1. Introduction
Livelihood and well-being constitute the foundation of individual happiness and the cornerstone of social harmony [
1]. The report of the 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC) clearly emphasizes the imperative to safeguard fundamental interests, enhance public well-being, and pursue development that is by, for, and of the people, thereby ensuring that the fruits of modernization are shared equitably [
2]. Against this backdrop, continuously improving county-level livelihood and well-being is not only essential for fulfilling the fundamental objective of “pursuing happiness for the people” but also represents a pressing and multifaceted challenge in public welfare.
This concept of livelihood and well-being is unique to China. This specific term is not explicitly mentioned in foreign research. Similar concepts include “well-being [
3]”, “social vulnerability [
4]” and “life quality” [
5], which primarily assess individual happiness, social resilience, or overall quality of life. In the Chinese context, livelihood and well-being comprises two components. The term “livelihood” first appears in
Zuo Zhuan: “When the people work diligently, scarcity will not arise.” Its original meaning pertains to the means by which people sustain their lives. In Western societies, livelihood is often measured by employment status [
6,
7], embodying the notion of “how one makes a living.” Thus, both Chinese and Western academia understand livelihood as the populace’s means of subsistence. Well-being refers to happiness and welfare, denoting a favorable life condition. The term stems from the translation of the Western concepts “well-being” and “welfare,” the former emphasizing individuals’ subjective psychological experiences of happiness and satisfaction [
8,
9], and the latter focusing on objective benefits and social security derived from material conditions such as national income [
10]. Consequently, in the Chinese context, livelihood and well-being not only relate to the assurance of fundamental survival rights but also stress the continual improvement of social rights, reflecting the holistic pursuit of a happy and fulfilling life [
11].
Livelihood and well-being, as a multi-dimensional concept for measuring an individual’s quality of life, has mainly been studied by scholars from the following three aspects. The first is the conceptual definition of livelihood and well-being. With the rapid development of the economy and society, as well as residents’ yearning for a better life, scholars’ understanding of the concept of well-being has shifted from initially taking GDP or GNP as a single indicator to a multi-dimensional vision of a better life that encompasses economy, society, environment, and culture [
12]. Smith et al. proposed that well-being is a concept used to assess the state of individual happiness, encompassing multiple dimensions such as material living conditions, health status, and interpersonal relationships [
13]. The second aspect is the measurement of the level of livelihood and well-being. According to different measurement methods, livelihood and well-being are categorized into subjective and objective well-being. Subjective well-being emphasizes psychological experiences such as an individual’s sense of happiness [
14], life satisfaction [
15], and perceived fairness [
16]. Relatively speaking, objective well-being can be measured by a single or multiple objective indicators, such as the Human Development Index (HDI) [
17], the Comprehensive Human Development Index [
18], and the Gross National Happiness Index [
19], with studies conducted at various spatial scales including the provincial [
20], municipal [
21], county [
22], and river basin [
23]. Both subjective and objective well-being indices focus primarily on individuals and do not fully capture the multi-dimensional connotations of livelihood and well-being that are closely related to the people’s situation. The third aspect includes research on regional disparities in livelihood and well-being and their spatial distribution characteristics. With the continuous development of China’s economy and society, levels of livelihood and well-being exhibit marked regional variations. Some scholars have utilized the HDI to examine the development gaps among different regions in China and to analyze the temporal evolution of their spatial patterns [
24,
25].
The concept of “national park” was first proposed in 1832 by American artist George Catlin. During his explorations of the American West, he witnessed the destruction of indigenous cultures and natural landscapes and conceived the idea of establishing protected reserves to safeguard local communities’ living environments. Although his proposal received little attention at the time, it laid the essential groundwork for future national parks. In 1872, the United States formally established Yellowstone National Park as the world’s first national park, defining a national park as “a large natural area, rich in natural resources, sometimes including historical sites, where hunting, mining, and other exploitative activities are prohibited.” From that point onward, the national park concept spread globally, and countries such as Australia, Japan, and the United Kingdom adapted it according to their own national contexts. In 1879, Australia established the world’s second national park, the Royal National Park, with the purpose of promoting “public health, recreation, comfort, and enjoyment” by providing urban residents with leisure spaces. In 1934, Japan designated the Setonaikai, Unzen, and Kirishima areas as its first three national parks, defining them as regions aimed at “protecting significant natural landscapes and ecosystems while promoting environmental education, recreation, and cultural tourism.” These protections extended beyond natural features such as volcanoes, coastlines, and hot springs to include landscapes and customs associated with traditional culture. Unlike the American model, which prioritizes wilderness protection, the United Kingdom’s national parks emphasize harmonious coexistence between people and nature. In 1949, England and Wales established their national park system under the National Parks and Access to the Countryside Act, defining a national park as “an area designated to conserve natural beauty and promote public recreation and enjoyment, while respecting and sustaining the lifestyles of local communities.” In 1994, the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) introduced its “Protected Area Categories System,” classifying protected areas into six categories based on global conservation practices. National parks were placed in Category II, second only to strict nature reserves and wilderness areas, being defined as large natural or near-natural areas designated to protect large-scale ecological processes, species, and ecosystems, while also providing spiritual, scientific, educational, recreational, and visitor opportunities in harmony with environmental and cultural contexts [
26].
Although China has successively established various types of protected areas such as nature reserves and forest parks, classified according to conservation targets under the nature reserve system, the absence of unified classification standards and technical specifications has resulted in fragmented administration and haphazard development [
27]. To address these challenges, in November 2013, China formally proposed establishing a national park system as a key institutional innovation to promote ecological civilization. In 2015, China launched the first batch of ten national park system pilot sites, including Sanjiangyuan and Wuyishan. In 2017, China promulgated the Overall Plan for Establishing a National Park System (the “Plan”), which stipulated that the pilot phase should be substantially completed by 2020. The Plan states that a national park is a specific terrestrial or marine area approved and managed by the state, with clearly defined boundaries, aimed primarily at protecting representative large-scale natural ecosystems and ensuring the scientific conservation and rational use of natural resources [
28]. The two definitions differ in their applicable standards. International national parks (IUCN Category II protected areas) maintain large-scale ecological processes and biodiversity through clear boundaries and strict management, offering low-intensity recreational activities within this framework. In contrast, China’s national parks maintain these conservation and recreation functions and further emphasize the scientific protection and rational utilization of nationally representative ecosystems, while also incorporating research, education, and community development. Therefore, in this study, we define “national park construction” as a systematic project initiated upon policy approval, grounded in natural resource property rights and systematic conservation theory, and implemented through spatial planning, institutional design, resource control, and supporting measures to achieve effective protection and sustainable use of natural ecosystems via integrated management and tiered operational mechanisms. The Plan further emphasizes that national parks bear significant responsibilities for nature conservation. The term “national” not only denotes public ownership but also reflects the intrinsic public-interest character of national park [
29]. According to the different protected objects, national parks can be divided into two major types. One of these types is represented by flagship-species conservation parks, which have mainly been established to protect rare and endangered species [
30], such as the Giant Panda National Park and the Northeast Tiger and Leopard National Park. The second type is the geographic-unit conservation parks, whose aim is to maintain the authenticity and integrity of the natural ecosystems within a given area [
31], such as Sanjiangyuan National Park, Wuyishan National Park, and Hainan Tropical Rainforest National Park. Research has shown that approximately 60% of ecosystems are being severely damaged by human activities [
32], making it difficult to meet the demands of human production and life.
As global ecological governance advances, the construction of national parks has emerged as a critical strategy for reconciling ecological protection with social development and fostering harmonious human–nature coexistence. At the societal level, national park construction can enhance overall social well-being by strengthening environmental awareness among residents and encouraging broad community participation, thereby improving both interpersonal relationships and human–nature interactions [
33,
34]. Influenced by early absolute protectionism, many parks initially adopted the “isolation protection” model, cutting off close connections with the surrounding communities, resulting in the contradiction between ecological protection and community development becoming increasingly prominent. With the rise of the concept of development cooperation, management strategies have gradually shifted to a new model that emphasizes both protection and utilization, paying more attention to the development of surrounding communities and respecting local traditional culture.
Against this backdrop, a growing body of scholarship has examined the social impacts of national park construction, focusing on three main areas. First, studies have investigated the effects of national park construction on farmers’ livelihood capitals and strategies. For example, Kumar et al. conducted semi-structured interviews with 150 households around Jim Corbett National Park, India, and applied the range-equalization method to derive livelihood capital scores including human and natural capital, revealing that tourism development and forest resource use significantly bolster local livelihood security [
35]. Li et al. surveyed 329 farmers and herders in Qilian Mountain National Park, China, and used one-way ANOVA and ordinary least squares regression to assess how livelihood strategies at different stages of park development influence well-being, finding that diversified strategies significantly improved subjective well-being following park construction [
36]. However, due to limitations in research timeframes and data availability, most of these studies are case-based and lack systematic theoretical summaries and generalizations. The second area of research considers the impact of national park construction on the sustainable livelihoods of community residents. Unlike earlier studies that focused solely on farmers’ livelihood strategies, Karki systematically examined the combined impact of national parks and conservation incentives on the livelihood capital and livelihood strategies of residents in surrounding communities, using a sustainable livelihood approach (SLA) [
37]. The third area of research refers to the behavioral intentions of community residents. Jia et al. conducted field investigations and combined planned behavior theory and structural equation models to analyze the impact of behavioral attitudes, subjective norms, and perceived behavioral control on the willingness of community residents to participate in park construction [
38]. Building on this, Dong introduced a livelihood capital perspective and used structural equation modeling to demonstrate that both attitudes and subjective norms among farmers near Nanling National Park significantly drive conservation intentions, with financial and social capital exerting direct positive effects [
39]. Furthermore, Puhakka et al. used questionnaire surveys to show that national park initiatives, by offering ecological experiences and environmental education, effectively enhance public awareness and participation in conservation, thereby generating broader social benefits [
40].
The literature review reveals that although the above-mentioned studies [
35,
36,
37,
38,
39,
40] have explored the livelihood well-being and social impacts of national park construction, there are still three deficiencies. Firstly, the research perspectives are relatively narrow. The existing research on national parks mainly focuses on the impact of residents’ livelihoods and behavioral intentions, while the systematic exploration of multi-dimensional livelihood and well-being in county areas is still insufficient. Secondly, there is a lack of long-term research. The aforementioned studies [
35,
36] are based on short-term survey data and lack a dynamic assessment of the long-term social impact of national park construction. Thirdly, the mechanisms of action remain inadequately understood. The internal mechanisms by which the construction of national parks affects county-level livelihood and well-being through different paths still need further research.
National parks bear not only the responsibility of conserving natural ecosystems and preserving biodiversity, but also the mission of safeguarding livelihood and well-being. Wuyishan National Park—China’s only national park that is both a UNESCO Biosphere Reserve and a UNESCO World Cultural and Natural Heritage site—contains the most intact, most representative, and largest mid-subtropical forest ecosystem at its latitude in the world. In 2016, the National Development and Reform Commission officially approved the
Pilot Implementation Plan for the Wuyishan National Park System, thereby initiating its full-scale pilot phase. However, as a typical southern collective forest region with a high proportion of collectively owned forest land, the park’s tea, bamboo, and tourism sectors heavily depend on natural resources. The diversity and complexity of forest management regimes, coupled with a heterogeneous stakeholder landscape, have exacerbated tensions between ecological conservation objectives and the development needs of adjacent communities [
41], mainly manifested as problems such as restricted land use, restricted traditional livelihood methods, and insufficient community participation. Consequently, striking a balance between conservation and development while ensuring the stability and enhancement of livelihoods and achieving harmonious coexistence between humans and nature has become a critical issue that must be addressed. In this context, whether Wuyishan National Park construction (WNPC) generates enhancement effects on county-level livelihood and well-being has not yet been empirically verified. What temporal and spatial characteristics and disparities do county-level livelihood and well-being exhibit? What impact does WNPC exert on these dynamics? What underlying mechanisms drive such effects? And how can we maximize the livelihood and well-being benefits conferred by Wuyishan National Park? The above-mentioned problems urgently need further research and discussion.
On this basis, grounded in Maslow’s hierarchy of needs, the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), and the Millennium Ecosystem Assessment’s human well-being framework, this study develops a comprehensive evaluation index system for county-level livelihood and well-being from three dimensions: basic material well-being, security and health well-being, and socio-cultural well-being. Treating national park construction as a quasi-natural experiment, this study utilizes panel data from 138 counties in Fujian, Jiangxi, and Zhejiang provinces from the period 2011–2023, and employs the difference-in-differences (DID) model to assess its impact on county-level livelihood and well-being. This study is of great theoretical and practical significance for scientifically evaluating the implementation effectiveness of the national park system and promoting the coordinated development and improvement of ecological conservation and livelihood.
4. Discussion
Grounded in econometrics and new economic geography, this study employs a DID model and the mediating effect model to examine the impact of national park construction on county-level livelihood and well-being. In recent years, DID models have been widely applied to evaluate the actual impacts of various environmental policies, such as the Ecological Compensation Policy [
67], the National Key Ecological Functional Areas Policy [
68], and Transfer Payment of Ecological Functional Areas Policy [
69]. By comparing changes in the treatment and control groups before and after policy implementation, the DID model effectively addresses endogeneity arising from omitted variables and precisely identify causal effects. Regarding the weighting of evaluation indices, many scholars primarily employ subjective or objective weighting methods to assign indicator weights. Subjective approaches, chiefly including the analytic hierarchy process [
70], rely heavily on expert judgment and carry a high degree of subjectivity. Objective methods such as the entropy weighting method [
71], principal component analysis [
72], and others derive weights from the statistical relationships among variables, taking inter-indicator correlations into account but neglecting the influence of individual indicator variability on the assigned weights. This study employs the CRITIC weighting method to quantify the objective material foundations of county-level livelihood and well-being. The CRITIC weighting method, employed to determine indicator weights, is widely used in multi-criteria evaluations for economic decision-making. Its advantage lies in capturing both within-indicator variability and conflicts between indicators, providing scientific rigor and broad applicability that enhance the accuracy and interpretability of evaluation results [
49]. However, this study does not account for individuals’ subjective experiences. Future research should retain objective quantitative assessments while integrating questionnaire or social survey data to introduce subjective perception indicators such as self-reported happiness and life satisfaction, to construct a comprehensive evaluation index system that more holistically and accurately captures the evolution of county-level livelihood and well-being. At the theoretical level, the existing literature has predominantly examined the institutional mechanisms of national park construction, with limited attention paid to its effects on regional livelihood and well-being. This study innovatively adopts a county-level perspective to construct an analytical framework for assessing the impact of national park construction on county-level livelihood and well-being, thereby expanding the research domain on the relationship between these two concepts. Prior studies have demonstrated that ecological compensation policies significantly enhance farmers’ livelihoods, thereby improving regional livelihood and well-being [
73]. Our analysis further reveals that, as a distinct form of ecological conservation policy, national park construction similarly exerts a positive effect on county-level livelihood and well-being that is consistent with the outcomes of existing conservation policies, thus corroborating the accuracy and credibility of our results. At the practical level, with the in-depth transformation of the principal contradiction in Chinese society, the construction of national parks is an important component of ecological civilization. Assessment of its social impact effect is of great practical significance for promoting the high-quality construction of national parks, empowering regional coordinated development and improving people’s livelihoods and well-being.
Nevertheless, this study also has the following deficiencies. Firstly, although a theoretical framework linking national park construction to improvements in county-level livelihood and well-being has been established, further refinement is needed to elucidate the precise nature of this relationship and its underlying mechanisms. Secondly, this study does not account for individuals’ subjective experiences. Future research should retain objective quantitative assessments while integrating questionnaire or social survey data to introduce subjective perception indicators such as self-reported happiness and life satisfaction and to construct a comprehensive evaluation index system that more holistically and accurately captures the evolution of county-level livelihood and well-being. Finally, considering the limitations of the research scale and data availability, the universality of the research conclusions drawn in this study needs to be further verified. Although Wuyishan National Park, as a World Cultural and Natural Heritage Site, has a profound impact on enhancing regional social cohesion, promoting social harmony and improving well-being, due to the limitations of the spatial scale and time span of the research, the research conclusions of this study might not fully reflect the social impact of the construction of other types of national parks. Future research can compare different types of national parks such as geographical unit conservation and flagship-species conservation and deeply explore the heterogeneous changes in the levels of livelihood and well-being in counties under different conservation models.
Based on the foregoing analysis, this study proposes the following policy recommendations:
First, strengthen fiscal transfers and public service provision to areas in the central parts of Fujian, Jiangxi, and Zhejiang provinces where livelihood and well-being levels remain relatively weak. Prioritize increased investment in key basic livelihood sectors such as education, healthcare, and social security, to advance equalization of essential public services and narrow inter-regional development gaps. Meanwhile, to address the internal imbalances within the Jiangxi subregion, a performance evaluation mechanism integrating provincial coordination with county-level linkages should be implemented to enable differentiated resource allocation, prioritizing funds and services for counties with lower well-being levels and dynamically adjusting resource inputs according to evaluation outcomes. Through targeted measures, a spatial linkage mechanism of “stronger counties supporting weaker ones” can be established to enhance coordinated development across the entire region.
Second, when designing the institutional framework for Wuyishan National Park, improving livelihood and well-being should be established as a core objective to ensure that ecological dividends accrue to surrounding communities—for example, by creating ecological employment opportunities and implementing compensation schemes—thus integrating ecological protection with social development. Simultaneously, a rigorous, standardized monitoring and evaluation framework should be implemented to dynamically track how park construction affects residents’ well-being and to create a data-driven policy feedback loop. It is recommended to incorporate this evaluation system into the Wuyishan National Park Management Regulations, enabling continuous assessment and timely adjustment of implementation outcomes, and further enhancing the effectiveness of this system design.
Third, the ecological and cultural assets of Wuyishan National Park’s dual World Heritage status should be harnessed to cultivate emerging industries such as eco-guiding services, tea-culture experiences, and rural folk tourism, to attract young talent back to their hometowns for entrepreneurship and employment, thereby improving the demographic structure. Implementing the “Wuyishan Ecological Expert Introduction Policy” to provide benefits such as household registration, children’s education, and tax reductions for professionals in eco-guiding, tea-culture preservation, and environmental monitoring, can enhance the willingness of talent to flow in. Meanwhile, increased investment in infrastructure construction should focus on upgrading transportation roads and improving rural tourism facilities. In the process of infrastructure construction such as Provincial Highway S303, the concept of ecological protection should be integrated to promote the development of green infrastructure such as road landscaping and rain gardens. In addition, administrative barriers can be broken down by establishing cross-county infrastructure co-construction mechanisms, such as regional comprehensive transportation networks, to promote the transformation of infrastructure construction from a “scattered distribution” to a “networked distribution”.
Finally, tailored policy measures for the regions encompassing Wuyishan National Park should be formulated based on a thorough consideration of their locational attributes, resource endowments, and industrial foundation. For agricultural counties such as Guangze County, ecological compensation and financial support should be intensified by establishing dedicated ecological compensation funds to promote the development of eco-agriculture, Wuyishan tea, and other environmentally friendly industries, thereby raising farmers’ income levels and improving regional livelihood and well-being. For industrial counties such as Jianyang District, Shaowu City, and Wuyishan City, they should be guided to gradually phase out high-pollution and high-energy-consuming industries, and support should be given to the cultivation and development of green manufacturing, clean energy industries, and eco-tourism industries, to promote the green transformation of industries and facilitate sustainable regional development. Meanwhile, efforts should be made to enhance coordinated development among different counties, promote the interaction and collaboration between agricultural counties and industrial counties, establish a cross-regional ecological collaboration mechanism, achieve resource sharing, and ensure common benefits for the entire region.