However, most theoretical frameworks and treatment protocols in Schema Therapy have been developed within Western individualistic societies, limiting their relevance for collectivist cultures where narcissistic presentations may take fundamentally different forms. This gap is especially evident in the scarcity of cross-cultural formulations that address communal norms, emotional restraint, and conformity-based self-worth. The present entry addresses this gap by introducing “Japanese narcissism”—a culturally specific variant of narcissistic personality structure that has been overlooked in existing Schema Therapy literature. Unlike the overt grandiosity typically associated with Western NPD presentations, Japanese narcissism manifests through culturally sanctioned self-sacrifice and emotional over-adaptation behaviors that appear prosocial yet paradoxically serve grandiose and perfectionistic needs.
Clinical observations of Japanese clients with narcissistic personality traits have identified two culturally salient coping modes:
In such cases, the Healthy Adult mode often remains underdeveloped or merged with these coping modes, resulting in diminished functional differentiation and limited emotional flexibility. In collectivist societies, self-assertion is rarely considered a virtue; instead, behavior is evaluated according to its alignment with the collective mood or atmosphere [
5]. Even outstanding individual contributions may be criticized if they appear to disturb group harmony. This creates an implicit moral code, widely internalized but seldom articulated, dictating that one should restrain personal desires and contribute quietly to the group. From a psychoanalytic perspective, the development of the ego ideal in childhood is shaped by community norms and collective values [
5,
6]. In capitalist societies, ego ideals may be organized around success and wealth, fostering narcissistic traits when identification with such ideals becomes excessive. Analogously, in collectivist societies like Japan, over-identification with communal norms—such as emotional suppression and avoidance of self-assertion—can result in a culturally specific form of narcissistic personality organization, here termed Japanese narcissism [
5,
6].
Although defined within the Japanese context, similar dynamics may also emerge in other collectivist or communitarian cultures where implicit communal expectations override explicit individual rights.
The following sections review key psychoanalytic and psychiatric concepts that anticipated or parallel the structure of Japanese narcissism.
1.1. Cross-Cultural Perspectives on Narcissism
Cross-cultural research has increasingly challenged the assumption that narcissism is primarily a Western phenomenon rooted in individualism. In a large-scale study across five world regions, Fatfouta et al. [
7] found that individuals from collectivistic cultures (Asia and Africa) reported higher levels of leadership/authority and grandiose exhibitionism facets compared to those from individualistic cultures (USA, Europe, Australia/Oceania). This counterintuitive finding suggests that narcissistic traits may manifest differently across cultural contexts rather than simply varying in prevalence.
Further supporting cultural variation in narcissistic presentations, Leckelt et al. [
8] demonstrated that vulnerable narcissism—characterized by hypersensitivity, withdrawal, and anxiety rather than overt grandiosity—was significantly more prevalent in Japan than in Germany and was strongly associated with interdependent self-construal. This suggests that collectivistic societies may foster distinct forms of narcissistic vulnerability that differ structurally from Western presentations centered on grandiose self-enhancement.
Parallel culture-specific constructs have been identified in other East Asian contexts. In Korea, the emotion jeong-han shares features with narcissism and depression, involving deep-seated resentment from chronically unmet relational needs within hierarchical social structures [
9]. In China, Cai et al. [
10] documented that despite rapid modernization and increasing individualistic values, narcissism among youth showed complex nonlinear patterns, suggesting that the relationship between cultural change and narcissistic traits is more nuanced than previously theorized.
These findings establish that narcissistic pathology requires culturally informed frameworks that account for how communal values, emotional restraint norms, and relational obligations shape personality development. The Japanese-specific conceptualizations discussed below must be understood within this broader context of cultural variation.
1.1.1. Japanese-Specific Conceptualizations
Within this broader cross-cultural context, Japanese scholars have developed indigenous concepts that illuminate culturally specific manifestations of narcissistic vulnerability, particularly those related to self-sacrifice, emotional restraint, and group conformity.
Masochistic Caretaker
Japanese psychoanalyst Kitayama introduced the term masochistic caretaker to describe individuals who prioritized the care of others to the point of self-harm [
11]. This behavioral pattern reflects a double structure: it serves as a strategy of social adaptation for the individual; conversely, it is culturally reinforced by a society that praises self-sacrificing behavior, which leads to encouraging individuals to adopt and internalize it.
Kitayama traced this pattern to figures in Japanese myth and literature, notably the maternal deity Izanami and the protagonist of the play Yuzuru (The Twilight Crane). Izanami, after giving birth to many deities with the paternal god Izanagi, ultimately dies while delivering the fire god. In Yuzuru, a crane saved by a man transforms into a human woman and becomes his wife, who secretly weaves expensive cloth by plucking feathers from her own body. These figures, while primarily framed as female, represent a psychological structure not limited to women. Individuals of any gender may exhibit this tendency and become incapable of caring for themselves even when possible or necessary, while compulsively attending to others’ needs. Kitayama identified a masochistic and self-destructive dimension.
Developmentally, two main factors contribute to the formation of this caretaker mode. First, the mother figure is often either physically or psychologically unavailable, either due to physical illness or emotional fragility (the mother’s narcissistic tendencies), which leaves the child without stable dependency. In such cases, the child internalizes a habitual inhibition of their own aggressive or spontaneous impulses and preemptively restrains them out of fear of rejection. Second, the paternal function is typically weak or absent. No third party mediates or adjudicates the tension that arises from mother and child conflicts. Consequently, these conflicts are repeatedly resolved through the child’s internalization of guilt, which can lead to a pattern in which the child assumes responsibility and suppresses their own needs. This dynamic also increases the likelihood that the mother’s expectations of the child will align closely with those of the community in the future. When the community directs excessive demands toward the child, the mother may merge with the community and jointly impose these excessive demands, rather than shielding the child from such pressure.
Melancholic Personality Type
German psychiatrist Tellenbach proposed the melancholic personality type, or Typus Melancholicus, as a premorbid personality structure associated with endogenous depression [
12]. In Japan, this concept gained significant influence before operational diagnostic systems became dominant. During this period, the concept of a characteristic personality preceding depression played an important role in psychiatric practice. Melancholic personality, marked by meticulousness, a strong sense of duty, and concern for others, was considered as a predisposition to “true” biological depression, which merited medical protection and intervention.
Tellenbach identified two main structural components of this personality type: Inkludenz and Remanenz. Inkludenz refers to a close emotional attachment to one’s immediate environment and social relationships, such that any behavior deviating from others’ expectations provokes intense guilt. Remanenz involves a persistent self-perception of inferiority or insufficiency, accompanied by an internalized imperative toward constant self-improvement. These dual pressures form a psychological structure in which the individual is caught between a fear of disappointing others and a relentless sense of personal inadequacy.
Scholars have argued that the melancholic personality type emerged in societies, such as Germany and Japan, that modernized relatively late compared with Western Europe, and did so under intense internal pressure, although they still retained strong premodern cultural structures [
5,
6]. Such individuals often achieve remarkable accomplishments in professional settings owing to their dedication and discipline. However, their identity can be overwhelmed by over-identification with social roles. They may undergo a deep existential crisis when faced with situations in which no clear behavioral norms from their professional code of conduct are available.
Tellenbach critically noted that such individuals lacked what he called a “duty to affirm the self” and displayed an unusual tendency to relinquish moral judgment to others: “They delegate the standard of justice to others in a strangely unquestioning way”.
In his analysis, Hori drew on the Kleinian psychoanalytic theory to describe the developmental background of this personality structure [
5,
6]. A key feature is the extended fusion between the mother and child during early development [
13,
14], partly due to a weak or absent paternal function. Consequently, the child’s identification with the mother is preserved for an unusually long time and gradually slides into identification with successive social groups: first the family, followed by the school, workplace, and nation. In this progression, ethical values tend to lack legalistic or logical form and are instead based on imitation and emotional resonance with those nearby. Within such a structure, individuals are socially evaluated based on how they internalize and conform to the group’s expectations of their role.
Oral Narcissism and Amae
Doi, a key figure in the first generation of Japanese psychoanalysts, introduced the concept of amae in his seminal work “The Anatomy of Dependence” [
15]. Based on clinical experience with Japanese patients, Doi argued that a deep fixation on oral stage dynamics, particularly the mother–child relationship, persisted well into adulthood in Japanese personality structures. This enduring attachment was not viewed as pathological within Japanese cultural norms; rather, it was a foundational mode of interpersonal behavior. Doi’s work highlighted how this oral narcissism functioned as a culturally sanctioned emotional pattern, one that in contrast with Western ideals of autonomy and individuation.
1.3. Schema Therapy Approaches to Narcissistic Personality Disorder
This section integrates these perspectives into the Schema Therapy framework, explaining why it offers a particularly suitable model for understanding Japanese narcissism.
Schema Therapy, developed by Young in the 1990s, is an integrative psychotherapy model designed to treat complex and chronic psychological disorders, particularly personality disorders resistant to standard cognitive-behavioral interventions [
1,
2]. Schema Therapy offers a structured yet emotionally attuned framework based on cognitive-behavioral therapy (CBT), the attachment and object relations theories, and Gestalt techniques. Notably, it focuses on the developmental origins of maladaptive schemas and therapeutic relationship, especially through limited reparenting.
Early Maladaptive Schemas (EMSs), a core concept of Schema Therapy, refer to broad, pervasive themes or patterns composed of memories, emotions, cognitions, and bodily sensations formed during childhood or adolescence and elaborated throughout life. These are often rooted in unmet emotional needs, such as secure attachment, autonomy, or realistic limits. In response, individuals develop schema modes, moment-to-moment emotional-cognitive states that include Vulnerable Child, Dysfunctional Coping modes (e.g., Detached Protector, Compliant Surrender), and the Healthy Adult.
Schema Therapy’s approach to NPD is particularly relevant as it complements psychoanalytic theories by offering a concrete clinical method for working with narcissistic structures previously theorized in abstract terms. The final chapter of Schema Therapy: A Practitioner’s Guide [
1] outlines a prototypical profile of patients with narcissistic pathology who have often “never truly loved or been loved,” which results in deeply ingrained patterns of disconnection and overcompensation. Three schema modes were most frequently observed in such patients: Lonely Child, Self-Aggrandizer, and Detached Self-Soother. These modes are not arbitrary; they represent compensatory and avoidant responses to deep-seated EMSs, most notably Emotional Deprivation and Defectiveness/Shame, often accompanied by Entitlement/Grandiosity as schema overcompensation.
Patients with narcissistic traits often have a developmental history that includes an emotionally misattuned caregiving environment. The primary caregiver, usually the mother, may have paid attention but failed to provide sufficient affective attunement, physical affection, or empathy to the child. Hence, the child is not loved for who they are but rather idealized and controlled as an extension of the caregiver’s own unmet needs. The other parent, often the father, tends to be emotionally unavailable, passive, distant, critical, or even abusive.
Consequently, the individual fails to develop a stable and integrated sense of self. The Lonely Child mode emerges from unmet attachment needs and persists beneath the surface of grandiose or self-soothing behaviors. The Self-Aggrandizer compensates for profound feelings of worthlessness by excessively striving for admiration and superiority, while the Detached Self-Soother numbs emotional pain through work, substances, or fantasy.
Therapy aims to cultivate the Healthy Adult mode, which can reparent the Lonely Child and modulate the dysregulated coping modes. This requires the therapist to remain empathically attuned while setting firm limits, a technique known as empathic confrontation. When patients with a narcissistic personality exhibit hostility, contempt, or rage toward the therapist, a common occurrence, these responses are addressed directly yet compassionately to promote insight without reinforcing shame or defensiveness.
Importantly, therapy aims to enable the patient to build authentic, reciprocal relationships, rather than eliminate narcissistic traits. This involves helping them tolerate vulnerability, recognize their needs without overcompensation, and engaging with others without resorting to maladaptive modes.
In contrast to traditional psychoanalytic approaches that often rely on interpretive neutrality, Schema Therapy encourages active, emotionally engaged interventions. While it does not dispense with structural insights—its entire model presupposes deep internal structures akin to psychoanalysis—it translates them into engageable, practical, observable frameworks.
The clinical framework of Schema Therapy thus provides both conceptual precision and emotional accessibility for working with narcissistic structures. However, its standard formulations were largely developed in Western individualistic contexts, where autonomy, assertiveness, and explicit boundary-setting are viewed as hallmarks of psychological health.
In collectivist cultures such as Japan, these same therapeutic principles may evoke different meanings and emotional responses. Patients may value self-restraint, harmony, and relational duty over self-assertion, leading to unique manifestations of narcissistic vulnerability.
Therefore, the next section situates Japanese narcissism within its historical and moral context, illustrating how culturally embedded coping modes—Armor and Demanding Community—mediate between individual schemas and collective expectations.
1.5. The Proposed Culturally Contextualized Understanding of Narcissistic Pathology and Schema Modes
While the core emotional needs and basic structure of NPD are generally considered universal, schema modes, especially Punitive Parent modes and culturally embedded coping responses, are significantly shaped by sociocultural environment.
One such construct is the Imperial Rescript on Education (Kyōiku Chokugo) [
25], issued in 1890 during Japan’s early modernization period and officially rescinded in 1948 after World War II. It articulated a moral code that included: “Be filial to your parents, harmonious with your siblings, affectionate with your spouse and children, faithful to friends, modest in behavior, and benevolent to others.” At first glance, these values appear benign or even virtuous. However, as political theorist Fujita argued, these moral demands were based on direct interpersonal obligations and affective expectations within concrete relationships, rather than philosophical or theological abstractions [
5,
26]. Thus, ethical subjects were expected to constantly cultivate moral behavior in a socially immersive, emotionally fused context.
The Rescript culminated in the command: “Should emergency arise, offer yourselves courageously to the state, and thus guard and maintain the prosperity of Our Imperial Throne coeval with heaven and earth.” This call for self-sacrifice, without differentiation between public duty and private agency, can be the moral prototype for what this paper conceptualizes as the Demanding Community Mode [
3]. Unlike in some Western contexts, where punitive parent modes may be experienced as internalized individual figures (e.g., parents, teachers), in Japan, they often merge with broader communal entities, such as school, workplace, or even the state itself, which blurs the boundary between personal and collective superego structures.
Although Japan has adopted further democratic and individualistic educational frameworks since the post-war era, the ideology embedded in the Rescript remains subtly operative in schools, workplaces, and political discourse. Therefore, examining the cultural construction of schema modes in Japan, particularly how punitive and demanding modes are socially reinforced, offers new theoretical grounds for Schema Therapy in collectivist societies.
This paper proposes a culturally contextualized understanding of narcissistic pathology and schema modes. It contributes to Schema Therapy by highlighting how collective moral ideologies shape the internal architecture of coping and self-evaluation, and how interventions should address these embedded cultural structures.