Search Results (63)

How did a school of Daoist internal alchemy flourish in the Ming and Qing dynasties without formal ordination, institutional affiliation, or a lineage of disciples? This paper challenges the conventional paradigms of Daoist transmission by examining the case of Lu Xixing 陸西星 (1520–1606), the founder of the Eastern Lineage (Dongpai 東派). Drawing on newly unearthed sources, including local gazetteers, Lu’s poetry collection Kouyin manlu 鷇音漫錄, a long-hidden manuscript Sanzang zhenquan 三藏真詮, and original fieldwork materials, this paper reveals that Lu’s multifaceted interactions with the local gentry class fostered what I term “gentry alchemy”. This gentry alchemy provided an alternative “covert” pathway for the transmission of the Eastern Lineage, operating outside formal Daoist institutions through patronage networks. The paper examines three mechanisms of gentry support: funding publications, engaging in intellectual exchanges, and providing access to elite political networks. It then analyzes motivations behind gentry patronage, including state religious policy, the perceived orthodoxy of Lu’s spirit-written revelations, and his innovative visualization of alchemical theory. The paper argues that gentry alchemy emerged from the demographic pressures that drove disenfranchised literati to convert scholarly capital into religious authority. This configuration was characterized by four features: Confucian-Daoist synthesis, the Neo-Confucian schematization and demystification of alchemical knowledge, promotion of dual cultivation (xingming shuangxiu 性命雙修), and the substitution of revelatory authority grounded in spirit-writing for the institutional authority of master-disciple lineages. Finally, the paper elaborates on the functions of gentry alchemy, showing how it offered literati both spiritual refuge and political capital, marked elite status, and shaped local society through temple construction and village lectures. The Eastern Lineage thus exemplifies a mode of alchemical transmission embedded not in monastic institutions but in the textual and social fabric of gentry life. This case illuminates both the spiritual world of Ming literati and the structural transformations of Chinese religion in late imperial China. Full article

This paper proposes a comparative model of “bidirectional transcendence” in Confucian thought by reading the concept of jing (敬) against two kinds of human finitude: “no-more” of being and “not-yet” of being. Drawing on philological analysis of classical lexemes, close readings of Song–Ming Neo-Confucian texts, and a comparison with Western accounts of religious and philosophical transcendence, I show that jing generates two complementary responses. The first is an outward, historicizing form of transcendence—embodied in “revering Heaven and following ancestors” (jingtian fazu 敬天法祖)—which secures communal meaning and a this-worldly continuity of ethical life in the face of the “no-more.” The second is an inward, realm-oriented transcendence—articulated in “being serious in order to straighten one’s inner life” (jing yi zhi nei 敬以直內)—realized through self-cultivation (gongfu 工夫) and the integration of mind and the principle of Heaven, and oriented toward the “not-yet.” This bidirectional framework reconciles readings that cast Confucianism as either purely ethical or essentially religious, clarifies recurring comparative and translational pitfalls, and offers a concise, textually grounded basis for Sino–Western dialogue about varieties of transcendence and ultimate concern. Full article

During the Joseon Dynasty, Korean Buddhism intentionally negotiated its survival and ongoing relevance in response to the predominance of Neo-Confucian state ideology by aligning Buddhist teaching with Confucian ethical ideals, especially filial piety. This process can be clearly observed in two well-known apocryphal texts—the Bulseol daebo bumo eunjung gyeong (佛說大報父母恩重經, Eunjung gyeong) and the Bulseol jangsu myeoljoe hojedongja darani gyeong (佛說長壽滅罪護諸童子陀羅尼經, Jangsu gyeong)—whose acceptance in Joseon Korea was largely dependent on their Confucian-inspired ethical substance. This article explores how the material aspects of these texts—such as woodblock printing methods, visual programs, book formats, and meticulous colophons—operated as means for integrating Buddhist doctrinal themes with Confucian moral standards. By focusing on the 1452 woodblock editions produced at Wŏnamsa Temple, this research highlights materiality as an influential factor in enabling the visual and ritual spread of Buddhist filial ethics and thereby supporting Buddhism’s cultural legitimacy in a Confucian-dominated environment. Using a material culture lens, this study addresses a notable gap in the current research—which has typically emphasized textual interpretation at the expense of material dimensions—and offers insight into how religious groups strategically utilized materiality to adapt within changing socio-cultural contexts. Full article

This article examines how the Park Chung Hee regime reshaped the public memory of the Neo-Confucian philosopher Yi I (penname Yulgok, 1536–1584) by recasting him as a model of patriotic nationalism. Beginning with the inauguration of the Yulgok Festival in 1962, Yi I was no longer commemorated solely as a scholar of the Chosŏn dynasty; instead, the regime portrayed him as a patriotic sage who advocated for military preparedness. Drawing on archival materials (presidential speeches, heritage management reports, newspaper articles), this study reconstructs the policy discourse surrounding Yulgok and traces the state-driven mechanisms that reframed his public image. The analysis shows that Yulgok’s image became embedded in political rituals, monumentalized in public spaces, circulated in everyday life through currency iconography, and materialized in physical heritage sites transformed to embody a purified, idealized vision of the past. Together, these initiatives positioned the state as the custodian of Yulgok’s memory, aligning his image with the ideological priorities of the militarist state. Full article

Liu Zhi’s (1664–1734) seminal work The Interpretation of the Five Pillars systematically employs Confucian doctrine to explicate the Five Pillars of Islam. As part of the Ming-Qing cultural movement of “interpreting Islamic scriptures through Confucianism,” Liu assimilated Neo-Confucian philosophical concepts to develop a Sinicized Islamic religious philosophy. Building upon this foundation, he analyzed the Five Pillars through three conceptual lenses: realm theory (境界论), cultivation theory (修养论), and praxis methodology (工夫论). By synthesizing the Confucian cultivation path of “exhausting the mind and knowing human nature” (尽心知性 jin xin zhi xing) with Islamic daily rituals, Liu Zhi developed a distinctive theory of mind-cultivation (心性论 xinxing lun) through ritual practice. This philosophical framework guided Chinese Muslims to transcend external ritual observance towards internal spiritual refinement, as encapsulated in the triad of “self-cultivation, mental purification, and fulfillment of human nature” (修身、清心、尽性). His synthesis of Islamic ritual with Confucian culture maintained fidelity to Islamic teachings while incorporating China’s profound Confucian heritage. Liu Zhi’s efforts in Islamic inculturation provide both a paradigmatic model for the cultural adaptation of religious rituals across traditions and a valuable reference for contemporary construction of Sinicized religious thought. His achievement, an exemplary exercise in interreligious theology, demonstrates how doctrinal fidelity and cultural localization can be harmoniously reconciled through philosophical innovation. Full article

This article addresses the most important translation issue in the first philosophic and religious dialogue between Europe and China: is there a Chinese equivalent for the Christian concept of God? We approach the question from the perspective of comparative philosophy. We start by examining the historical and theoretical context in which the Jesuit Niccolò Longobardo developed his disagreement with Matteo Ricci regarding the question as to whether the Confucianism is an atheism. We then analyse the interpretation that equates li and qi, respectively, with the Aristotelian notions of accident and prime matter. After showing how Longobardo reduces neo-Confucianism to Presocratic atheism in an Aristotelian manner, we propose an alternative perspective that can reconcile Christianism and neo-Confucianism with regard to the concept of first cause. Full article

The evolution of agricultural civilization is closely related to the social changes in ancient China, with Fuzhou being home to a large number of traditional granary buildings with distinctive regional characteristics. This study employs field surveys, a literature review, architectural mapping, and comparative analysis to explore whether there is mutual verification between the “room-style” granaries in Fuzhou and related agricultural imagery. The findings reveal that (1) the granary buildings in Fuzhou city generally follow the ancient raised-platform structure and are organically integrated with the local courtyard-style dwellings, forming a unique “room-style” granaries. Their layout and structure not only adapt to the local natural environment but also reflect the ancient craftsmen’s deep understanding of material properties and structural mechanics. (2) The spatial layout and functions of traditional granary buildings have evolved with social changes. Their development has been profoundly influenced by Zhuzi’s granary system and Neo-Confucian thought, gradually forming a hybrid space that combines storage and residential functions, integrating both practicality and esthetics. This evolutionary process not only reflects the flexibility and adaptability of the ancient storage system but also demonstrates the influence of social and cultural factors in shaping architectural space. Currently, there are the following gaps in the research on traditional granaries in Fuzhou City: a lack of analysis on the form and structural patterns of local granary buildings, insufficient cross-verification between documentary records and physical remains, and inadequate research on the construction wisdom of traditional granary buildings. This study provides valuable insights into the research of ancient architectural art, cultural exchange, and regional construction. Full article

This study compares complaints in Korean and Chinese, focusing on how they are expressed explicitly or implicitly. Complaints are potentially face-threatening, yet they frequently appear in conversations among native Korean and Chinese speakers who are characterized as upholding Neo-Confucian values and emphasizing social harmony. Although some contrastive studies have examined complaints across languages, none have specifically investigated the explicit and implicit strategies employed in Korean and Chinese complaint discourse. Given the growing intercultural contact between Korean and Chinese speakers, this gap calls for closer attention. To address this, the present study explores how native Korean and Chinese speakers articulate complaints in the Korean and Chinese versions of the travel reality show Sisters Over Flowers. Sixteen episodes were analyzed using interactional sociolinguistic methods, incorporating both qualitative and quantitative approaches. The analysis uncovered both explicit and implicit strategies (e.g., expressions of annoyance or disapproval, overt grievances, questions, advice, teasing, and hints). Notably, the Korean participants produced significantly fewer complaints than their Chinese counterparts. These findings offer theoretical and practical insights. Theoretically, the results challenge overly broad notions of East–West pragmatic distinctions by demonstrating meaningful variation within East Asian cultures. Practically, a better understanding of explicit and implicit complaint strategies in Korean and Chinese can enhance intercultural communication, promote culturally sensitive responses, and bridge misunderstandings in increasingly globalized settings. Full article

The work Xingli zhenquan tigang (Sing lii jen ciyan bithei hešen) was written in Chinese and Manchu by the French Jesuit Alexandre de la Charme (1695–1767) and published in Beijing in 1753. The first two sections of this paper provide an introduction to de la Charme’s work biography and to further textual and historical contexts, explore the peculiarities of the subsequent early German reception of the work almost 90 years later, and introduce the content from an overview perspective. The third section explores the most essential contents of Book 1 (of 3) of the Manchu version. The investigation is based on Hans Conon von der Gabelentz’s (1807–1874) German translation from 1840. Camouflaged as a Confucian educational dialogue, and by blurring his true identity in his publication, de la Charme criticizes Neo-Confucian positions from an implicitly Cartesian and hidden Christian perspective, tacitly blending Cartesian views with traditional Chinese concepts. In addition, he alludes to Manchu shamanic views in the same regard. De la Charme’s assimilating rhetoric “triangulation” of three different cultural and linguistic horizons of thought and spirituality proves that later Jesuit scholarship reached out into the inherent ethnic and spiritual diversity of the Qing intellectual and political elites. Hidden allusions to Descartes’s dualistic concepts of res cogitans and res extensa implicitly anticipate the beginnings of China’s intellectual modernization period one and a half centuries later. This work also provides an example of how the exchange of intellectual and religious elements persisted despite the Rites Controversy and demonstrates how the fading Jesuit mission influenced early German sinology. I believe that this previously underexplored work is significant in both systematic and historical respects. It is particularly relevant in the context of current comparative research fields, as well as transcultural and interreligious intellectual dialogue in East Asia and around the world. Full article

By reconstructing the concept of the “Mandate of Heaven”, the Zisi School grounded the universality of Confucian ethics in the ontological stipulations of Heaven’s Way, bridging the intellectual gap between Confucius’s practical ethics and Mencius’s theory of mind-nature. Central to their framework is the proposition that “Heaven’s mold imparts form to mankind; and imparts inherent pattern to objects”, which constructs a generative chain from the Mandate of Heaven to the nature of objects and human nature. The School posited that the Heavenly Way endows all objects with inherent patterns, while human nature, derived from the Mandate of Heaven, harbors latent moral potential activated through edification. By dialectically reconciling the “differentiation between Heaven and humans” with the “unity of Heaven and humanity”, the Zisi School emphasized both the transcendent authority of the Mandate of Heaven and human moral agency, forming an “immanent yet transcendent” ethical paradigm. However, theoretical limitations persist, including ambiguities in the certainty of innate goodness due to the separation of Heaven and human nature, mind-body dualism that risks formalizing moral practice, and latent fatalism in their concept of mandate. Despite these unresolved tensions, the Zisi School’s metaphysics laid the groundwork for Mencius’s theory of innate goodness, Xunzi’s legalist emphasis on ritual, and Song-Ming Neo-Confucian discourses on “Heaven’s inherent pattern”. As a pivotal transitional phase in Pre-Qin Confucianism, the Zisi School highlights the interplay between metaphysical grounding and pragmatic adaptability, underscoring the enduring dynamism of Confucian ethics. Full article

This paper examines Ira E. Kasoff’s systemic interpretation of Chang Tsai’s Neo-Confucianism in his The Thought of Chang Tsai (1020–1077), focusing on Kasoff’s reconstruction of Ch’i (qi, 气) as the ontological foundation of Chang’s philosophy. Through a trichotomous translational strategy—distinguishing between “Ch’i”, “ch’i”, and “qi”—Kasoff systematically integrates Chang’s cosmology, human nature, and ethics into a coherent framework. He argues that Ch’i (e.g., Great Void, taixu, 太虚) serves as the primordial substance underlying all existence, while ch’i and qi explain the generation of phenomenal forms and moral agency. Kasoff highlights how Chang’s Ch’i-centric ontology refutes Buddhist illusionism and Daoist non-being, positing yin–yang interactions as the self-generative mechanism of the cosmos. Central to Kasoff’s analysis is Chang’s dual-nature theory of heavenly nature (天地之性, as the inherent goodness of Ch’i) and physical nature (气质之性, as the individualized limitations of ch’i); Kasoff demonstrates how Chang’s emphasis on learning (xue, 学) aims to transform nature and restore heavenly nature, culminating in sagehood as the realization of cosmic harmony. Additionally, by contrasting Chang’s Ch’i-based system with Cheng-Zhu Neo-Confucianism, Kasoff underscores its originality—a dynamic, materialist ontology that bridges metaphysics and ethics. Full article

During the Meiji period, the relationship between Confucianism and the indigenous Japanese religion of Shinto became more complex within the context of national culture and policy. The integration of Confucianism and Shinto became an important part of Japan’s modernization and ideological construction. However, this profound fusion did not emerge suddenly; as early as the Edo period, Confucianism and Shinto had already established a certain degree of interaction and influence. Therefore, this article attempts to outline an early example of the combination of Shinto and Confucianism (more specifically, Neo-Confucianism, which had a profound impact on modern and contemporary Japan) through the lens of the integrated thought of Shinto and Confucianism of the early Edo-period scholar, Kaibara Ekiken. Full article

Private gardens during the Song Dynasty are an important component of classical Chinese garden design. However, existing research predominantly focuses on architectural forms and construction techniques, with insufficient systematic exploration of the overall spatial layout, the typological evolution of garden architecture, and the underlying driving forces behind these changes. Based on the 400 private garden records from the Complete Collection of Song, Song-era notes, poems, and paintings, this study employs methods from cliometrics and iconology to quantitatively analyse historical materials to systematically trace the evolution of spatial layouts, architectural types, architectural construction, and interior furnishings in Song private gardens while delving into the causes of these changes. The findings reveal a significant increase in the application of “elevated and terraced layouts” in Southern Song private gardens. The rise of unique architectural types, such as boat-shaped buildings, academies, and high buildings with a collection of books, is closely tied to the scholar-official culture, advancements in printing technology, the influence of Neo-Confucianism, and government support for private education. Southern Song architectural techniques saw significant advancements in response to climatic changes, featuring diversified roof forms, upturned eaves, detachable doors and windows, and elevated platforms. The invention of modular furniture, such as the Yanji table, exemplifies the ingenuity of Song designers in adapting to shrinking living spaces. This paper is the first to systematically reveal the evolution of private garden architecture in the Song Dynasty, particularly the emergence of unique architectural types. It offers a new perspective for understanding the influences of society, culture, and environment on landscape architecture in the Song Dynasty, providing valuable historical insights for the study of Ming–Qing garden architecture and contemporary landscape design practices. Full article

This paper presents a comparative study of the spatial characteristics of academies in China and Korea, focusing on BaiLuDong Academy in China and Tosan Academy in Korea. It examines the cultural philosophies and practical differences in the spatial expression of Confucianism between the two countries. BaiLuDong Academy embodies the Confucian ideals of simplicity and solemnity through its modest architectural style and rigorous spatial organization. The integration of mountain–water siting with enclosed courtyard arrangements reflects the Confucian scholar’s pursuit of self-cultivation and social order. In contrast, Tosan Academy, while grounded in Zhu Xi’s Neo-Confucian teachings, incorporates local architectural traditions to form a more open and flexible spatial configuration. Its emphasis on harmony with the natural environment represents a localized reinterpretation of Confucian values. As a spatial embodiment of ideology, the academy serves as a medium through which Confucian values are materialized in architectural form. The spatial characteristics of Chinese and Korean academies reveal the adaptability and evolution of Confucian thought across different cultural contexts. Full article