兒 -ɲi23 | Lower tone A |
Pínghuà, Southern | 三江六甲話Sānjiāng ‘Liùjiǎhuà’ | 兒 -ɲi31 | Lower tone A |
Pínghuà, Southern | 宜州得勝 Yízhōu Déshèng | 兒 -ŋi31 | Lower tone A |
Pínghuà, Southern | 百色那畢 Bǎisè Nàbì | 兒 -ɲi31 | Lower tone A |
Pínghuà, Southern | 崇左江州 Chóngzuǒ Jiāngzhōu | 兒 -ɲi32 | Lower tone A |
Pínghuà, Southern | 崇左新和 Chóngzuǒ Xīnhé | 兒 -ɲi21 | Lower tone A |
Yuè, Qīnlián | 合浦(廉州) Hépǔ (Liánzhōu) | 兒 -ŋi44 | Lower tone A |
Dialect Group | Locality/Lect Name | Form of Suffix | Tone Category |
---|---|---|---|
Pínghuà, Southern | 南寧位子碌 Nánníng Wèizǐlù | 兒 -ɲi21 兒 -ɲi21⁻53 | Lower tone A Upper tone A |
Yuè, Yōngxún | 橫洲白話 Héngzhōu Cantonese | 兒 -ɲi232 兒 -ɲi232⁻55 | Lower tone A Upper tone A |
Dialect Group | Locality/Lect Name | Form of Suffix | Tone Category |
---|---|---|---|
Yuè, Gōulòu | 賀州桂嶺 Hèzhōu Guìlǐng | 兒 -ŋi52 | Upper tone A |
Pínghuà, Southern | 賓陽新橋 Bīnyáng Xīnqiáo | 兒 -ŋi55 | Upper tone C |
Pínghuà, Southern | 橫洲嶺鷯 Héngzhōu Lǐngliáo | 兒 -ji24 | Upper tone A |
Yuè, Gōulòu | 貴港 Guìgǎng | 兒 -ŋi55 ~ -ɲi55 | Upper tone A |
Yuè, Yōngxún | 桂平白話 Guìpíng Cantonese | 兒 -ŋi55 | Upper tone A |
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de Sousa, H. Some Observations on the Cantonese Lexical Suprafixes. Languages 2024, 9, 311. https://doi.org/10.3390/languages9100311
de Sousa H. Some Observations on the Cantonese Lexical Suprafixes. Languages. 2024; 9(10):311. https://doi.org/10.3390/languages9100311
Chicago/Turabian Stylede Sousa, Hilário. 2024. "Some Observations on the Cantonese Lexical Suprafixes" Languages 9, no. 10: 311. https://doi.org/10.3390/languages9100311