The Impact of Social Capital and Community Empowerment on Regional Revitalization Practices: A Case Study on the Practice of University Social Responsibility Programs in Wanli and Jinshan Districts

Abstract

Amid accelerating globalization and urbanization, regional revitalization has become a key policy direction for countries to address regional decline. Among these, social capital and community empowerment can significantly promote regional development. Social capital emphasizes how trust, norms, and reciprocity facilitate collective action, while community empowerment focuses on improving residents’ participation and autonomous decision-making capacity. Existing research primarily focuses on cases from Europe and America; there is no in-depth exploration of the interaction between regional revitalization and social capital in Taiwan. Notably, systematic studies are lacking regarding the mechanisms through which University Social Responsibility (USR) programs engage and promote community development. This study takes the Wanli and Jinshan districts in northern Taiwan as case study examples. We employ action research and qualitative research methods to analyze the role of social capital and community empowerment in regional revitalization. This paper reviews how internal trust and cooperation within a community build bonding social capital. It explores how USR programs promote collaboration between communities and external resources through bridging social capital. The findings indicate that bonding social capital can enhance community cohesion and support regional revitalization efforts; bridging social capital can introduce academic, corporate, and governmental resources, providing technical and financial support for community innovation. The participatory mechanism of USR programs not only fosters civic awareness development but also offers a cross-organizational cooperation platform for regional revitalization, enabling communities to integrate internal and external resources more effectively. The results of this study indicate that bonding and bridging social capital can achieve complementary effects through USR programs, further promoting community empowerment and regional development. This study deepens the application of social capital theory in regional revitalization. It provides an empirical basis for policymakers and academic institutions to optimize the planning and implementation of future USR programs. While the study focuses on a geographically bounded set of cases and employs an exploratory qualitative design, these choices enabled a rich, context-sensitive understanding of how regional self-governance and community capital may be strengthened in practice. Future research could extend this line of inquiry by examining additional locales, adopting longitudinal perspectives, and integrating mixed-method approaches, thereby further amplifying the robustness and applicability of the propositions advanced here.

1. Introduction

Since the 21st century, social capital and community empowerment have gradually emerged as core issues in promoting community development. As a collective vessel of trust, norms, and reciprocity within social networks, social capital is a crucial basis for fostering collaboration and resource integration within and beyond communities [1,2]. Community empowerment emphasizes residents’ autonomy and sense of participation. This can achieve civic awareness and the sustainable development of society through improving residents’ collective consciousness and decision-making capacity [3].

Amid modern urbanization and globalization, the question of how to harness the dual forces of social capital and community empowerment to respond to regional development challenges has attracted the attention of academia and policymakers. However, Taiwan—rich in traditional cultural resources yet rapidly modernizing—is sparsely represented in terms of regional revitalization practices in the international academic literature. According to SSCI database statistics, the number of studies on social capital and community development has increased by over 200% since 2010. Nearly 40% of these studies focus on Japan or Northeast Asia, while the proportion of relevant studies in the literature concerning Taiwan and the Sinophone world remains below 10%. This research gap is a significant motivation for the current study.

Specifically, the north coast area exhibits a typical example of community development and regional revitalization in Taiwan. The region features Jinshan Exploring, a renowned local brand from Taiwan. Established by connecting the local business district and the world-renowned Yehliu Geopark, it draws tens of thousands of visitors annually. While the Wanli and Jinshan districts possess rich natural resources and cultural characteristics, they face numerous structural challenges, including industrial transformation, population imbalance, and tourism development bottlenecks. These issues cannot be resolved by a single entity or organization but require cross-sectoral and cross-organizational collaboration.

With the higher education global development trend, universities are increasingly assigned broader social missions. They are gradually transitioning from traditional academic ivory towers to practical fields more closely integrated with society. In response to this trend, the concept of University Social Responsibility (USR) has emerged internationally. USR emphasizes that higher education institutions should not only serve as the core of knowledge production and dissemination but also actively solve social, economic, and environmental issues at the regional level, becoming vital in promoting sustainable development. Against this backdrop, Taiwan’s government actively launches related policies and initiatives, encouraging universities to integrate interdisciplinary research with practical applications to assist regional development and enhance social impact. Through collaborating with communities, universities can transform theoretical knowledge into actionable solutions to address fundamental challenges, deepening their roles and value in society.

Consequently, several universities across Taiwan have positioned USR practice programs as core strategies for university development. Combined with the characteristics and resources of each university, students are guided to consider social issues from various fields, innovate design and problem solving, propose specific improvement plans, and put these plans into action to implement relevant strategies. Nonetheless, research has focused on the execution processes and short-term impacts of USR programs; there is no current systematic exploration regarding how communities develop internal and external social capital with university engagement and the deeper effects of social capital on regional revitalization. Notably, the interaction mechanisms between bonding social capital and bridging social capital and how these jointly facilitate successful regional revitalization remain critical issues requiring in-depth investigation.

The motivation for this study arises from a response to the above-mentioned academic gap. It seeks to explore the multiple roles of social capital and community empowerment in regional revitalization. This study addresses three core questions: (1) How can trust and cooperation within a community generate bonding social capital, enhancing regional revitalization efficacy? (2) As external resources, how can USR programs facilitate collaboration between communities and external support networks through bridging social capital and creating new resources? (3) How can community empowerment enhance residents’ awareness of participation be achieved while fostering a civil society through the joint effects of bonding social capital and bridging social capital? Addressing these questions contributes to an integrative theoretical framework to explain how social capital and community empowerment jointly drive regional development.

To achieve the above objectives, this study combines action research and qualitative research methods with field investigations and focused interviews. We conduct an in-depth analysis of regional revitalization practices in Taiwan’s Wanli and Jinshan districts. Action research methods emphasize the dynamic interactive process between researchers and participants, revealing the actual operational mechanisms of integration between USR programs and community resources. Qualitative research methods can provide critical insights for understanding the structure and function of social capital through intensive data collection and analysis. The data sources for this study were derived from community leaders from key neighborhoods in the region, university representatives participating in USR programs, and regional policymakers. Differentiated data sources encompass diverse perspectives, ensuring the comprehensiveness and depth of the analysis results.

The main study contribution is supplementing existing empirical studies on the impact of Taiwan’s USR programs on regional revitalization, particularly in revealing its function mechanisms within resource integration and innovation from the perspective of social capital. Based on the experiences of the Wanli and Jinshan districts, this study proposes policy recommendations of universal applicability to support other communities facing similar challenges, helping them achieve sustainable development. Through this analytical framework, we contribute to the theoretical construction of social capital and regional revitalization, providing valuable references for Taiwan’s local development practices.

2. Literature Review: Social Capital Theory, Community Empowerment, Civic Awareness, and Comparison of International USR Programs

Community development and participatory governance emphasize the realization of higher levels of collective action and resource integration through trust, cooperation, and the active participation of local residents [3,4]. During this process, social capital is considered a crucial aspect of community development, especially regarding the role of bonding social capital in enhancing internal cohesion and mutual trust within communities; bridging social capital offers possibilities for cooperation between communities and external resources [1,2]. Thus, regional revitalization policies have gradually formed, becoming an essential strategy to address demographic structure shifts, resource outflow, regional inequality, and other challenges.

This literature review focuses on the role of social capital in constructing internal trust and cooperation within communities. It discusses how external resources support regional development through bridging social capital, exploring the critical roles of community empowerment and civic awareness in community development.

Prior to conducting the literature review, we first provide precise definitions and clarifications of the terms “Empowerment” and “Revitalization”.

In the scholarly discourse, empowerment denotes a dynamic, multi-dimensional process by which individuals or communities acquire increasing control over decisions, resources, and life circumstances. Zimmerman [5] articulates empowerment across three interrelated dimensions—psychological (enhanced self-efficacy), behavioral (active participation), and organizational (institutional support)—while Laverack [3] underscores its role both as an outcome and catalyst of sustainable community development [3,5]. In the context of this study, community empowerment refers specifically to the transformative effect of USR initiatives in Wanli and Jinshan, wherein residents’ confidence in collective agency, sustained engagement in decision-making processes, and transparent governance mechanisms converge to enable local stakeholders to shape revitalization trajectories.

Conversely, revitalization describes the comprehensive suite of strategies deployed to reverse socio-economic decline and renew cultural vitality within a region. Lobao and Kraybill [6] define regional revitalization as an integrative approach combining social capital activation, economic diversification, and infrastructure renewal to achieve enduring regeneration [6]. In this research, regional revitalization signifies the process through which bonding and bridging social capital—mobilized via university–community partnerships—catalyze measurable improvements in civic participation, local enterprise development, and cultural revalorization across the northern coasts of Taiwan.

This systematic literature review reveals the theoretical and empirical implications of social capital and community development in policy practices, deepening the understanding of the operation mechanisms of regional revitalization policies, as detailed below.

2.1. Social Capital Theory

Social capital theory, rooted in Bourdieu, Coleman, and Putnam, conceptualizes social relations as convertible resources that facilitate collective action. Bourdieu defines it as “the aggregate of actual or potential resources linked to a durable network of institutionalized relationships,” convertible into economic and cultural capital [7]. Coleman views social capital as network-embedded resources characterized by trust and reciprocal expectations, coordinating individual actions [1]. Putnam further differentiates bonding (intra-group) and bridging (inter-group) social capital, showing how norms, networks, and trust enhance democratic participation and economic performance [2].

Although their emphases differ, all three view social relationships as critical resources for collective action. Bonding social capital—ties within homogeneous groups—provides mutual support in times of crisis, while bridging social capital—ties across diverse groups—facilitates innovation, information exchange, and opportunity expansion [2]. The following subsections explore “the application of social capital theory in community development” and “the role of social capital in community development”.

(1) The application of social capital theory in community development

Social capital theory offers a robust framework for understanding how community networks transform relational trust into economic and social value. In practice, Italian municipalities have established community energy cooperatives, wherein members pool their social ties to finance photovoltaic installations and allocate surplus revenues toward local infrastructure and social programs, thereby exemplifying the conversion of bonding capital into sustainable economic returns [8]. Similarly, rural Japanese communities leverage annual festivals and farmers’ markets to reinforce intra-community solidarity, simultaneously attracting external participants and resources that inject fresh capital and ideas into the local economy [9]. Beyond these cases, digital platforms—such as community-managed crowdfunding portals—are emerging as extensions of social capital, enabling geographically dispersed stakeholders to participate in local development. Collectively, these examples demonstrate that social capital not only consolidates internal cohesion but also bridges external networks, enhancing community resilience and laying a durable foundation for long-term sustainable development.

(2) Roles of bonding social capital and bridging social capital in community development

Bonding social capital fosters intra-community trust, obligation, and emotional cohesion, serving as a cornerstone for collective support in both routine and crisis contexts. In Akimoto Village (Japan), shared participation in traditional festivals and joint infrastructure planning has consolidated mutual responsibility among residents, while in Borneo (Indonesia), tight-knit familial networks enable the rapid mobilization of aid in post-disaster recovery [9].

Bridging social capital links diverse groups and sectors, catalyzing innovation and resource inflows. Italian energy cooperatives demonstrate how alliances among municipalities, enterprises, and residents yield energy autonomy, fortify grid resilience, and generate communal economic returns. Moreover, such bridging ties introduce external expertise and cross-sector partnerships, driving adaptive governance and economic diversification.

Bonding and bridging social capital operate synergistically: internal cohesion underpins external engagement, and conversely, bridging networks enrich intra-community ties. However, the existing literature seldom weaves these dimensions into a unified, processual model. To address this gap, our research integrates a triadic taxonomy of social capital with a dynamic cycle—“bridging catalysis → bonding consolidation → linking leverage → recursive enrichment”—and empirically validates it through longitudinal action research in the Wanli and Jinshan districts. In doing so, we advance prior work by (1) refining social capital theory to include vertical (linking) ties alongside horizontal (bridging) and intra-group (bonding) relations; (2) operationalizing a cyclical mechanism that captures the feedback loops catalyzed by USR interventions; and (3) providing practitioners with a clear framework to guide future regional revitalization efforts.

2.2. Community Empowerment and Civic Awareness

Community empowerment is a dynamic process that transforms residents from passive beneficiaries into proactive agents of change via three interdependent dimensions: psychological, behavioral, and institutional [5]. This tripartite framework underpins both individual agency and collective capacity, guiding sustainable community development.

Psychological empowerment hinges on self-efficacy, the belief in one’s capacity to effect change [10,11,12,13]. It integrates (1) intrinsic competence—self-confidence and goal commitment; (2) interactional competence—understanding and mobilizing social norms and resources; and (3) behavioral competence—translating belief into action through civic participation [5,11]. Enhancing self-efficacy shifts residents from “bystanders” to active stakeholders, enabling them to shape community outcomes [12].

Behavioral empowerment codifies self-efficacy into collective action via organizational participation, collaborative problem-solving, and advocacy (e.g., petitions and public hearings), embedding citizens in governance processes and directly influencing policy and resource allocation [11].

Institutional empowerment provides the enabling architecture for these processes through (1) decentralization, granting local autonomy over decision-making and resources [13]; (2) transparency and accountability, establishing open policy channels and feedback loops to build trust [14]; and (3) cross-sector collaboration, mobilizing public, private, and civil partners to pool assets [15]. These mechanisms institutionalize empowerment, ensuring equitable resource distribution and sustained civic engagement.

(1) Examples of community empowerment in community development and the cultivation of civic awareness

The global practice of community empowerment illustrates that it is an effective strategy for promoting regional development. In addition to enhancing infrastructural construction efficiency, it supports economic growth and fosters social cohesion and collective action. The following subsections explore how community empowerment plays a role in different contexts by providing illustrative examples.

1. Infrastructure improvement driven by the community

The application of community empowerment in infrastructural improvements is evident in post-disaster reconstruction, as well as the planning and construction of local public facilities. The post-earthquake reconstruction in Sichuan is a representative example. Hu and Zhu [14] indicate that non-governmental organizations (NGOs) encourage residents to engage in post-disaster reconstruction through community empowerment strategies, resulting in rapid recovery and functional infrastructure enhancements. Residents were given the right of speech and action in reconstruction decisions. Participating in the design and the construction of facilities such as schools, roads, and medical centers leads to the construction of self-efficacy and collective consciousness, further enhancing community resilience and adaptability.

Another successful example of infrastructural improvements is the Pathways to Empowerment (PTE) program in the Netherlands. Specifically, van Tol et al. [16] indicate that when local governments adopt empowerment strategies and residents are accepted to participate in the design of the supporting infrastructure for vulnerable groups (e.g., wheel-chair accessible pathways and community health centers), residents’ needs become the core consideration of policy formulation. This strengthens the applicability and sustainability of infrastructure, along with the residents’ trust and satisfaction with local governance.

2. Resource transformation of community economic growth

Regarding economic growth, community empowerment can promote the development of community economic vitality through mobilizing social capital and strengthening local resource management. The recycling cooperatives in São Paulo, Brazil, are a representative example. Tremblay and Gutberlet [17] found that residents successfully transformed local waste resources into economic benefits through active cooperative management and operations participation. In this process, residents can receive skills training and cultivate resource management and cooperation abilities.

In addition to promoting regional development, community empowerment can cultivate residents’ civic consciousness by increasing residents’ attention and participation in public affairs, fostering stronger civic awareness. The core of this process lies in helping residents identify their roles in local decision-making while establishing commitments to public values through active participation [2]. For instance, in Cluj-Napoca, Romania, the participatory budgeting process allows residents not only to propose project recommendations but also to vote directly on the allocation of public funds [18]. This participatory mechanism can enhance policy transparency and equity while strengthening residents’ trust in and support for local government. Thus, it plays a significant role in cultivating civic awareness and promoting residents’ participation.

(2) Advantages and potential risks of community empowerment for community development

Despite the significant advantages of community empowerment, potential risks can arise during its implementation. First, excessive concentration of empowerment may lead to unequal resource distribution. Although bonding social capital can foster internal cooperation, an overemphasis on internal networks may result in exclusivity, inhibiting the incorporation of external resources [2]. For instance, over-reliance on internal relationships among families or small groups may hinder bridging social capital, limiting a community’s connection to external resources.

Second, power inequalities within a community may exacerbate divisions. During the empowerment process, certain voices or groups may become marginalized due to a lack of necessary knowledge and skills, particularly in low-income or disadvantaged communities [12]. This imbalance may cause a loss of confidence in the participatory process among some residents, leading to distrust in public policies.

Finally, managing expectations during the empowerment process may pose another challenge. If residents’ participation does not yield the anticipated improvements, it may lead to feelings of frustration and diminished trust, further weakening the effectiveness of collective actions [5]. For instance, if residents do not see substantial actions after their involvement in public discussions, their willingness to participate in the future may decrease, potentially intensifying dissatisfaction with policymaking institutions.

Based on the above, to maximize the advantages of community empowerment while mitigating potential risks, systematic strategies must be adopted in community empowerment and civic awareness cultivation. Promoting the synergistic development of bonding social capital and bridging social capital is essential to avoid internal exclusivity, insufficient external connectivity, and other challenges. On the other hand, through transparent decision-making mechanisms and equitable resource allocation, internal disputes can be reduced, and residents’ trust can be enhanced. Moreover, the diverse needs of communities should be considered in policy designs to avoid elite monopolization and resource concentration. Effective accountability mechanisms should be established to improve the sustainability and credibility of empowerment. Community empowerment is essential for promoting community development. It can offer significant advantages in enhancing community resilience, optimizing resource utilization, and fostering collaboration. However, potential challenges related to resource inequality, social differentiation, and management challenges must be addressed to ensure the long-term efficacy and sustainability of empowerment.

Whereas prior work has demonstrated that self-efficacy enhances participation [10,12] and that transparent governance supports equitable resource allocation [18], few investigations have critically mapped how these dimensions co-evolve within real-world interventions. By embedding USR programs in a longitudinal action research design across the Wanli and Jinshan districts, we empirically trace a recursive cycle in which (1) enhanced self-efficacy (psychological) stimulates collaborative behaviors (behavioral); (2) these behaviors, in turn, generate demand for more inclusive institutional arrangements; and (3) strengthened governance structures feedback to further boost individual and collective agency. This integrative framework not only refines existing theories of community empowerment by elucidating their interdependencies but also provides practitioners with a dynamic model for sequencing empowerment strategies to maximize civic awareness and community resilience.

2.3. Comparative Pathways of University Social Responsibility: Institutional Logics and Regional Impacts in CEE and Taiwan

Comparing the University Social Responsibility (USR) practices of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) and Taiwan offers a theoretically fruitful and empirically grounded vantage point for understanding how universities act as meso-level agents that mediate global discourses of civic engagement and sustainability through locally embedded institutional logics. The post-socialist trajectories of CEE—characterized by EU-induced policy harmonization, strong state steering, and technology-oriented innovation strategies—contrast sharply with Taiwan’s post-authoritarian, export-driven economy in which higher-education institutions have been encouraged to develop bottom-up, community-responsive initiatives. Such structural heterogeneity constitutes an ideal “most-different systems” design that allows us to isolate how governance architecture, funding modalities, and stakeholder configurations shape the forms and outcomes of USR.

In CEE, universities in the Czech Republic and Poland increasingly position themselves as engines of regional competitiveness by commercializing research outputs and securing intellectual-property (IP) assets. Tomášková and Śmietański [19] demonstrate that divergent patent and utility-model trajectories—declining in the Czech Republic yet expanding in Poland—are closely linked to national innovation roadmaps such as the Czech Republic’s “Country for the Future 2019-2030” and Poland’s “Long-Term National Development Strategy”. These policy regimes incentivize private R&D investment and structure university–industry linkages, thereby privileging economic value creation over social inclusion [20].

Conversely, Taiwanese universities have articulated USR through asset-based community development and participatory governance in peripheral regions. Chang [21] documents how collaborative planning with “left-behind” rural communities leverages indigenous cultural capital to foster region-specific regeneration, while Liu et al. [22] show that two coastal universities translate the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) into projects that simultaneously advance ecological stewardship and social entrepreneurship. These initiatives are funded through competitive Ministry of Education grants that prioritize flexible, cross-sector partnerships and iterative stakeholder consultation, embedding universities in local civil-society networks rather than hierarchical policy chains.

A cross-regional synthesis indicates that both contexts recognize the university as a catalytic intermediary in regional revitalization; however, they diverge in problem framing and mechanism design. The CEE model, nested in technocratic, top-down governance, foregrounds knowledge commercialization and IP protection as pathways to growth, whereas Taiwan privileges social innovation, cultural preservation, and environmental sustainability. From a comparative institutionalism perspective, structured policy scaffolds can accelerate regional economic upgrading yet may risk excluding marginalized groups; in contrast, community-centered models foster bonding and bridging social capital that enhance civic awareness but may struggle to scale beyond their immediate locales. Understanding these trade-offs enriches the analytical toolkit for scholars and policymakers seeking to balance community empowerment with long-term regional revitalization outcomes.

3. Research Subjects, Methods, and Issues

This study used the Wanli and Jinshan districts in northern Taiwan as the study location. With abundant natural and cultural resources, these areas represent a typical case for regional revitalization and sustainable tourism development. However, these areas also face structural challenges, including an imbalanced population structure, industrial transformation challenges, and bottlenecks to tourism development. This study conducted in-depth investigations with relevant stakeholders. The research subjects include regional revitalization teams, tourism industry operators, community development association representatives, village and neighborhood leaders, local opinion leaders, local policymakers, higher education institution representatives, and local residents. Diverse research subjects are conducive to determining the multiple dimensions of interactions between regional revitalization and social capital.

This study used a mixed-methods research design, combining action research and qualitative research methods to analyze the multiple roles of social capital and community empowerment in regional revitalization. Following the theoretical basis of Lewin [23], action research is a core methodology in this study. It emphasizes collaborative interactions between researchers and participants to explore and address complex social practice issues [24]. Our research team has engaged in sustained fieldwork in the Wanli and Jinshan districts for several years. Through participatory observation and practical participation, we have established close collaborations with regional revitalization teams, residents, and tourism operators, thereby uncovering the dynamic processes of regional development.

Qualitative research provides a rich empirical foundation for this study through systematic data collection and analysis. Creswell and Poth [25] indicate that qualitative research is suitable for exploring complex social phenomena without adequate understanding, particularly in the interactive field of regional revitalization and social capital.

Our research team, having implemented University Social Responsibility (USR) initiatives in the Wanli and Jinshan districts for eight years, has forged robust, trust-based networks with local residents and community organizations—relationships that constitute the relational capital and situated expertise essential to the methodological rigor and validity of this qualitative inquiry.

We commenced with a structured stakeholder analysis workshop convened jointly with district offices, community associations, and university USR coordinators to identify all relevant actors, spanning local industry leaders, official community delegates, and resident representatives. This exercise produced an initial roster of 62 potential informants. In collaboration with our local partners, we then applied two selection criteria—(1) demonstrable influence on community development and USR activities and (2) representation across the full spectrum of identified stakeholder categories—to refine this list to 43 participants for in-depth engagement. (

Table 1. Demographics and role-based composition.

Stakeholder Category	n	Gender (M/F)	Age Range (years)	Mean Years in Role
Regional revitalization team members	6	4/2	33–60	8.5
Tourism industry operators	7	5/2	28–55	10.2
Community development association representatives	8	3/5	35–63	9.1
Village and neighborhood leaders	7	4/3	40–73	12.3
Local opinion leaders	5	2/3	30–70	7.5
Local policymakers	4	3/1	38–59	11.
University USR coordinators	3	2/1	32–48	6.7
Local residents	3	2/1	29–54	5.4
Total	43	25/18	28–65	8.9
Demographic profile of study participants (n = 43)

summarizes the demographic and role-based composition of our 43 interviewees. To preserve anonymity, individual identifiers are aggregated by category.)

Each selected stakeholder received an email outlining the study’s objectives, procedures, and confidentiality safeguards, followed by telephone contact to confirm participation and to schedule a 60–90 min semi-structured interview. All participants provided written informed consent under protocols approved by the Chihlee University of Technology Institutional Review Board. Interviews were audio-recorded and transcribed verbatim to preserve data fidelity, laying the foundation for our subsequent thematic analysis.(Detailed demographic and background information on stakeholder participants can be found in Appendix A).

Upon collecting field interview data, this study employed a qualitative methodology to analyze the resulting textual corpus in three sequential stages:

• Initial Open Coding Analysis

The research team was organized into three dyadic subgroups. Each pair independently reviewed the verbatim transcripts and manually annotated all text segments relevant to the core research questions.

2.

Cross-Comparison and Consensus Meetings

Preliminary annotations from each subgroup were pooled and discussed over two plenary consensus meetings. During these sessions, overlapping or semantically heterogeneous texts were reconciled and distilled into a unified set of representative key texts.

3.

Focus-Group Validation and Recoding

To mitigate researcher bias, six local stakeholders—including industry representatives, government officials, and community association members—participated in focus-group discussions to assess the contextual appropriateness of the representative key texts. Their feedback was systematically integrated into the final textbook.

In summary, the integration of a hybrid framework with rigorous reliability assessments and local validation ensures both theoretical coherence and empirical rigor, thereby enhancing the transparency and traceability of the analytical process. The primary research questions guiding this study are as follows:

• How can trust and cooperation within a community facilitate bonding social capital to enhance regional revitalization efficacy?
• As external resources, how can USR programs facilitate collaboration between communities and external support networks through bridging social capital while creating new resources?
• How can community empowerment be achieved, enhancing residents’ awareness of participation and fostering the formation of civil society through the joint effects of bonding social capital and bridging social capital?

To address these questions, we constructed an integrated theoretical framework to determine how social capital and community empowerment drive the success of regional revitalization concurrently, providing a reference for sustainable development in similar regions.

4. Social Background and Regional Network System of Wanli and Jinshan Districts

This section explores the regional development status of the Wanli and Jinshan districts. It comprehensively describes the regional dynamics across political, economic, social, and technological dimensions to understand the interactive dynamics between human and non-human actors. We employed PEST analysis theory to explore the current social background of the Wanli and Jinshan districts across political, economic, social, and technological dimensions. This revealed the key factors influencing local industrial transformation, tourism development, and infrastructure construction.

We also used actor-network theory (ANT) to build an analytical perspective of “human–thing co-construction” based on the actions of key actors in the network. This illustrates the roles and mobility of human actors, e.g., government units and community organizations, as well as non-human actors, e.g., the natural environment, infrastructure, and technological media, within the network.

On the one hand, this dual approach allowrf us to maintain a comprehensive perspective of the external environmental trends influencing the Wanli and Jinshan districts. On the other hand, it further analyzes how negotiations, mobilizations, and exchanges of interests among various actors shape the processes of regional revitalization and industrial upgrades. This leads to a development model incorporating local culture, sustainability, and international competitiveness. This integrated analysis provides more precise references for subsequent policy formulation, industrial planning, and community construction.

4.1. A PEST Analysis of the Social Background of the Wanli and Jinshan Districts

(1) Political environment

Politically, Wanli and Jinshan benefit from multi-level government subsidies—spanning urban revitalization, low-carbon pathway development, and fishing port transformation—focusing on both infrastructure and place branding. However, stakeholder interviews indicate that overlapping applications and insufficient follow-up planning risk diluting impact. Moreover, effective cross-departmental coordination remains weak: without integrated management and long-term strategic planning, resource conflicts and redundant projects persist. Thus, establishing interagency strategy alignment and routine coordination forums is imperative to ensure coherent policy implementation and sustainable district development.

(2) Economic environment

The economic model of the Wanli and Jinshan districts is primarily based on tourism, and economically, Wanli and Jinshan rely on a dual-sector model—tourism and fisheries—leveraging assets such as Yehliu Geopark, coastal hot springs, and seasonal blooms. Yet, marine protection policies and overexploitation have depressed fish stocks, while younger cohorts show diminishing interest in traditional fishing livelihoods. Despite robust visitor numbers, tourism remains constrained to day trips, limiting local value capture. To lengthen dwell time, operators should develop immersive offerings—e.g., Sea Women heritage tours, gelidium amansii harvesting experiences, and low-carbon cultural trails. Strategic product diversification and targeted branding can prevent market saturation and foster niche differentiation, thereby generating sustainable employment for youths.

(3) Social environment

Wanli and Jinshan possess a resilient marine cultural heritage rooted in fishing traditions and communal rituals. The interviewees—village elders, heritage advocates, and regional leaders—recounted traditional gelidium amansii harvesting, Sea Women narratives, and signature events (e.g., Crab Festival, community marathons) that embody collective memory. Translating these assets into curated narratives and interpretive tours can reinforce place identity and elevate cultural tourism.

Nevertheless, demographic decline—characterized by aging cohorts and youth outmigration—threatens succession and innovation. Limited local employment and start-up prospects deter younger generations, leaving heritage custodianship and emerging ventures without heirs. Sustainable solutions require cross-sector partnerships—via USR initiatives, NGOs, and private foundations—to secure funding, build local capacity, and co-develop youth-oriented revitalization programs.

(4) Technological environment

Technologically, Wanli and Jinshan possess foundational ICT infrastructure but lack a coherent digital strategy to monetize international tourism. Stakeholders cite underdeveloped digital marketing, the absence of multilingual tour services, and the poor lifecycle management of pilot platforms—evidenced by the 2020 Wanli–Jinshan Travel Fun app, which faltered due to limited content updates, negligible user engagement, and no analytics-driven iteration.

To address these gaps, a digital ecosystem including the following factors is imperative: (1) multilingual, GIS-enabled wayfinding via mobile and kiosk interfaces; (2) integrated CRM and big data analytics to monitor visitor flows and preferences in real time; (3) lifecycle governance encompassing content management, A/B testing, and performance dashboards; and (4) collaborations with academic institutions and tech firms to deploy AR/VR-powered virtual tours, IoT sensor networks, and digital twin prototypes. Such a comprehensive tech stack will drive targeted marketing, optimize visitor experience, and elevate the districts’ international profile.

The conclusion of the above comprehensive PEST analysis is summarized below. Regarding the political dimension, the Wanli and Jinshan districts benefit from diverse government subsidies. However, they still require cross-departmental collaboration and subsequent operations to avoid redundancy or underutilized construction. Regarding the economic dimension, tourism and fishing serve as pillars. However, a critical issue remains regarding how to deepen the tourist experience and prolong tourists’ stays. The social dimension exhibits significant fishing village culture and local sentiments, yet challenges surround an aging population and generational gaps from youth outflow. In the technological dimension, digital tools, international marketing, and smart tourism applications are required to more efficiently convert vast foreign tourism demands to local economic benefits.

4.2. Regional Network Systems in the Wanli and Jinshan Districts

Actor-network theory emphasizes that regional development is not solely driven by human actors; it is a result of participation, negotiations, and mobilizations involving human actors (government agencies, community organizations, and industrial groups) and non-human actors (natural environments, infrastructural facilities, and technology platforms). Beyond traditional binary oppositions, this theory proposes that “humans” and “things” play critical roles in networks. Understanding how these actors interact, translate, and integrate is essential in understanding the driving forces and constraints of regional development. For the Wanli and Jinshan districts, this analytical perspective reveals how the tourism industry, the fishing industry, and local culture synergistically evolve within a complex, multifaceted network.

(1) Key actors and network nodes

• Government agencies and academic institutions

Government agencies (New Taipei City Government, Wanli District Office, and Jinshan District Office) and the Ministry of Education (USR programs) are essential power nodes within the network. They are capable of allocating funds and resources, planning infrastructure construction (e.g., the Heart of City & Township program and fishing port upgrades), and determining policy directions. For example, USR programs provide collaborative research and mechanisms for teacher–student involvement in social issues; university teams can enter local places and participate in local topics. They can inject innovative thinking and knowledge power into local communities through research, technological support, and talent cultivation. Moreover, they can assist in building local brands, promotion, and marketing.

2.

Local organizations and community groups

Local fisher’s associations, community development associations, cultural associations, and rural settlement organizations are another category of crucial actors. Those long involved in local areas grasp the local social networks and cultural contexts, sharing the most comprehensive understanding of regional issues. These organizations can mobilize residents and external resources, shaping the discussion around local issues through participating in or hosting various activities (e.g., Marathons, the Wanli Crab Festival, and the gelidium amansii pudding-making experience) within specific temporal and spatial frameworks. If local organizations can attain reciprocal cooperation, the stability and influence of the network may increase.

3.

Local and external residents and travelers

The living habits, work structure, and cultural practices of residents can directly impact the development trajectory of the Wanli and Jinshan districts. External visitors can provide tourist benefits and generate new demands by imposing adjustment pressure that leads to developments in tourism experiences, accommodations, and restaurant services. Based on actor-network theory, residents and travelers assume multiple roles within a network as information feedback providers, marketing promoters, and cultural consumers. Their choices and responses can reinforce or weaken certain strategies for regional development.

4.

Non-human actors: natural environment and infrastructure

Actor-network theory emphasizes the role of non-human actors. In the case of Wanli and Jinshan, rich natural resources (e.g., fishing resources, hot springs, geological landscapes, and coastlines) and infrastructure (e.g., Yehliu Geopark facilities, town trails and bike lanes, and tourism APPs) serve as mediators or intermediaries, influencing human actors’ mind and action models. For example, The Queen’s Head at Yehliu represents a geological landscape and is an important cultural symbol. Tourism marketing and media reports on The Queen’s Head at Yehliu draw international visitors’ attention, while environmental changes and the weathering of The Queen’s Head at Yehliu prompt the government and local communities to adjust their protection strategies, further influencing local construction and visitor flow attraction policies.

(2) Network translation and mobilization

Relevant data indicate that the network dynamics of regional development in the Wanli and Jinshan districts primarily manifest in the process of translation. This is where different actors continuously negotiate and redefine their respective roles and goals within the network.

• Problematization

Initially, there were significant differences among stakeholders regarding their regional development visions. Some emphasize tourism brand building, while others highlight the revitalization of the fishing industry, cultural preservation, and urban infrastructural construction. The key at this stage is to determine a common problem and propose a framework of shared interests that attracts multiple actors to join the network. The district offices and university research teams attempt to clarify issues related to sustainable tourism and the return of youths through discussions, workshops, and community visits, thus problematizing “how to integrate fishing port culture with tourism services” as a viable common goal.

2.

Interest and Enrolment

After successful problematization, it is essential to ensure that different actors are willing to invest resources. The fisher’s associations provide technologies and knowledge at fishing culture experience camps. Community development associations plan blossom season activities and marathons. District offices allocate funds for environmental beautification and APP updates. University teams assist in designing guided tour descriptions and cultural and creative products. These reciprocal mechanisms ensure that members “log in” and integrate within this network structure.

3.

Mobilization

As multiple participants operate within actual tourism, marketing, and community management activities, a temporary network stability is established. However, changes in external circumstances (e.g., competition from tourism in other regions, new policy incentives, and funding changes) or internal structures (e.g., leadership replacement or a decline in resident support) may lead the network to experience instability or require re-negotiation. Under these conditions, if public forums, infrastructure maintenance, and innovative marketing strategies are available, there is an opportunity to re-integrate the network and maintain developmental momentum.

The Wanli and Jinshan districts can be seen as a complex network synergistically operated by human and non-human actors. Its development momentum stems from ongoing negotiation, mobilization, and resource integration among various actors. To ensure that this network can maintain its dynamism over the long term, strengthening cross-departmental and cross-organizational collaborative platforms is recommended, thus enhancing transparency and consistency in resource allocation. Moreover, continuous investment and maintenance of the functionalities of non-human actors (infrastructure, APPs, and natural landscapes) are essential to avoid disruption of the initial development network due to technological or environmental changes. However, the actor-network is not unchangeable; it is continuously reshaped through practice and negotiation. Interactions between multiple actors and timely adjustments to strategies are required to pursue sustainability and innovation.

5. An Analysis of the Bonding, Bridging, and Systemic Issues of Social Capital in the Northern Coast Area Relating to Regional Revitalization and USR Programs

5.1. Bonding Social Capital

Amid globalization, many regions and local communities face demographic shifts and pressure from industrial decline. Therefore, the question of how to maintain and strengthen the momentum of regional development has gradually become the core topic of concern across disciplinary fields. Academia and practical institutions have begun concentrating on applying social capital in recent years. The goal is to promote multifaceted regional development through networks, mutual trust, and accumulated norms. Beyond maintaining traditional interpersonal networks, bonding social capital requires integrating local culture and developmental issues into concrete practices. This enables communities to embrace new ideas without sacrificing local uniqueness.

(1) Bonding social capital and cohesion in the northern coast area

Establishing cross-generational dialog platforms is a vital first step to building bonding social capital. Taking the Wanli and Jinshan districts as an example, the survey findings indicate that the life trajectories of many elders and young people differ significantly. The older generation is familiar with traditional fishing village livelihoods and possesses local knowledge of gelidium amansii processing and the diving skills of sea women. The younger generation has become increasingly disconnected from their hometowns due to long-term outward migration and growing up in urban areas. To bridge this gap, regional revitalization teams conduct oral history projects, cross-generational collaboration workshops, and fishing village experience camps. This allows elders to disseminate local culture and techniques through vibrant narratives. Young people working elsewhere are also invited to return to their hometowns and co-create a renewed understanding and positioning. This cross-generational dialog mechanism can foster close interaction networks between village and neighborhood leaders, local opinion leaders, and youths returning to their hometowns, triggering new industrial and cultural possibilities.

The autonomy of decision-making and integration within local organizations are critical for building internal cohesion. Taking the Wanli District Office and Jinshan District Office as examples, various experiences and resources can be effectively integrated by actively establishing local consultation platforms. Furthermore, regularly inviting fishers’ associations, community development associations, tourism operators, and corporate representatives facilitates discussions regarding future development. During the interviews, Chang-Sung Liu, Jinshan District Supervisor, emphasized that relying solely on old street tourism is insufficient to drive regional growth. Beginning with the “key position transformation” of culture and memory, it is necessary to connect mountain and sea attractions with local characteristics to resonate more deeply with local residents.

If local autonomous organizations can integrate the voices of various interest groups, they can foster a stronger centripetal force. This enables the community to maintain unity and actively seek solutions when facing a tourist boom or population changes. Establishing a transparent and participative coordination platform allows community members to propose development ideas based on consensus. This can contribute to enhancing internal recognition and a sense of responsibility. If the local community can adequately understand its advantages and maintain an open attitude, it can interact with enterprises, academic entities, or public sectors more flexibly, enhancing its industrial and cultural value through collaboration. For instance, local community engagement with professional teams to jointly formulate an industrial transformation plan or cooperate with universities and colleges to design innovative tourism and cultural experiences leads to broader participation enthusiasm. Furthermore, integrating external resources and local strengths can maximize community benefits and elicit additional developmental opportunities for local brands. Multiple successful cases in the Wanli and Jinshan districts demonstrate that existing tourist resources can be revitalized; local youth can be encouraged to return hometown for employment or entrepreneurship through many programs, e.g., collaborations with universities or private sectors for planning reality puzzle games, local cultural tours, and the transformation of fishing village B&Bs. These strategies effectively promote the local economy and improve residents’ recognition of their hometown’s cultural value. Once local organizations establish shared goals and understanding, internal cohesion can be strengthened.

(2) The current status and challenges of bonding social capital in the northern coast area

The interviews and analytical surveys indicate that the Wanli and Jinshan districts face significant challenges consolidating bonding social capital. First, population outflow and generational gaps remain prominent. Due to insufficient employment and educational resources, young people often leave their hometowns. This makes it difficult for traditional fishermen and elders to find suitable successors for their invaluable knowledge. LIN, SUNG-YAO, the director of the Masu Fishing Village Cultural Association, noted that young people have relatively limited awareness of fisheries and fishing village life; the community lacks a systemic approach to consistently guide youth entrepreneurship, causing a crisis for cultural and technical inheritance.

Second, issues of benefit distribution and resource inequality must be considered. Subsidies provided by local and central governments tend to support outstanding tourist constructions but fall short regarding cultural preservation, fishery revitalization, and community construction issues. Some respondents also suggested that opportunities for tourism and industrial transformation often concentrate on specific attractions or businesses, e.g., the commercial district around Yehliu Geopark; other neighborhoods cannot share these benefits, leading to internal discrepancies in perceptions. As village and neighborhood leaders have stated, “the connections between Wanli and Jinshan are exceedingly tenuous”. A substantial investment of time and effort is required to form a mutually beneficial cooperation network in these two districts.

The lack of stable communication platforms between official entities and civil society is another significant factor influencing bonding social capital. Although regional revitalization teams and public departments have made several attempts to hold cross-departmental meetings and consensus-building workshops, practical implementations are often constrained by complex administrative procedures and limited funds. This results in scaled-back endeavors and simplified content. Without an organizational structure for long-term operation, local opinion leaders and residents cannot consistently participate in decision-making and oversight, resulting in a fragile sense of trust and cohesion.

Furthermore, government-initiated development plans and subsidy projects often experience uneven resource allocation. This can lead to disputes over interest allocation and identity in local communities. Generally, decisions of local communities may only be made through traditional village offices or a few leaders. However, when facing cross-sector or cross-departmental issues, it is challenging to integrate resources or reach a consensus without a comprehensive decision-making process and supervisory mechanism. Thus, it is evident that bonding social capital does not inherently exist; it requires the collaboration of various parties and organizational planning to maintain a stable developmental foundation in the face of internal and external challenges.

(3) The impact of bonding social capital on USR programs and regional revitalization

USR programs introduce academic teaching and research capabilities into local fields and can often be effectively implemented by relying on local community support. If local communities lack stable bonding social capital, it may be challenging for faculties and students to timely comprehend actual needs or contact key individuals, leading to substantial resistance in program execution. In contrast, if the local social network is tight-knit and operates effectively, the USR team can determine core issues through more direct, prompt interactions while working with residents to propose solutions with academic rigor and practical value. University faculties and students can gain invaluable practical experience throughout this process. At the same time, local communities can receive technical support and international marketing insights through academic engagement, forming a mutually beneficial relationship.

A robust local network makes it easy for university faculties and students to successfully enter the local field, reducing the “outsider” barrier. Let us consider the USR program The Queen’s Call: Wanli and Jinshan International Tourism Local Symbiosis Loop driven by the Chihlee University of Technology as an example. Without relying on the interpersonal network of the residents and elderly fishermen of Yehliu, faculties and students would likely find it difficult to rapidly obtain support or primary sources through oral interviews when exploring marine culture or renovating old fishing village houses. This local knowledge ultimately becomes integrated into courses and research, significantly enhancing students’ understanding of the actual conditions of local communities and inspiring more innovative solutions.

Local communities that maintain autonomy and a high degree of internal bonding can form a genuine collaborative partnership with USR teams. The proactive initiatives of local leaders, including Chia-Hua Lai, the founder of Jinshan Exploring, and Chung-Yi Yu, temple president of the Jinbaoli Cihu Temple, promote the integration of culture and tourism. This provides local communities with opportunities for students and residents to participate in decision-making and resource allocation. This cooperative mode can close the distance between academic research and practical applications, mitigating the scenario of “no subsequent cooperation” once subsidies are exhausted. Only when local organizations can sustain and internalize the guidance provided by USR teams can true local sustainability be realized.

Robust bonding social capital can provide an excellent demonstration and dissemination environment for USR programs. If the Wanli and Jinshan districts can provide successful experiences of “local cultivation—resource integration—outcome realization—experience sharing,” more universities and research institutions would be attracted to settle here; broader cooperation space may be available by adequately corresponding to the demands for international tourism and academic exchanges. Only through maintaining internal consensus and collaborative momentum can local communities disseminate successful cooperative models outward, drawing more external attention and resource investment. External resources can also be proactively absorbed and utilized by local communities instead of having no proper platforms due to weak local organizations.

The overall experiences in the Wanli and Jinshan districts indicate that bonding social capital firmly connects local traditional techniques, cultural resources, and emerging creativity. In addition to preserving fishing village culture and diet specialties through cross-generational cooperation, encouraging youth to collaborate with regional development associations, restaurant operators, and entrepreneurs in tourism product design is essential. Thus, local communities can expand their tourist economies and employment opportunities while preserving their unique features and quality of life. Following the notion of consolidating social capital through local bonding, communities can be guided to jointly consider sustainable pathways rather than unthinkingly pursuing immediate benefits. Jin-Hui Tang, General Manager of Yehliu Geopark, also indicates that the Wanli and Jinshan districts must continuously expand local collaborative platforms, shape a cooperation model of “joint decision-making—shared benefits—joint value creation,” and actively collaborate with USR teams, enterprises, and other public or private resources. This will help them achieve genuine sustainable revitalization through profound social capital and various driving forces, becoming a model case for regional revitalization on the north coast and across Taiwan.

5.2. Bridging Social Capital

Bridging social capital with the aim of connecting heterogeneous resources, organizations, and groups allows local communities to enhance their development opportunities and international visibility through diverse networks. If confined solely to internal mutual assistance, local communities are often limited to growth within their resource frameworks. This makes it challenging to scale up and achieve industrial upgrades. For example, in the Wanli and Jinshan districts, external professional support and policy resources can be quickly obtained when various bridging networks are established locally among regional revitalization teams and enterprises, regional revitalization teams and central or local government agencies, and regional revitalization teams and academic institutions. Additionally, broader developmental spaces can be explored under regional brand marketing and international collaboration platforms.

(1) Bridging social capital and cohesion in the north coast area

Bridging social capital while emphasizing the cooperative networks between local communities and heterogeneous organizations or groups can bring multiple resources and knowledge investment to local communities. This can grant industries and cultures broader avenues for development. For instance, the Wanli and Jinshan districts have successfully integrated professional strengths from various fields to revitalize local spaces. They have improved local visibility by collaborating with various external entities, including the Taiwan Arts Revitalization Culture Foundation, the Taoyuan Association of Travel Agents, Sinyi Realty Inc., and Cheng-Yuan Wang Architect and Associates, and by employing art and cultural exhibitions, tourism promotion, and spatial transformations.

To effectively construct bridging social capital, local and community associations must first enable external entities to understand regional development visions and advantageous conditions before inviting enterprises or foundations to propose collaborative initiatives based on community needs. For instance, the Wanli and Jinshan districts once invited multiple universities and local hotels and restaurants to jointly develop marine ecological tourism itineraries. They successfully integrated elements such as coastal geological education, fishing village cultural experiences, and specialized diets, allowing previously fragmented resources to gradually present synergistic effects. On this foundation, local communities can continuously attract external funds and technologies and accumulate more cross-field experience in cooperation, gradually forming resilient external connection networks.

In this process, local governments and public sectors can assume the roles of coordinators and platform builders. Periodically hosting cross-organizational coordination meetings or industry-government-academy forums allows government agencies, enterprises, academic institutions, and local organizations to openly exchange resources and communicate demands and expectations. This can help them cultivate a long-term, stable foundation of trust. This process not only facilitates the introduction of external funds and technologies but also ensures that local communities retain their autonomy and cultural subjectivity during the cooperation process. It creates a bidirectional development model with cohesive and outward development forces.

(2) The current status and challenges of bridging social capital in the northern coast area

Although bridging social capital holds tremendous potential for regional development, the implementation process faces multiple challenges. First, the information gap and differing objectives between local and external entities often lead to misunderstandings or distrust. For instance, governments and enterprises may prioritize economic benefits, leaning toward visible short-term performance. However, local residents are more concerned with long-term issues such as ecological conservation and cultural heritage. If parties fail to coordinate on cooperation models and actions, resistance can quickly arise in subsequent execution; many community development associations may develop the feeling of being treated unfairly in terms of resource distribution.

Second, gaps in human resources and professional expertise impose constraints on bridging social capital. For instance, the Yehliu area of Wanli District faces challenges such as insufficient language services, a shortage of international guide professionals, and weak international marketing strategies in global tourism. Although the Wanli and Jinshan districts have progressively established preliminary collaborations with the Taiwan Arts Revitalization Culture Foundation, local enterprises, and USR teams, challenges remain. Specifically, enterprises and foundations may prioritize short-term benefits or outstanding results. At the same time, local communities focus more on long-term objectives such as cultural preservation, fishing village transformation, and ecological conservation. The lack of formal, transparent negotiations and evaluation mechanisms may lead to transient false prosperity followed by unsustainable outcomes.

Third, the Wanli and Jinshan districts have not yet fully established a permanent platform for collaborative governance. Similar collaborations have been promoted in the early stages through programs, but such collaborations may come to a standstill if no subsequent institutional design exists. For instance, to attract international organizations or airlines to invest in northern coastal ecological tourism, multilingual guide training and international marketing knowledge are required by local operators and residents to effectively connect with foreign clients or organizations. It will be challenging for cross-border or cross-field collaboration to achieve long-term sustainability and development if these capabilities and conditions cannot be rooted locally.

Finally, the lack of sustained coordination platforms and cross-field governance frameworks presents another significant barrier to bridging social capital. Due to a lack of long-term funding and institutional communication channels, many cooperation plans face execution interruptions or the inability to expand their outcomes. If local residents experience multiple projects where “once the program is completed, support dissipates,” their trust in future collaborations will decrease.

(3) The impact of bridging social capital on USR programs and regional revitalization in the north coast area

USR programs are essential for integrating academic capacities with local needs. However, without bridging social capital networks between local communities and universities, the act of implementing USR programs is typically constrained by university resources and local circumstances. This limits opportunities for broader collaborations among the industry, government, academy, and research sectors. Let us consider The Queen’s Call: Wanli and Jinshan International Tourism Local Symbiosis Loop program implemented by the Chihlee University of Technology as an example. If relying solely on the interaction between the university and local communities, the program’s implementation may be limited to curriculum instruction or small-scale field transformations. However, if local communities can collaborate with non-profit organizations, enterprises, and government agencies at all levels simultaneously, more available funds, practical consulting, and international marketing opportunities will allow USR teams to deepen research and execution on themes such as marine conservation, leisure tourism, and environmental education.

Furthermore, bridging social capital can improve the spread of USR outcomes. More universities, colleges, and foundations may be attracted to visit, learn, and engage if the Wanli and Jinshan districts gradually showcase successful cases through cross-field cooperation. These cases include the Fishing Village Leisure Tourism Itinerary, co-designed with the Taoyuan Association of Travel Agents, and the cultural experience program in collaboration with Elisa Cafe. Through word-of-mouth marketing or case exchanges, the Wanli and Jinshan districts can become a hotbed for USR practices, indirectly promoting local talents’ return to hometowns and an influx of resources. This type of multilayered, sustainable bridging social capital not only enriches the learning perspectives of faculties and students. It also enables local communities to continuously reflect and adjust their development strategies.

In the Wanli and Jinshan districts, once communication channels between local communities and external institutions are streamlined, university faculties and students engaging in USR research and practice will find it increasingly easier to access business resources and gain professional consultations. For instance, local communities that intend to promote fishing tourism or launch international marine conservation activities can seek assistance from conservation organizations or international fisheries organizations through bridging social capital networks. University faculties and students can collaboratively design teaching materials, research projects, and talent training programs with these external partners. These collaborations can provide students with learning opportunities in real-world contexts while promoting local industrial upgrades and enhancing international visibility. As the collaborative networks between universities and local communities increase, the outcomes of USR initiatives will manifest a spread effect, transcending the confines of singular engagements during academic terms or annual events.

As a catalyst in the process of regional revitalization, bridging social capital enables local communities to leverage existing culture and unique characteristics to engage in various modes of “connection,” independently or through governmental and organizational entities. This can swiftly introduce knowledge, technologies, and financial resources into the region. For instance, while promoting sustainable tourism in the Wanli and Jinshan districts, collaborative programs launched with international ecotourism organizations or airlines can create environmentally educational package itineraries. This can enhance international reputation and tourism quality, reduce the prevalence of transient tourism, and create additional tourism-related employment opportunities for local communities. Taking Yehliu Geopark as an example, if cooperation with international green tourism entities, airlines, or international marketing platforms in multi-language guided tours, packaged itinerary designs, and marine education activities can be achieved, it can increase the duration of time that tourists visit the location. It can also create more job opportunities and local added value. Thus, the advantages of marine resources, agricultural and fishery industries, and geological landscapes of this once-remote rural region can be converted into marketing highlights with charm and competitiveness in the international arena.

Bridging social capital can also allow local communities to engage in experience transfer with other regions and international cities. This can assist the community in reducing exploration costs while avoiding repeated errors by learning from successful regional revitalization plans elsewhere. Through fostering exchange activities with communities, cities, and organizations that have previously exhibited successful experiences, local communities can more swiftly accumulate governance and execution capacities. Horizontal learning networks become a critical component of sustained growth for local communities.

6. The Impact of Regional Revitalization and USR Programs on Community Empowerment in the North Coast Region

The interaction among regional revitalization, USR programs, and community empowerment can be analyzed from several theoretical perspectives, including social capital theory, participatory governance, and empowerment theory. As a regional development strategy, regional revitalization promotes sustainable economic and social development through resource integration and local asset activation. USR programs stress the practice of local responsibilities by universities, using academic capabilities to support social innovation and regional development. When these are integrated, community empowerment becomes a crucial mediating mechanism. This can enhance the autonomy and participatory decision-making of local residents while fostering long-term sustainable development models.

Furthermore, the effectiveness of resource integration depends on the degree of integration between local knowledge and external resources. USR programs utilize action research and co-creation methods to ensure academic resources align with local needs. For instance, Japan’s regional revitalization policies emphasize cross-departmental collaboration and the autonomy of local organizations through a “region-inclusive revitalization” model, enhancing community recognition and participation in development plans.

In the context of regional revitalization and USR programs, participatory planning can be realized through community workshops, citizen forums, and digital participation platforms. For example, the mechanism of deliberative democracy enables residents to jointly discuss community development issues, establish action plans, and directly participate in policy formulation. Such mechanisms can increase residents’ recognition of regional development while strengthening internal trust and collaboration within the community. The following subsections explore “the impact of regional revitalization on community empowerment” and “the impact of USR programs on community empowerment”.

(1) The impact of regional revitalization on community empowerment

The concept of regional revitalization has emerged with increasing disparities between urban and rural areas and population outflow caused by globalization and urbanization in recent years [6]. Regional revitalization emphasizes local diversity, cultural value, and economic vitality, with the significant implications of internal community participation consistently highlighted. If public participation is neither extensive nor effective, realizing regional revitalization may be exceedingly challenging. Putnam’s perspective on social capital indicates that public participation is not only a manifestation of civic action but also a crucial mechanism for bridging social networks and fostering community awareness. The following subsections discuss the impact of regional revitalization on community governance and community economy from the perspective of community empowerment.

1. Regional revitalization and public participation

Recently, the imbalance in urban–rural development has intensified. Many peripheral regions confront structural challenges such as industrial decline and population outflow. To reverse this trend, regional revitalization is proposed to enhance local vitality by emphasizing local culture, specialized industries, and community organizations as core resources. It involves integrating cooperative mechanisms of public and private sectors and academic institutions to provide diverse innovative strategies. However, if the promotion of regional revitalization is limited to facility construction or financial subsidies, it often fails to achieve long-term, stable results. The key lies in the depth and breadth of public participation. According to social capital theory proposed by Putnam [2], if community members actively and consistently engage in discussions on issues, policy decisions, supervision, and performance evaluations, their recognition and sense of responsibility toward the development of their hometowns will be enhanced, shaping resilient bonding social capital. Public participation can also create bridging social capital, enabling local organizations to collaborate with enterprises, governmental departments, and external resources.

In the case of the Wanli and Jinshan districts, the research team conducted 43 interviews and collected questionnaire survey data from tourism operators, community development associations, and local leaders between March and May 2024. The findings indicate that residents do not lack interest in local issues. They generally wish to participate in policy negotiations and contribute their experiences. However, imbalances in demographic structure and employment patterns have led to many young people migrating, leaving communities being predominantly led by older individuals and limiting avenues for public participation. The field investigation and community empowerment workshops indicate that some USR team members who have previously promoted regional revitalization said that although elders hold specific community resources, there is a lack of long-term dialog platforms with youths. There is also a lack of incentives to encourage youths to move back to their hometowns or to foster local entrepreneurship. Thus, it is challenging to implement or scale up many innovative ideas and action plans, creating a contradiction of “high willingness to participate, yet significant implement gaps”.

Successful local organization experiences demonstrate that a stable public participation channel can be established within the community. This can be achieved if cross-generational and cross-field workshops, thematic forums, and collaborative platforms like the Wanli and Jinshan International Tourism Experimental Symbiosis Collaborative Platform are continuously held to gather opinions. For instance, community-oriented activities, such as tours of ancient houses in the fishing village and gelidium amansii processing experiences in the Yehliu area, allow local residents to collectively plan and participate in operations. This shapes the community’s unique tourism allure while encouraging residents to share experiences and cultivate internal trust and external cooperation. Therefore, enhancing public participation is not a short-term action but requires institutional designs (e.g., regular meetings, the transparency of information, and resource feedback mechanisms) to provide community members with stable participation channels. This allows regional revitalization to become a continuous practice involving local residents.

2. How regional revitalization enhances local governance

The core of regional revitalization lies not only in promoting economic prosperity but also in significantly impacting forms of local governance. With the transition of public administration theory—from traditional hierarchical frameworks to network governance featuring the participation of multiple stakeholders—government departments, enterprises, non-profit organizations (NPOs), and academic institutions can all play key roles in local decision-making. In the Wanli and Jinshan districts, local governance has encountered a long-standing issue of departmental fragmentation and lack of coordination concerning transportation, tourism marketing, and industrial development. For instance, several respondents—village and neighborhood leaders and members of regional revitalization teams—said that although the government has invested in the Heart of City & Township program and infrastructure programs, systematic integration among these units is not guaranteed, often resulting in repeated or dispersed investment.

Another respondent indicated that internal collaboration in the Wanli and Jinshan districts is insufficient, and overall marketing strategies for external promotion are unclear. This has led to short visitor stays and inadequate tourism revenue distribution to broader communities. Within this context, if regional revitalization is systematically implemented, such as establishing cross-departmental cooperation committees and introducing ongoing stakeholder communication mechanisms, it could transcend long-standing administrative and organizational constraints, making regional development plans more flexible and efficient.

Specifically, regional revitalization can provide a social learning mechanism through active participation in cross-field collaborations. This can strengthen problem-solving experiences while deepening mutual trust within a local community. For instance, during the integrated promotion process in the Yehliu Fishing Village, USR programs guided students to collaborate with fisheries organizations, hotel operators, and community elders in improving fishing village landscapes and designing cultural tours together. Different parties collaboratively defined the core values of fishing culture, discussed tour itineraries, and carried out funding allocation, establishing a revenue feedback mechanism (with part of the revenue supporting elder care and environmental maintenance in the community). Due to information transparency, local governments are also more willing to invest resources in subsequent administrative supports and marketing promotions. This creates a virtuous cycle among “governments—communities—universities—enterprises”. This open, continuous communication aligns policy formulation with local needs. It also mitigates the implementation gaps that may arise from traditional bureaucratic management, comprehensively improving the legitimacy and responsiveness of local governance.

Cross-departmental collaboration introduced by regional revitalization often shapes new forms of cooperation. For example, Chang-Sung Liu, Jinshan District Supervisor, emphasized that, in addition to Jinshan Old Street, there are several unexplored cultural attractions (e.g., seaside bus shelters and hillside laundry stations). Collective design and transformation by local artists and teams of returned youth can evoke a deeper tourist image that reflects cultural creativity and memories of local life. This can attract additional tourists while fostering local economic circulation. Moreover, Pang-Mien Huang, Wanli District Supervisor, focuses on the following initiatives: determining how to connect fishery resources with hot springs tourism; organizing collaborative platforms through regional revitalization to integrate highlights such as Guihou Fishing Harbor, Yehliu Geopark, and the Wanli Crab Festival; and establishing a cohesive regional brand. Therefore, the feasibility of this cross-village, cross-regional strategy stems from regional revitalization. This encourages diverse stakeholders to negotiate and places public benefits above competitive interests, facilitating a broader regional governance blueprint.

Based on the above, regional revitalization can enhance local governance in three aspects. First, by establishing cross-departmental dialog platforms and coordination mechanisms, administrative fragmentation and uneven resource distribution can be overcome. Second, by employing social learning and interactive mechanisms of civic participation, public trust can be accumulated while enhancing the responsiveness of local policy. Third, enhancing local characteristics and expanding regional linkages ensures that local governments, residents, and external investors benefit from innovative and diverse development frameworks. In the Wanli and Jinshan districts, if the long-term participatory rights of residents can be secured through institutional and policy measures, and the legal framework for cross-field cooperation and resource integration can be strengthened, the region may continuously develop a robust and resilient governance model despite the challenges of an aging population, declining birthrates, economic transformation, and sustainable environmental protection.

3. The impact of regional revitalization on community economy: focusing on tourism development and citizen empowerment

Regional revitalization is not solely focused on regional infrastructure construction or cultural preservation; its deeper significance lies in economic revitalization that synchronously enhances local employment and living conditions for residents. Based on citizen empowerment theory, the key to driving local economic growth lies in whether residents can seize their rights to live and develop through consensus building and autonomous collaboration, forming autonomous and sustainable social enterprise-like entities. Social enterprise-like entities facilitate the integration of unique local resources, such as culture, fisheries, agriculture, and local cuisine, into marketable and profitable products and services. They empower residents to become the principal decision-makers, sharing in industrial profits and development outcomes.

The survey results from the Wanli and Jinshan districts indicate that the tourism industry has become a fundamental sector. Particularly during the Wanli Crab Festival, Yehliu Geopark and Jinshan Old Street attract large volumes of tourists each year. Historically, however, tourist revenue has only been obtained from a few businesses, while many local residents only served as workers or supportive roles, lacking a voice in decision-making. If current organizational strategies and regional revitalization can encourage residents to apply citizen empowerment through co-creation platforms and associations (e.g., fishing village cultural associations and community development associations), it can create a shared vision of “how we conduct business, how we price our goods, and how revenues are returned to the community”. This can manifest a prototype of the so-called “autonomous social enterprise-like entity”. Taking the Yehliu area as an example, USR teams collaborated with local youths to promote the Renovation of Fishing Village Ancient Houses and an In-Depth Guided Experience. This has allowed residents to develop tour itineraries, pricing standards, and cultural and creative products; a portion of the revenue is allocated to elder care, environment cleanliness, and other public needs. This model encompasses economic and social value, stimulating residents’ sense of identity and ownership.

Integrating citizen empowerment and tourism development can provide multiple benefits for enhancing the community economy. First, through autonomous participation, residents can determine how to leverage unique local resources, e.g., Wanli crabs, gelidium amansii, and Guihou Fishing Harbor, to develop differentiated products and itineraries catering to diverse customer groups (e.g., eco-tourism, fishing village experiences, and hot spring retreats), expanding revenue sources. Moreover, the revenue distribution mechanisms formed within the community can allocate a portion of tourism earnings to community infrastructure construction, social care for vulnerable populations, and environmental enhancement, fostering a positive local economic cycle. Thus, residents of various age groups can benefit while encouraging youths to return to their hometowns to contribute to management and operations, further expanding the operation scale of social enterprise-like entities. Tourist development that consolidates a shared vision among local residents can mitigate over-commercialization often engendered by external capital interventions and the erosion of community culture and environmental disruption. Under citizen empowerment, the populace can autonomously discuss and propose alternative solutions for external investment and development plans through coordination platforms, ensuring that tourist development consistently aligns with local public interests.

Based on the above, deepening regional revitalization in terms of public participation and local governance may manifest as tangible changes at the level of the community economy. By implementing citizen empowerment, local residents can organize themselves autonomously to determine the development direction of tourism resources, revenue distribution, and brand value. Thus, they form independent social enterprise-like entities while establishing a sustainable tourism system “centered around local residents”. This model not only reflects the spirit of collaborative local governance but also empowers residents to assume the role of social entrepreneurs, obtaining benefits and reinvesting in the public domain through leading industry planning and implementation.

(2) The impact of USR programs on community empowerment

Since the rapid development of University Social Responsibility (USR) in Europe and America, research has emphasized that higher education institutions can directly and indirectly affect local governance frameworks through civic education and policy research [26]. First, as centers of academic knowledge, universities can provide research and consultation for local public policies. Second, universities can cultivate students imbued with civic consciousness and local concern, promoting the implementation of participatory governance in local communities. This notion of theory–practice co-construction can assist local communities in enhancing governance efficacy from top-down and bottom-up approaches simultaneously.

1. Universities as collaboration intermediaries: from academic support to stakeholder negotiation

Current governance practices indicate that strengthening local governance efficacy often requires the synergistic effect of cross-departmental collaboration and expertise support [27,28]. Universities play a vital role as collaboration intermediaries. In addition to providing academic research and policy analysis, they facilitate dialog and coordination on local public issues through civic education and talent cultivation. A mixed-methods study conducted by our team in the Wanli and Jinshan districts in 2024 revealed that although local government departments and industrial organizations each held specific positions on significant issues such as tourist development, environmental protection, and industry transformation, they lacked integrative mechanisms, cooperative incentives, and platforms for consensus building. Thus, universities can assume the role of facilitators through USR programs, promoting local cooperation in terms of expertise and diverse communication.

For instance, at the “1000 COFFEE” revitalization base in Jinshan District, the university research team brought together interdisciplinary faculties and students from the fields of management, tourism planning, and social work. They used action research methods to invite local leaders, community development associations, and small local enterprises to collaboratively design improvement plans and propose financial schemes aimed at “reinvesting revenues into the community”. Initially adopting a passive observational stance, government departments eventually agreed to allocate some public resources to assist in infrastructure upgrades based on the viable and clear operational ideas and data analysis presented by the university students. This interlinked process of “theory—policy—practice” exemplifies the role of universities as adhesive agents in local governance and aligns with participatory governance.

Another aspect of university support for local governance lies in the combination of policy advocacy and participatory governance. Ostrom’s [29] common-pool resources theory indicates that if there is a lack of transparency and consensus in the development or management of local resources, public resources may be susceptible to the risks of free-riding or overuse. USR programs can guide students in conducting in-depth field investigations and interviews with stakeholders to elicit foundational data on local fishing villages, agriculture, or tourism; these empirical results are subsequently provided to resident briefings or district office consultative conferences. For instance, in the Yehliu area, the research team accompanied students to visit a senior sea woman over 80 years old. They documented the industry’s history of sea diving for the collection of seaweed and gelidium amansii and ecological assessment results, emphasizing the fishing model’s sustainability and tourism potential. Firsthand interviews and environmental assessment reports were further analyzed by regional revitalization teams and tourism operators, leading to in-depth fishing village experience itineraries. Thus, universities become policy advocates, infusing the neutrality and objectivity of academic research into local dialog. This facilitates local governments’ comprehension and adoption of diverse stakeholder perspectives, fostering a more open and transparent local governance model.

2. Deepening civic awareness and community participation through mutual learning between students and residents

Trencher et al. [26] proposed that when universities implement USR programs, encouraging students to actively engage in community service and problem-solving within local fields can foster a mutual learning process between students and residents rather than merely a one-way transfer of knowledge. Students can leverage classroom learning (e.g., business management, public administration, and environmental ecology) to formulate marketing strategies or sustainable development recommendations for communities. At the same time, students can draw inspiration from residents’ life experiences and local expertise (fishing and agriculture), generating effective academy practice dialog.

In the empirical case of the Wanli and Jinshan districts, Guihou Fishing Harbor once faced declining traditional catches and insufficient tourism appeal, with local residents exhibiting skepticism toward external assistance. However, during a student summer service and learning program, students conducted field surveys with local elders and representatives from fisher’s associations at the harbor, learning about local customs and practices. After the study, the students presented their consolidated results to local residents. This led residents to recognize that their vital harbor culture could be a tourist attraction while gaining deeper understanding and respect from outsiders. This recognition process significantly enhanced residents’ sense of self-efficacy. It led harbor inhabitants to spontaneously form an Ecological Tour Volunteer Team that integrates local boat owners, restaurants, and cultural tour itineraries, showcasing a leap in collective efficacy.

A key element of regional revitalization is whether community members can advance toward a shared goal. While enhancing civic awareness, USR programs can serve as a catalyst for a cohesive vision. Taking the USR Experimental Symbiosis Platform in the Wanli and Jinshan districts as an example, this platform regularly convenes multi-stakeholder meetings. It invites fishing village communities, bed-and-breakfast operators, public libraries, and chiefs of villages to discuss “how to connect the tourism and cultural itineraries of Yehliu, Jinshan, and Wanli”. Previously, due to differences in administrative divisions and industry characteristics, there was weak awareness regarding collaboration in these areas. Fragmented administration often leads to resource redundancy and waste. With student teams and their advising professors designing the meeting structure, the discussions gradually shaped a “cross-regional tourism zone integrating ocean ecology, geological parks, local delicacies, and cultural experiences”. This has allowed residents to realize the feasibility of collaboration. This partnership gradually evolved into a social enterprise-like entity; some revenue is reinvested into community activities and elder care, reinforcing residents’ sense of ownership in local public affairs.

Through the long-term companionship and empowerment provided by USR programs, some youths who have returned to their hometowns interact more frequently with local elders and community leaders. After participating in university-organized workshops, they learn how to integrate community strengths, draft budgets, and connect with external business resources, leading to the establishment of local operational entities. While promoting tourism and cultural products, these entities can ensure that part of their profits will be reinvested in community welfare, gradually making local autonomy and mutual benefit the norm.

The significance of USR programs for urban–rural development and local governance extends beyond educational and research objectives. Their core value lies in cooperative platforms for local communities; there is a dual emphasis on theoretical and empirical contributions made through neutral and diverse knowledge production and the vitality of student organizations. On the one hand, USR programs can provide local government departments with public policy research support, creating bridges for stakeholder negotiations. On the other hand, they can assist communities in rediscovering their cultural assets and developmental potential. This can enhance residents’ self-efficacy and collective efficacy while ensuring public participation is not mere rhetoric or reliant on external assistance.

While University Social Responsibility (USR) programs significantly facilitate regional revitalization by enhancing bonding and bridging social capital, scholars have highlighted potential unintended negative consequences associated with such interventions. First, there is a risk of creating a crowding-out effect within communities. When universities introduce substantial resources, expertise, or networks, communities may become overly dependent on external support, inadvertently weakening their inherent capacity for self-organization and autonomy. This dependency may lead to a decline in internal community initiatives once external support decreases or is withdrawn, threatening the long-term sustainability of community development efforts.

Moreover, USR initiatives often come with predefined objectives shaped by academic priorities or external funding requirements, potentially neglecting the authentic and diverse aspirations of local residents. This misalignment can create expectation management issues, where residents experience frustration or disillusionment if their participation does not lead to expected improvements or tangible outcomes, thereby diminishing trust and future participation incentives.

Therefore, future implementations of USR programs should carefully consider these risks, ensuring balanced community autonomy and external engagement. Establishing transparent, inclusive, and accountable governance structures, along with intentional mechanisms for continuous feedback from all community segments, will help mitigate these potential negative effects and promote more sustainable community empowerment outcomes.

7. Conclusions

This study explores how communities leverage the interactions between bonding social capital and bridging social capital to strengthen community empowerment and promote the formation of civil society while fostering regional revitalization in the Wanli and Jinshan districts. The synthesis of previous field investigations, interview results, and literature reviews led to the following conclusions, addressing three core research questions.

(1) Building bonding social capital and improving regional revitalization efficacy through trust and cooperation within the community

The interview findings indicate that residents of the Wanli and Jinshan districts exhibit a strong sense of identity regarding local culture and fishing village industries. However, generational gaps and population outflows have fractured internal cooperative networks within the community. Extending Putnam et al.‘s [2] bonding social capital, highly homogeneous communities must maintain a stable organizational foundation through trust, norms, and emotional connections. For instance, interactions between elder fisherfolk and younger generations can occur through oral history, local cultural experience camps, and fishing village technology workshops; these measures can consolidate the shared identity of a community and enhance its resilience to external shocks. This study shows that the Masu Fishing Village Cultural Association, through close interactions between the elders and teams of returned youths, successfully preserved traditional knowledge systems related to gelidium amansii harvesting and sea women culture. These were transformed into characteristic products and in-depth experience itineraries appealing to tourists, showcasing the innovative potential driven by bonding social capital.

The strength of bonding social capital depends not only on the emotions and trust among similar communities but also on cross-generational, cross-organizational negotiation platforms. Without stable negotiation mechanisms that operate long-term, once policies and external resources enter a community, it often triggers uneven resource allocation or conflicts of interest [30]. During the interviews, village and neighborhood leaders and members of revitalization teams said that through district offices’ regularly convening multi-stakeholder dialog platforms, stakeholders—including fisher’s associations, tourism operators, and local organizations—can maintain ongoing communication and build consensus. This can mitigate redundant construction and unused facilities, ensuring the sustainability of regional revitalization momentum.

The centripetal force provided by bonding social capital enables communities to respond more efficiently to developmental challenges and share resources. A local community’s transition from merely focusing on a few tourist attractions to a diversified, in-depth integrated model of “marine culture—fishing village experience—ecological conservation” must rely on collective participation and decision-making by residents. For instance, the comprehensive fishing village experience itineraries promoted around Yehliu Geopark were organically established through a cooperative network formed by predominantly local residents (fishermen, bed-and-breakfast operators, and restaurant owners), increasing visitor retention and local consumption. This finding illustrates that when local residents possess high levels of trust and identification, they can collaboratively shape a unique local brand, driving long-term and multifaceted benefits for regional revitalization.

(2) Promoting collaboration between communities and external support networks and new resource creation by USR programs through bridging social capital

According to the cases examined in this study, the academic synergy and student organization vitality fostered by USR programs can assist local communities in cross-field integration in areas such as policy research, marketing strategies, and multilingual services. This type of bridging social capital facilitates the Wanli and Jinshan districts’ access to multiple resources from enterprises and governments, ranging from industrial transition consulting to tourism product design and marketing implementation. USR programs can also coordinate the needs of local and external entities while providing research evaluations and strategic recommendations, forming a cycle of knowledge–action–policy [1].

Bridging social capital emphasizes cooperation across organizations and groups. The interview data reveal that university faculty and students often act as facilitators. They connect local fishing organizations, tourism operators, non-profit organizations, and central government departments to develop shared goals and reduce communication costs. Universities and colleges possess channels for international exchange and diverse talents. This enables them to infuse new ideas into local brand marketing and digital technology applications, providing professional support in conservation and field investigations of culture and history. For instance, the Yehliu International Tourism Experimental Base project leverages USR programs; they create reality puzzle games and in-depth fishing village tours, increasing local youth employment opportunities and extending international tourists’ length of stay. Moreover, USR teams enable residents to more easily access sponsorships from external enterprises and project funding from external foundations. This facilitates cross-field brainstorming sessions through workshops, generating practical resource support for local innovation proposals. Notably, once these innovative models are successful, they are often disseminated to other regions through academic papers, media reports, and platform shares, showcasing exemplary cases of regional revitalization.

(3) Achieving community empowerment and promoting civil society formation through the combined action of bonding and bridging social capital

Based on the interpretations of social capital by Coleman [1] and Putnam et al. [2], bonding social capital can consolidate mutual trust within communities while sharing norms and identities. This facilitates cooperation, resource sharing, self-help, and mutual help among members. In contrast, bridging social capital emphasizes network connections across organizations, groups, and regions, introducing new resources, technologies, and ideas. When both forms of social capital can create a virtuous cycle within the same community, they can effectively promote community empowerment.

In this case study, due to integrating public sectors, enterprises, foundations, and non-profit organizations in USR programs, residents transition from passive recipients of top-down policies to proactive actors capable of engaging in dialog with external entities and advocating for their rights. The accumulated experiences of negotiation and consensus-building during multiple project executions have laid the groundwork for subsequent self-governance and organizational restructuring. Ultimately, these experiences may transform into a local consciousness and collective action. This encourages residents to consider public issues from the perspective of civil society and to unite under the shared mission of “protecting the ocean and revitalizing our homeland”. Through action research and participatory planning methods, universities can align classroom teaching with local issues. This can allow students and residents to acquire practical experiences in problem-solving, organization management, and resource utilization through collaboration. This process can boost residents’ self-efficacy while enabling universities to assist local communities in formulating sustainable development strategies through objective research and professional evaluation. The bidirectional promotion of bonding and bridging social capital has led the Wanli and Jinshan districts to gradually cultivate a bottom-up empowerment outcome. The manifestations of this are detailed below.

1. Enhancement of residents’ autonomous planning abilities

With the support of USR programs, local residents engage in workshops and public forums to learn how to establish program objectives, negotiate resource allocation, and formulate feasible revenue–reinvestment mechanisms. For instance, at Guihou Fishing Harbor, residents collaborated with students to integrate traditional fishing techniques with marine ecology. Thus, they developed ecological tour itineraries and obtained funding for the Heart of City & Township program from the district office.

2. Cohesion of cross-community consensus

The collaboration of the Fishing Village Experience Camp in Jinshan District shows that initially independently operated restaurants, bed and breakfasts, and tourist boat operators begin to recognize the importance of unified pricing and integrated tour information under the marketing and program design suggestions of university students. This led to a collaborative marketing network centered around ocean culture and hot spring resources. It has increased visitors’ length of stay while ensuring that local economic revenues can benefit most community members more effectively.

3. Empowering communities and shaping shared vision

The essence of community empowerment lies in the collective action of local communities under a long-term vision. For instance, in many focus group discussions in Jinshan and Wanli, residents proposed medium- and long-term goals: sustainable fishing culture, the entrepreneurship of returned youth, and the promotion of marine education. With the sustained academic support and facilitation provided by USR programs, community members gain greater confidence in translating these visions into action plans (e.g., establishing social enterprises or formalizing revenue–reinvestment agreements with local governments), gradually strengthening civil society.

Through action research and qualitative interviews, this study finds that bonding social capital and bridging social capital have a decisive impact on the efficacy of regional revitalization and community empowerment. First, solid bonding social capital can shape deep trust and a culture of cooperation within local communities, laying a robust foundation for promoting overall development. Second, USR programs can be a critical channel for introducing external resources. If governments, enterprises, and international organizations can be effectively connected through bridging social capital, they will provide crucial support in terms of funding, technology, and policy. Finally, the synergistic effect of internal cohesion and external cooperative networks can further enhance community empowerment and civic awareness. This can enable local residents to become primary actors of development in self-governance and public participation, gradually developing toward the formation and deepening of civil society.

For the Wanli and Jinshan districts, the key to continuously promoting regional revitalization and achieving sustainable development is maintaining a strategy of “integrating internal cohesion and external resources”. On the one hand, the independent negotiation of local organizations and cross-generational dialog should be deepened to reinforce residents’ identification with their culture and industry. On the other hand, cross-field cooperation platforms should be continually expanded. This will allow USR teams and public/private sectors to jointly invest in technologies and resources while ensuring residents’ actual participation through institutionalized coordination mechanisms. These processes can strengthen residents’ self-efficacy and enable universities to assist local communities in formulating sustainable development strategies through objective research and professional evaluation. USR programs integrate public sectors, enterprises, foundations, and non-profit organizations. This transforms residents from initially passive recipients of top-down policies into active actors capable of engaging in dialog with external entities to advocate for their rights. The accumulated experiences of negotiation and consensus-building during multiple project executions have laid the groundwork for subsequent self-governance and organizational restructuring. These experiences may ultimately transform into local consciousness and collective action, encouraging residents to consider public issues from the perspective of civil society and unite under the shared mission of “protecting the ocean and revitalizing our homeland”. Within this virtuous cycle, regional revitalization can continuously accumulate momentum. Thus, communities can genuinely become vibrant domains where civic awareness flourishes, cultural resources diversify, and economic foundations remain robust.

These practical experiences can provide a valuable reference model for similar regions facing transformation challenges while enriching international academic discourse on the theoretical construction of the relationships between social capital and community development. Specifically, USR programs can significantly promote community visions and the development of civil society. Through action research and participatory planning methods, universities can align classroom instruction with local issues. This allows students and residents to acquire practical experience in problem-solving, organization management, and resource utilization during collaboration.

(4) From dynamic social capital to community empowerment

Building on our detailed review of bonding and bridging social capital, it becomes clear that a purely dualistic perspective overlooks the vertical channels of influence and the transformative feedback loops catalyzed by USR interventions. To address this gap, we introduce a triadic framework—incorporating linking social capital—and articulate a dynamic interplay mechanism by which initial bridging ties consolidate into stronger bonding networks, leverage vertical partnerships, and then recursively enrich new bridges, thereby offering both conceptual innovation and actionable insights for regional revitalization. Putnam et al. [2] delineated bonding and bridging social capital as two foundational types, and subsequent research highlights the importance of a third dimension—linking social capital—which captures vertical ties between community actors and institutions across power hierarchies institute for social capital [31].

In recognition of these insights, we advance a triadic taxonomy in which (1) bonding social capital consolidates trust, norms, and identity within homogeneous groups; (2) bridging social capital forges horizontal connections across heterogeneous networks; and (3) linking social capital enables vertical engagement with formal organizations and pol-icy actors. Building on this taxonomy, we further propose a dynamic interplay mechanism specific to USR programs:

Phase 1: Bridging Catalysis. Initial USR engagements establish bridging ties that mobilize external knowledge, resources, and expertise.

Phase 2: Bonding Consolidation. Through repeated collaborative activities—e.g., co-design workshops and participatory action research—these bridging connections become embedded in local practice, strengthening intra-community trust and shared norms.

Phase 3: Linking Leverage. A fortified bonding base enhances the community’s ability to sustain and expand vertical partnerships with governmental and organizational actors.

Phase 4: Recursive Enrichment. Expanded linking ties introduce new opportunities and resources, which are re-fed into bridging initiatives, sustaining an ongoing cycle of community empowerment and innovation.

As depicted in Figure 1, our framework comprises three interdependent forms of social capital—bridging, bonding, and linking—that interact through a three-phase cycle to drive sustained community empowerment.

Linking Leverage: A consolidated bonding base enhances the community’s capacity to engage in linking social capital, enabling vertical partnerships with governmental agencies, enterprises, and non-profits.

Bonding Consolidation: These horizontal ties are internalized via repeated collaborative activities (e.g., co-design workshops), strengthening bonding social capital—that is, intra-community trust, shared norms, and collective identity.

Bridging Catalysis: Entry-point engagements forge bridging social capital, mobilizing external knowledge, networks, and resources.

Together, these phases illustrate a self-reinforcing, processual model in which each dimension of social capital catalyzes the next, ensuring that USR interventions produce both immediate and long-term gains in community capacity and resilience.

In summary, this study transcends the limitations of the traditional dualistic social capital framework by advancing a triadic model—bonding, bridging, and linking—and operationalizing a dynamic cycle of “bridging catalysis → bonding consolidation → linking leverage → recursive enrichment” to systematically demonstrate how USR interventions foster community capacity building and self-determination across multiple levels and pathways. Specifically, in the initial phase, USR programs mobilize external knowledge and resources through bridging social capital; through sustained co-design workshops and participatory action research, these external connections are internalized into bonding capital, reinforcing intra-community trust and shared norms. The strengthened bonding foundation is then transformed into linking capital, enabling deeper vertical partnerships with government agencies, enterprises, and non-profit organizations. Finally, the newly acquired opportunities and resources recursively feed back into bridging networks, creating a self-reinforcing cycle of empowerment and innovation. This theoretical innovation not only addresses the omission of vertical dimensions in social capital theory but also provides clear, actionable guidance for USR-driven regional revitalization practice, offering significant theoretical and practical implications for future cross-disciplinary community development research and policy design.

(5) Practical implications for USR program designers and policymakers

Building on our triadic framework of dynamic social capital—bonding, bridging, and linking—and its recursive interplay, we propose four integrated recommendations to enhance the sustainability and scalability of USR-driven regional revitalization.

1. Phase-Based Sequencing of Social Capital Interventions

Effective USR programming begins by intentionally sequencing the cultivation of social capital to align with community capacity and external engagement cycles. In the initial bridging catalysis phase, universities convene multi-sectoral workshops and joint research projects that forge horizontal ties between academic teams, local businesses, NGOs, and government agencies, thereby mobilizing external expertise and resources [2]. As these connections deepen, sustained co-design activities—such as participatory action research and cross-generational storytelling—embed external knowledge into local practice, strengthening intra-community trust and shared norms in the bonding consolidation phase. Once a robust base of bonding social capital is established, USR initiatives can leverage linking social capital by formalizing vertical partnerships through standing steering committees and policy dialogs, ensuring that community voices inform municipal planning and resource allocation [32]. Finally, these enhanced vertical ties generate new opportunities and feedback that recursively enrich horizontal networks—inviting fresh collaborators, funding streams, and innovative ideas—thereby sustaining a dynamic cycle of community empowerment and innovation.

2. Institutionalization of Governance Structures

For USR programs to transition from episodic projects to enduring platforms for regional development, it is imperative to embed governance mechanisms that transcend individual funding cycles. We recommend the creation of a standing USR steering committee—constitutionally composed of university liaisons, elected community representatives, and municipal officials—with clearly defined terms of reference, decision-making protocols, and rotating leadership. Such institutionalization not only safeguards continuity when project grants conclude but also enhances accountability by mandating transparent reporting and inclusive agenda-setting. By situating this body within both university governance and local policy frameworks, program designers can ensure that USR interventions remain responsive to evolving community needs while anchoring them in formal governance structures [28].

3. Integration of Mixed-Method Monitoring and Adaptive Feedback

Sustainable community empowerment requires rigorous, ongoing evaluation that combines quantitative indicators with qualitative insights. USR designers should integrate metrics such as collaborative project counts, return migration rates, and emergent social enterprises alongside narrative data from participant self-efficacy surveys and stakeholder focus groups. These mixed-methods data streams must then be collaboratively reviewed in co-created “reflection sessions,” enabling stakeholders to interpret findings, surface emergent challenges, and adapt intervention sequences accordingly. This adaptive feedback loop transforms monitoring from a compliance exercise into a strategic learning process, ensuring that USR programs evolve in tandem with community capacity and external environmental shifts [26].

4. Policy Alignment and Resource Mobilization

To maximize broader applicability and sustainability, policymakers should recognize USR as a strategic instrument for regional revitalization rather than ad hoc outreach. This entails embedding USR performance criteria—such as demonstrated increases in social capital dimensions and community-driven innovation—within higher-education accreditation standards and municipal development plans. By aligning university incentives with local government priorities, stable funding streams can be channeled into the recursive social capital cycle, while cross-jurisdictional knowledge exchange networks disseminate the dynamic social capital model to comparable rural or coastal regions. Such policy integration elevates USR from isolated projects to systemic levers of community empowerment and long-term regional development.

(6) Scholarly Limitations and Future Research Avenues

In this study, we adopted an action research framework grounded in tradition and a qualitative inquiry approach to yield rich, context-sensitive insights into University Social Responsibility practices in the Wanli and Jinshan districts. We recognize, however, that several considerations merit cautious interpretation. First, concentrating our investigation on two geographically contiguous districts may limit the extent to which the findings can be generalized to other sociocultural settings. Second, while the close researcher–participant collaboration characteristic of action research and the iterative process of qualitative analysis offer depth, they also introduce subtle positionality influences; future work might therefore benefit from incorporating methodological triangulation and peer debriefing to reinforce analytic rigor. Third, the cross-sectional nature of our study design captures only a single temporal snapshot of program implementation and community dynamics; a longitudinal perspective would more robustly assess the sustainability and evolution of the mechanisms observed. Finally, although stakeholder selection was guided by criteria of influence and representativeness, the voices of less organized or marginalized community members may be under-represented, suggesting that broader sampling strategies could further enrich understanding. By transparently reflecting on these aspects, we aim to enhance the scholarly rigor and the practical relevance of our research while providing clear directions for subsequent studies.

Although the present study offers nuanced, context-rich insights into how University Social Responsibility initiatives can mobilize bonding and bridging social capital in the Wanli and Jinshan districts of northern Taiwan, its empirical scope remains intentionally circumscribed. The purposive selection of two geographically proximate communities and the reliance on qualitative evidence were designed to capture fine-grained social processes, yet these features also delimit the breadth of inference that can reasonably be drawn. To consolidate the external validity of the propositions advanced here, subsequent investigations might adopt a comparative multi-site design that spans diverse socio-economic and cultural settings within—and beyond—Taiwan. Longitudinal and mixed-methods approaches could further illuminate causal mechanisms, trace long-term outcomes, and quantify potential unintended effects. Such extensions would not only enhance the generalizability of the present findings but also refine our theoretical understanding of regional revitalization driven by university–community partnerships.