Coping with Risk: The Three Spheres of Safety in Latin American Investigative Journalism

Abstract

Small news media organizations are increasingly reshaping the news media system in Latin America. They are stepping into the role of watchdogs by investigating issues such as corruption scandals that larger outlets sometimes overlook. However, this journalistic work exposes both journalists and their organizations to a range of security threats, including physical violence, legal pressure, and digital attacks. In response, these outlets have developed coping strategies to manage and mitigate such risks. This article presents an exploratory study of the approaches adopted to protect information and data, ensure the safety and well-being of journalists, and maintain organizational continuity. Based on a series of in-depth interviews with leaders of award-winning news organizations for their investigative reporting, the study examines a shift from a competitive newsroom model to a collaborative approach in which information is shared—sometimes across borders—to support investigative reporting and strengthen security practices. We identify strategies implemented by small news organizations to safeguard their journalistic work and propose an integrative model of news safety encompassing the following three areas of security: physical, legal, and digital. This study contributes to the development of the newsafety framework and sheds light on safety practices that support media freedom.

1. Introduction

Latin America, spanning from Mexico to Chile, has some of the highest levels of violence in the world outside active war zones—a reality that extends to the news industry and significantly endangers journalists (Visconti, 2020; CPJ, 2023). These threats not only place individual journalists at risk but also undermine the practice of journalism, the transparency of information, and broader media freedom in the region (Slavtcheva-Petkova et al., 2023). This long-standing context of violence has evolved with the rise in digital media. The incorporation of a hybrid media system (Chadwick, 2017) into the news cycles has introduced new forms of risk, including smear campaigns, online harassment, and the use of bots to discredit journalists and news outlets (Walker et al., 2019).

Amid these challenges, Latin American journalism is undergoing a transformation. In recent years, small and independent investigative outlets have increasingly relied on cross-border collaborations to continue reporting in hostile environments. Collaborative journalism has emerged as a model for resilience and protection (Mesquita et al., 2025); however, further research is needed to understand how these practices translate into concrete strategies on the ground. Although various organizations are working to track these threats and introduce safety protocols and coping mechanisms, their efforts remain fragmented and underexplored in the literature (González & Rodelo, 2020).

Several independent investigative outlets have emerged over the past decade, assuming the role of watchdogs in a shifting political context characterized by rising authoritarianism, polarization, and the migration of public debate to digital platforms (Chacón & Saldaña, 2023; Requejo-Alemán & Lugo-Ocando, 2014; Waisbord, 2000). Examples include The Intercept Brasil and Agência Pública in Brazil, Centro de Periodismo Investigativo in Puerto Rico, and IDL-Reporteros and Ojo Público in Peru. Some of these organizations have engaged in collaborative investigative efforts, sharing resources and amplifying their work locally and internationally.

This study examines how small, independent, investigative news organizations respond to external, deliberate external threats to the practice of journalism (Berganza et al., 2016). It evaluates the coping strategies adopted by the following three award-winning outlets for their recent investigative journalism stories: The Intercept Brasil (TIB) in Brazil, IDL-Reporteros in Peru, and Centro de Periodismo Investigativo (CPI) in Puerto Rico (Mioli, 2019). As a result, the study is centered on their award-winning investigations that have significantly shaped the public discourse in the region: Telegram Gate (CPI), Lava Jato/Car Wash (IDL-Reporteros), and Vaza Jato/Car Leaks (TIB). These outlets exemplify the kind of cross-border, collaborative journalism that faces unique safety challenges and develops innovative protective measures.

Drawing on the newsafety framework (Mesquita et al., 2025; Slavtcheva-Petkova et al., 2023; Westlund et al., 2022), this study aims to answer the following question:

RQ: How do small investigative news organizations in Latin America implement coping strategies to address physical, legal, and digital threats?

Our findings reveal that three spheres of newsafety—physical, legal, and digital—are intertwined in the coping strategies adopted by these investigative news outlets. This study provides an exploratory understanding of how journalists approach security measures in small, independent, investigative, and cross-border collaborative projects, thereby contributing to a deeper comprehension of newsafety processes and the coping mechanisms adopted by organizations to create favorable conditions for journalistic work on sensitive investigations. The findings provide a deeper understanding of how journalist networks mitigate external risks while sustaining impactful reporting (Berganza et al., 2016). By analyzing case studies from Brazil, Peru, and Puerto Rico, this research identifies key bottlenecks and affordances that shape the effectiveness of investigative collaborations.

2. The Evolution of Investigative Journalism

Studies have demonstrated that data-driven storytelling and collaboration are deeply intertwined in contemporary investigative journalism practices (e.g., de-Lima-Santos, 2023, 2024; Radcliffe & Lewis, n.d.). Collaboration can manifest in various forms, including partnerships between newsrooms, joint investigations involving journalists and experts from other fields (Carson & Farhall, 2018), and collaborations with different industries and organizations (Chacón & Saldaña, 2023). Moreover, collaborative practices are particularly crucial in data journalism as they often require specialized skills and resources that may not be available within a single team or organization (de-Lima-Santos, 2023, 2024). Research has also identified collaborative journalism as a viable model through which small- and medium-sized news organizations can address resource constraints while enhancing their journalistic capacities and audience reach (e.g., Mesquita & de-Lima-Santos, 2021; Heft, 2021).

A significant investigation, such as the Panama Papers, highlighted the importance of collaborative approaches in exposing wrongdoings through data-driven practices. Described as the “biggest leak in the history of data journalism” (Baack, 2016), this remarkable collaborative effort involved about 370 journalists across 100 media organizations in 80 different countries, revealing the secretive dealings of the offshore economy (Burgess, 2016; Obermayer & Obermaier, 2016). The impact of alliances in the news media ecosystem suggests a shift from vertical integration to vertical disintegration, where “different firms perform different activities” (van der Wurff, 2012, p. 233). Thus, investigative journalism has demonstrated its presence more than ever at the heart of journalism innovation (Carson, 2019).

Despite these developments, investigative reporting faces new threats that jeopardize the practice, its technological infrastructures, and the psychological and physical well-being of individuals (Slavtcheva-Petkova et al., 2023). In recent decades, the security context has deteriorated, with the socio-political landscape becoming more complex and political polarization intensifying in several countries, particularly Latin America (Newman et al., 2020). The relationship between these governments and the media has become increasingly challenging, resulting in reduced press freedom and a decline in confidence in media institutions (Council of Europe, 2025). These constraints limit reporters’ ability to function as watchdog reporters worldwide, putting their freedom at risk along with the novel routines and practices that have emerged in recent years (UNESCO, 2019).

To mitigate these impacts, scholarly literature has identified a multidimensional approach to journalism safety, often encompassing issues such as digital, legal, physical, psychological, and/or others (e.g., Mesquita & de-Lima-Santos, 2023; Slavtcheva-Petkova et al., 2023). This perspective has been expanded to include the safety of journalists in personal dimensions, encompassing physical and psychological aspects, as well as infrastructural dimensions, including digital and financial considerations (Slavtcheva-Petkova et al., 2023). Moreover, these safety domains are influenced by individual factors (micro), institutional factors (meso), and systemic factors (macro).

Studies have also adopted a more holistic approach to safety, considering not just one dimension but also other layers of analysis when assessing risks for journalists and news media organizations (see Hasan & Wadud, 2020; Jamil, 2020; UNESCO, 2019). For instance, the IAWRT (2017) manual considers this approach, wherein “physical, digital, and psychosocial safety are connected” (p. 8). In this context, safety operates objectively and with material conditions and perceptions (Waisbord, 2022). These frameworks help us understand the various aspects that journalists address when producing their investigative reporting, while also mitigating the possible threats and risks they may face. This study examines external threats to journalism in small, independent investigative news organizations, with a focus on coercive pressures from the political system, including government actions, political parties, and censorship. We argue that financial and political constraints limit these organizations’ ability to adopt comprehensive security strategies, requiring them to rely on simpler, more pragmatic approaches. While holistic safety frameworks are ideal, we propose a more streamlined model as a feasible and effective alternative.

3. Reporting Amidst Risks: The Varied Faces of Press Precarity in Latin America

In Latin America, the prevailing understanding is that violence in various forms constitutes a long-term and everyday problem (Imbusch et al., 2011). As a result, Latin American journalists have endured a long history of censorship and undermining of journalism as an institution and a profession. Even with the “end of official censorship” (Saldaña & Mourão, 2018, p. 6), as seen in some dictatorships widely spread in Latin America, this does not translate into a more secure environment for journalistic work. The majority of journalists in the region report that the main problems they face remain the same: “censorship,” “political pressures,” and “lack of safety” (23).

An example of a country that suffers from this influence of the State is Peru, where Fujimori’s government influenced legacy publishers in the 1990s. The country experiences one of the region’s highest media ownership concentration rates, with a conglomerate owning more than 80% of all newspaper market sales (Protzel, 2014). Similarly, Brazil operates under the “clientelism” scheme that underpins press–state relations (Hallin & Papathanassopoulos, 2002). Another example is Puerto Rico, where a “Free Associated State” faces austerity, regulation, and enforcement of measures from the central power (Subervi-Vélez et al., 2020).

Whilst journalists have found the digital media environment to be a valuable tool for information-seeking and collaboration that can transform their reporting, it has also introduced risks and threats. Examples of risks faced in online environments include audience hostility (Post & Kepplinger, 2019) and being the target of hate speech (Obermaier et al., 2018). In light of these threats, journalists often employ safety coping mechanisms as part of their daily work (Mesquita & de-Lima-Santos, 2023). Journalists facing security threats can cope by using the following three strategies: (1) a problem-focused strategy, where journalists attempt to defend themselves; (2) an emotion-focused strategy, where journalists manage their emotions when facing stress; (3) an avoidance strategy, where journalists evade the source of stress (Post & Kepplinger, 2019). An extensive body of literature has emerged over time, exploring self-censorship as one of these coping mechanisms (Barrios & Miller, 2021; González & Rodelo, 2020; Fadnes et al., 2020; Waisbord, 2022). By refraining from expressing or reporting specific information, journalists control their freedom of speech in an attempt to protect themselves.

Despite the structural constraints that characterize much of the media environment in Latin America, non-profit independent journalism has experienced notable growth across the region. These outlets have managed to sustain investigative reporting even as traditional, legacy media struggles to allocate sufficient resources for such work. This expansion has largely been made possible through external financial support, particularly from philanthropic foundations and international donors (Requejo-Alemán & Lugo-Ocando, 2014; Lugo-Ocando, 2020; Munoriyarwa et al., 2025). As Konieczna (2024) observes, many smaller non-profit digital news organizations have become highly dependent on donations from both audiences and philanthropic institutions as a primary funding strategy.

Typically founded during the digital boom of the 2000s, these newsrooms tend to be small, independent, and relatively young, stepping in to fill the void left by legacy outlets that have retreated from investigative coverage (Harlow & Salaverría, 2016; Mesquita et al., 2025). However, their limited size, resources, and institutional protection make them more susceptible to the unintended consequences of reporting in high-risk political and social environments (Mesquita et al., 2025). Many operate under sustained threats—ranging from digital harassment to legal intimidation and physical violence—without the robust support structures typically available to larger media organizations.

Despite these challenges, such outlets continue to play a vital role in the regional information ecosystem. Their persistence is evident in their ability to produce impactful, high-quality investigations that expose abuses of power and contribute to democratic accountability—even in contexts of direct hostility. In carrying on, they reaffirm the essential watchdog role of journalism in societies marked by concentrated media ownership, weak institutional protections, and recurring threats to press freedom (Wafula & Njonjo, 2019; Mesquita & de-Lima-Santos, 2023).

Many Latin American news outlets are producing courageous investigative journalism that is shaking the political establishment in their countries and beyond. In particular, three news outlets in Puerto Rico, Peru, and Brazil were recognized and awarded for these efforts. The media landscapes of these three countries have suffered from various issues, including political polarization, media ownership concentration, “clientelism,” and violence, which have challenged the work of these organizations. Research on journalists’ safety in these countries remains limited, especially in independent and small investigative newsrooms. Puerto Rico’s case brings a particularity to this study, being a safe place to work as a journalist despite the corruption and regulations that diminish freedom. Brazilian journalists are facing a critical moment, marked by a significant increase in digital threats and government attacks. Ultimately, Peru presents a pioneering and vibrant new ecosystem, marked by the rise in independent media, despite its over-concentrated media market.

4. Materials and Methods

Ensuring the safety of journalists remains a central concern in the contemporary journalism landscape. This exploratory study adopts a qualitative approach to investigate shared practices among three award-winning Latin American investigative news organizations. Our focus is on a relatively under-researched aspect of journalist safety, particularly within small, independent outlets engaged in high-impact reporting.

The selected case studies—Telegram Gate (Puerto Rico), Lava Jato/Car Wash (Peru), and Vaza Jato/Car Leaks (Brazil)—were chosen for their significant role in shaping public discourse and their recognition through numerous awards. These outlets exemplify the kind of cross-border, collaborative journalism that faces unique safety challenges and develops innovative protective measures.

Building on previous research (Mesquita & de-Lima-Santos, 2023; Mesquita et al., 2025), in which we analyzed safety strategies among independent media using both quantitative and qualitative methods—including a survey of 75 respondents from 15 Latin American countries and 34 in-depth interviews (in total) with media professionals from 10 countries—this study narrows its focus to understand what safety measures are being adopted from the perspective of founders and managers of news organizations in small-to-medium independent and collaborative organizations which have led three major award-winning investigations that targeted the highest echelons of power and caused strong reactions across various layers of society, and how these safety measures are integrated into the organizations’ structures.

To do so, we conducted five semi-structured, in-depth interviews with key figures involved in the three selected investigations (see

Table 1. Codes and information about the informants.

Code	Organization	Role	Location
I1	IDL-Reporteros	Investigative Journalist	Peru
I2	Centro de Periodismo Investigativo	Founder and Co-director	Puerto Rico
I3	Centro de Periodismo Investigativo	Executive-Director and Editor	Puerto Rico
I4	The Intercept Brazil	Director of Communications	Brazil
I5	Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ)	Program Coordinator	USA

), as well as with a representative from a regional advocacy organization specializing in journalist safety. These interviews follow the “elite interview” methodology, a common approach used in studies involving senior executives, highly skilled professionals, and experts with specialized knowledge. Although seldom applied in journalism studies, this approach was appropriate given the leadership roles of our interviewees in the journalistic projects under analysis (Konow-Lund et al., in press; Ustad Figenschou, 2010/2010; McDowell, 1998). This methodology allowed us to narrow down significantly the organizations analyzed, allowing us to focus and deepen our analysis. We have chosen these organizations because of their leadership in cross-border collaborative journalism in the region, as well as their innovative and practical approach to journalism safety.

Participants were recruited using a non-probability, self-selection sampling strategy, meaning the number of interviews was not predetermined but depended on voluntary participation (Saunders & Townsend, 2018).

The interviews were conducted from October 2019 to April 2020 via video conference through Skype, WhatsApp, and Hangout. On average, each interview lasted 60 min and was conducted in English, Portuguese, and Spanish, all languages spoken by the authors. Each interview underwent a verbatim transcription.

In this study, we also collected ancillary data from reports, websites, and organizations’ documentation to triangulate with interviewee information to increase its validity.

This study employs an inductive approach at the post-data analysis stage (Bryman, 2016) to identify commonalities across three distinct bodies of evidence, aiming to shed light on an under-researched aspect of journalists’ safety in three spheres—physical, digital, and legal—based on the experiences of Latin American news organizations. This is combined with a thematic content analysis, a conventional method outlined by Braun and Clarke (2012). We identify the themes and their interrelationships based on the analysis corpus. We used NVivo, a proprietary software tool designed to support qualitative data analysis, for this analysis.

This research is not meant to be a comparative study of three cases. Instead, it is intended to be a discussion drawn from the findings of the measures taken by these three organizations. They have been proven to overcome patterns and particularities in their countries to produce investigative news reporting that has shaken the nation. They also provide a broader understanding of the dimensions of analysis at stake when discussing the security of journalists, especially in Latin America.

5. Results

5.1. Alternative and Independent Organizational Models

Across Latin America and the Caribbean, independent digital investigative journalism outlets have been created in response to institutional crises in legacy media, state corruption, and political instability (Joyce et al., 2024). The three cases analyzed here—IDL-Reporteros in Peru, The Intercept Brasil (TIB), and the Centro de Periodismo Investigativo (CPI) in Puerto Rico—represent distinct yet interconnected trajectories of non-profit, independent journalism that seeks to fill journalistic gaps. Each of the three organizations studied was created as an alternative to legacy media models, responding to structural crises in journalism. Rather than aligning with political or economic elites, they sought to institutionalize a watchdog function through non-profit, mission-driven journalism.

In Peru, IDL-Reporteros was founded in 2010 in response to the closure of investigative desks across the country as dotcom cutbacks directly impacted media firms and investigative journalism. Gustavo Gorriti, a prominent journalist, left legacy media to establish an independent initiative: “Ten years ago, we were the first independent digital journalism initiative in Peru; if we put it in that historical context, it was important because many investigative desks were being closed in the country” (I1). During its years, the organization has paved the way for a community of journalists with shared values and common interests. As a result, the country has seen the industry of investigative journalism flourish and receive international recognition along with other award-winning organizations, such as OjoPúblico and Convoca.

TIB was launched in Brazil in 2016 by Glenn Greenwald and Jeremy Scahill, both North American journalists, who saw the opportunity to open the Brazilian branch of TIB due to the increasing political tensions (Ganter & Paulino, 2020). Their idea was to create an outlet that resisted editorial lack of freedom due to political pressure and lobbying: “When [TIB] was founded, the country didn’t have many independent organizations that did not belong to a family or a large economic group; they were not linked to a political party. And it is not common within the Brazilian political game, which [organizations] automatically align themselves with a group or a side” (I4). Since then, TIB has been expanding its political influence and journalist team.

Similarly, the Centro de Periodismo Investigativo (CPI) in Puerto Rico was established in response to the media crisis. Omaya Sosa Pascual and Oscar J. Serrano, both journalists, observed that watchdog reporting, deeply challenged by a lack of funding and interest from legacy media organizations, was also facing significant issues in the political economy. “We come from legacy media in Puerto Rico. We devoted ourselves to investigation in our newspaper and saw how we could simply do fewer investigations each day. The newspapers had a lot of financial difficulties and less space to deal with in-depth issues” (I2). They joined forces to deliver non-profit, non-partisan investigative journalism in Puerto Rico in 2007, an initiative that did not previously exist on the island.

CPI is a non-profit organization that has worked with investigative journalism since its inception. The Puerto Rican outlet was founded on three key pillars: investigative journalism, litigation, and journalism education. These pillars reflect the organization’s close alignment with its location, as it operates within a Law School at the Inter-American University of Puerto Rico alongside a legal aid clinic that offers unrestricted services to the community. Furthermore, one of the founders, Serrano, is a trained lawyer, highlighting the connection between advocacy and CPI. “The non-profit environment [was the place] where we saw that there could be some possibility for real investigative journalism, free of influence and commercial pressure” (I2).

5.2. Threats and Coping Mechanisms

5.2.1. Coping with Digital Threats

Digitalizing news media is a “double-edged knife” for journalists, allowing them to engage in new formats and better practices. Still, it makes them susceptible to threats and attacks (González & Rodelo, 2020). Digital harassment and cyberattacks emerged as a shared challenge. In Peru, threatening groups have tried to bring down the IDL-Reporteros’ website and invade their personal social media account. In addition, journalists also suffered attacks on social media:

“People posted completely defamatory things on their social media, like calling us a criminal organization. They spread a lot of false information about us and even incited the murder of Gustavo Gorriti, director of IDL-Reporteros, by sharing tweets with the hashtag #muerteAGorriti.”

(I1)

While covering Vaza Jato, TIB encountered attempts at website defacement and hacking. Journalists’ social media accounts were also targeted, resulting in attacks that involved the theft of personal data, which was subsequently shared with the general public. Harassment in the digital environment was common, primarily via online social media platforms, which spread hateful, violent, and hostile messages. “Women journalists and other minorities, such as homosexuals and blacks, suffered most of these attacks” (I4), which echoes the literature that shows this rise in women journalists, in particular, having “experienced increasing online abuse, stalking, and harassment” (UNESCO, 2018, 17).

As mirrored in the literature (de-Lima-Santos & Ceron, 2023), there is a continuous increase in the organized attacks on social media in the region, according to our interviewees (I4, I5):

PR agencies now manage numerous accounts that can be employed to either support or attack someone online. This represents the latest form of smear campaigns, an attempt to undermine and delegitimize individuals. While these coordinated campaigns existed before the era of Facebook and Twitter, online spaces provide a means for these efforts to be rapidly amplified and weaponized. The challenge lies in the speed at which these campaigns can emerge and target someone, catching many journalists off guard.

(I5)

Online harassment was also experienced by CPI journalists in Puerto Rico. However, in the case of virtual attacks, they believe in the freedom of expression and do not invest their small team in investigating it. “We do not block anyone or anything; we just leave it there, and that’s it. They have the right to expression. We do not have the resources to dedicate people to see which accounts are legitimate and which are not” (I3). Although there is no data available on cyberattacks in the region, in Puerto Rico, this harassment of journalists, in general, is often seen as being paid for by politicians and the government itself. “And it is an issue that as a Union of journalists in Puerto Rico, not just the CPI’s journalists, have to address because it is a practically daily issue, these cyber-attacks against journalists on social networks” (I2).

This is a particular problem in the region, and there is not reliable information about the physical to digital attacks against journalists. According to an informant, this issue has affected the work of organizations like the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ). On the other hand, some countries are evolving to adapt and produce policies that can serve as a reference in the region. ‘Colombia was the first country in the region to implement a national protection plan and a mechanism that includes responding to threats against journalists and protecting journalists, and so on. We’ve seen a few other countries implement similar schemes with mixed success, but that’s kind of a pattern that is still weak’ (I5).

Media organizations worldwide agree that the digital dimension in journalism security is an ever-growing issue. Digital security, encompassing not only protection against attacks from public and government agents but also the development of improved cryptography, secure communication channels, digital protection of sources, including whistleblowers, safer data storage, and more, is at the core of the preoccupations of journalists and media organizations everywhere (Di Salvo, 2022a). TIB offers several secure methods to contact sources, including Signal, PGP, and SecureDrop.

The three news outlets show how technology has reshaped investigative journalism, both as a tool and a terrain of vulnerability. They have adopted data-driven techniques and digital platforms to process large leaks, protect sources, and publish collaboratively. For example, IDL-Reporteros relied on data journalism to analyze “26 years of contracts of Odebrecht and other companies that belong to this club of corruption” (I1). The IDL-Reporteros team is aware of the importance of digital safety in examining leaked information and protecting themselves from threatening groups that have attempted to bring down the website or infiltrate their personal social media accounts. Some measures they adopt include storing or replicating data on physical media and using encryption programs, such as PGP and ProtonMail. Our interviewee stated that all these measures are necessary when dealing with “the safety of investigative journalists. You know how harmful and dangerous this profession is, so as some journalists die, they are killed, threatened; all the time” (I1).

TIB received a massive Telegram leak in the Vaza Jato investigation, requiring encrypted tools and secure analysis environments: “Digital security is at the core of the organization.” (I4) Given the secrecy of the investigation, another digital safety measure taken by TIB was to concentrate the data in their newsroom. Under those circumstances, during the Vaza Jato investigation, journalists from all the partnered organizations had to work on the files in the TIB newsroom because it was too risky to transmit these documents digitally. However, the most important lesson about the safety of journalists is: “We don’t speak of security measures” (I4). Our informant explains that the best security measures must be held secretly to avoid future issues.

CPI’s team has also been attentive to digital safety. Their experience with transnational collaborative projects, such as the Panama Papers and Implant Files, has enabled them to critically harness their digital literacy for cybersecurity. Being part of ICIJ, the International Consortium for Investigative Journalism, allows journalists to adopt digital security habits to protect themselves from cyberattacks. “We have been trained in personal security and the security of our facilities, and because we are members of ICIJ, we are indeed trained in digital security. We do not leave a document anywhere where they are accessible to anyone, for example” (I2). CPI also mentioned the use of encrypted emails (PGP), applications for encrypted messages in smartphones (Signal), and physical media instead of the cloud (hard drives and USB devices). Like TIB, the organization believes that the best means of protection is not to discuss its measures.

5.2.2. Coping with Physical Threats

Although journalists suffer disbelief and repugnance in Puerto Rico, physical harassment and attacks are not common. “There is no tradition of physical attacks on journalists. It has never happened in modern history, but there have been instances of attacks, let’s say, subliminal like using the power of the State to chase a journalist” (I2). Another example is that since the investigations started, drones have been flying around the house of one of the journalists, which “has never happened before” (I2).

Although CPI did not experience this type of explicit threat, the other two organizations that were interviewed perceived physical threats and adopted coping mechanisms to reduce the risk. IDL-Reporteros experienced the most extreme example when the organization became a target of influential groups, including politicians and judges, after publishing their investigation. The attacks targeting the outlet included police invasion of newsrooms without a seizure or confiscation order by competent judicial authorities; however, public opinion perceived such measures as a threat to journalists. “Citizens mobilized and made a mass protest demanding that the President of the Republic take action” (I1).

This was not the only attack that they suffered. A group of supporters of social conservatism and neoliberal economics protested outside their office. They were known as Fujimoristas because of their alignment with the political ideology of the authoritarian former president. The IDL-Reporteros team received personal threats due to their work on the Lava Jato investigation. Additionally, the IDL-Reporteros team identified that some individuals attacking them had criminal records.

Consumed by constant fear, IDL-Reporteros took some measures to safeguard their lives. To ensure physical safety, all journalists in the team took martial arts classes to learn self-defense techniques. “It is mandatory that all journalists who work as IDL-reporters take personal defense classes for investigative journalists to protect themselves physically. That is one aspect of the safety measures we take. We train in operational Krav Maga, an Israeli self-defense technique, to be alert and prevent any face-to-face physical attack” (I1). Additionally, IDL-Reporteros investigated and reported on the groups targeting them: “who they are, what they are doing, how they are connected with political parties to expose these people and establish a connection between these groups and politicians” (I1).

Another source of concern for IDL-Reporteros is the rise in authoritarian and populist governments in the regions. “Here we have the advantage of having a large number of fragile but functioning to some degree democracies, which allows us to do more kind of direct interaction with heads of state but has also been a source of a lot of concern for us in the last couple of years to see leaders in the region kind of following this global trend towards authoritarianism” (I5).

Sometimes, the line between different types of risks is blurred. For instance, when pictures of the newsroom’s exterior were published online, the staff at TIB felt insecure. Journalists feared that some “crazy person” (I4) would break into the office. In response to this perceived risk, TIB decided to hire security guards.

In another example, TIB was threatened legally and physically. Attacks against TIB and its journalists escalated to the highest levels of Brazilian power, causing an unprecedented impact on political debate. Co-founder Glenn Greenwald was threatened and accused by the president and other politicians of helping a group hack into the phones of local authorities. Greenwald was summoned to explain and justify TIB’s investigative methods in the Senate and Congress. After that, Glenn Greenwald was accompanied by “security guards and riding in an armored car” (I4).

5.2.3. Coping with Legal Threats

Journalists often face legal threats from influential figures who try to undermine their work through judicial proceedings. IDL and CPI, who faced such threats, adopted two different coping mechanisms. IDL, the organization that supports IDL-Reporteros, has lawyers available to assist them with legal matters. This support was crucial to prosecute the actors who were defaming them online, and it was essential to protect their reputation and defend their good name. According to our informant (I1), the idea is to replicate this legal protection for the network of journalists with whom they will collaborate in the future. This shows the importance of having adequate legal protection in the case of cross-border investigations.

Collaboration has been found essential in legal protection among the organizations studied here, as well as in other recent research (e.g., Mesquita et al., 2025). The CPI receives support from the Law School of the Inter-American University of Puerto Rico, particularly regarding the politicized use of judicial threats. Before publishing any story, they ensure they have the law school’s approval. “We also have a lawyer who ensures that all sensitive stories are bulletproof to any lawsuit, libel, and other issues” (I2). They also rely on this legal support to ensure access to information. “Apart from doing investigative journalism and education, we litigate for access to information. They take our case to the competent local court and help us with legal analyses, mainly during our investigation process.” (I2). This alliance with law scholars has been successful in securing journalists’ legal safety, and CPI went for 12 years without any lawsuits.

5.3. Collaboration as a Coping and Journalistic Strategy

For the organizations under investigation, collaboration was found to be a crucial strategy for addressing security threats and upholding journalistic practices. Collaboration, both national and translational, has been crucial to ensure the high-quality work and protection of these organizations. Working together with other actors enabled them to analyze large datasets more efficiently, publish results more quickly, and mitigate institutional vulnerability. TIB partnered with legacy news outlets such as Folha de S. Paulo and Veja. Vaza Jato has had various phases and has published “about 100 articles up to May 2020” (I4), some of them published in partnership with other major news organizations in the country. The collaboration was based on mutual agreement and interest by the parties. As the leaked documents proved to be very extensive and the TIB is still a relatively small organization, collaborations were essential to unravel the case in its entirety, depth, and with the necessary speed: “There is an aspect that the more people work on this file, the faster we would be able to report, and the faster the public interest would be reached” (I4).

The collaboration was essential for analyzing the data presented in these chats and cross-checking this data with verified information provided by interested parties, FOIA requests, and open data. A critical point for the collaboration is that it gave authenticity to the files:

It is harder for [Sergio] Moro [, the judge in charge of Lava Jato,] to say that it is a lie when a story is published and attested to its veracity by Veja [a magazine]. But no doubt, it is easier to say that TIB is lying to demoralize them, as they did right at the beginning of the crisis[…] So, it increases its credibility and reach. Until Vaza Jato, who knew TIB? Half a dozen university students from Southeast Brazil.

(I4)

In Puerto Rico, CPI also actively collaborates with other organizations. For example, they cooperated with other news organizations in an attempt to increase trust amid the risk of judicial proceedings. To reach a wide range of people and safeguard the work that they did, the Puerto Rican CPI began what they called a “media tour” and visited other media organizations on the island to “explain the story and how we had done it, what were the findings, etc.” (I3). There were two reasons for this media tour, according to our interviewees. First, “this is part of the media company’s DNA, collaboration, and dissemination of our content” (I2). One example is that all content CPI produces is licensed under a Creative Commons license, allowing for republication on any website. Second, when the organization publishes important and impactful stories, “we feel a great need and responsibility in the first days to defend our work and be available for questions because what happens immediately is that the other party comes out to try to discredit what we have published […] they quickly came to deny the investigation and try to discredit us by press releases” (I2).

Collaborative work enhances efficiency in data analysis and contributes to the protection and credibility of these organizations, which publish their investigations. As previous studies suggest, this strategy resonates with journalists in Latin America, who believe that the collaborative movement also serves as a source of workplace safety and well-being (Mesquita et al., 2025; Chacón & Saldaña, 2023; Mesquita & de-Lima-Santos, 2021).

5.4. The Three Spheres of News Safety

All three organizations have experienced security threats directly related to their journalistic activities. These threats span digital, legal, and physical dimensions, presenting distinct challenges to journalists’ safety. We argue that these three spheres are interconnected (see Figure 1).

Threats in one area often reinforce or trigger vulnerabilities in the others. For instance, online harassment can lead to physical threats, and legal actions may be accompanied by physical intimidation. Understanding these connections is crucial to comprehending the full extent of the risks journalists face today in small, non-profit, independent news outlets.

Despite these risks, our study demonstrates that coping mechanisms were adopted by three independent news outlets from Brazil, Peru, and Puerto Rico during three major award-winning investigations that targeted the highest echelons of power and caused strong reactions across various layers of society. Journalists and news organizations adopt different coping strategies when faced with security threats (Le Cam et al., 2025; Obermaier et al., 2018). The interviewed news organizations employed a problem-focused coping strategy (Post & Kepplinger, 2019), utilizing legal, digital, and physical protection mechanisms to defend themselves. A summary of risks faced and the actions adopted can be seen in the

Table 2. Risks and Actions adopted by news outlets.

Organization	Category of Risk	Risk	Actions Adopted
IDL-Reporteros (Peru)	Physical	Attacks by groups aligned with the political authoritarian former president and by the police	Journalists had martial arts classes for learning self-defense techniques. Investigation focusing on groups targeting the news outlets to uncover the attackers.
	Digital and Legal	Defamatory content on social media targeting the outlet	IDL’s legal team could prosecute those groups for defamation and slander. In the future, they want to extend legal protection to journalists they collaborate with (freelance).
The Intercept Brasil (Brazil)	Digital	Organized attacks on social media with threatening messages and exposure of journalists’ private information. Attempts of website defacement and hacks	Moving to a new facility and hiring security guards.
		Lack of knowledge of cryptography	Cryptography. Secure communication channels. Safer data storage in the newsroom Digital protection of sources.
	Physical	Fear of an invasion of the newsroom.	Security guards were hired.
Centro de Periodismo Investigativo—CPI (Puerto Rico)	Legal	Powerful actors attempted to discredit the story through press releases	The outlet created an action called “media tour” to explain the story and the findings to increase trust. Law Scholars collaborated with journalists to ensure the stories respected legal aspects.
	Digital	Cyber-attacks	Documents are held in secure locations, such as hard drives instead of cloud storage. Journalists use encrypted emails and applications for encrypted messages in smartphones (Signal).

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News organizations effectively addressed digital, legal, and physical threats by implementing various strategies. Examples of these actions include cryptography, securing communication channels, and implementing safety protocols for data storage. To ensure legal protection, partnerships with legal organizations were essential for prosecuting those who targeted news organizations. Finally, news organizations took a more radical approach to physical threats by investing in self-defense classes.

6. Conclusions

This study highlights the crucial role of data and collaboration in cultivating an investigative mindset that enhances various aspects of journalism. The combination of leaks exposing undisclosed wrongdoing, alliances, and data-driven techniques boosts journalistic productivity (de-Lima-Santos, 2023, 2024). However, as evident in these Latin American cases, the coverage of wrongdoing by government authorities and their collaboration with other influential actors poses a risk to journalists (Mesquita et al., 2025; Gonzalez, 2020). These Latin American news outlets occupy a space underexplored by mainstream media, yet they are more susceptible to the unintended consequences of attacks and harassment against their reporting (Joyce et al., 2024). This phenomenon occurs in an era marked by attacks on freedom of speech and access to information by politicians and the public, which is further exacerbated by deepening polarization (see Ozawa et al., 2024). Moreover, the advent of the digital environment has heightened the risks for journalists, particularly for minorities, as highlighted by our interviewees and by previous research (i.e., Joyce et al., 2024). The precarious working conditions of media workers also render them more vulnerable to risks.

Inspired by the newsafety framework (Westlund et al., 2022; Slavtcheva-Petkova et al., 2023), we argue that, given the increase in attacks in Latin America and worldwide, three spheres of safety are considered in investigative reporting by small and independent news organizations. By examining the experiences of these particular Latin American organizations, we identified the implementation of safety measures under these three spheres at varying levels. Still, they are interconnected in mitigating journalists’ insecurities and improving their well-being.

We argue that identifying and distinguishing the three spheres of journalist safety—physical, digital, and psychological—is essential for organizations responding to external attacks on their staff and structures. While this tripartite framework offers a more operationally accessible model for implementation, the psychological effects of such attacks remain largely neglected, particularly among media organizations in Latin America. This gap is especially pronounced in small, independent outlets, where the provision of psychological support is limited by various factors, most notably the lack of financial and structural resources. As Mesquita et al. (2025) indicate, only a few organizations have developed structured mental health programs; most rely on informal networks or provide no psychological support at all (see also Westlund et al., 2022; Waisbord, 2022). Thus, our primary conclusion is that well-being and security are inseparable from these three spheres of newsafety.

We also argue that distinct journalistic investigations and collaborative projects necessitate varied approaches to each sphere. This implies that the spheres are not static; they fluctuate and receive varying attention based on the project’s scope, national and local contexts, and other factors. The emphasis on newsroom safety is contingent upon the requirements of investigative work and the organizational structure or national context in which they operate, as also found by other studies (see, e.g., Joyce et al., 2024). For example, while conducting investigative journalism in Puerto Rico may involve fewer physical safety concerns compared to contexts like Brazil or Peru—where threats extend across physical, psychological, and social dimensions—evidence from this study shows that risks frequently shift between these spheres. This underscores the importance of adopting an interconnected and multidimensional approach to journalist safety.

This study is a preliminary investigation aimed at developing a framework for future research on journalism safety in small, non-profit, independent news outlets that conduct impactful and most-needed investigative and collaborative journalism. It is therefore concluded that there is a need to obtain more information and deepen the analysis of journalism safety by considering other regions in the Global South and Western societies.

Moreover, recent developments in the dimensions of journalism safety have been integrating physical, psychological, digital, and financial safety (see, e.g., the Worlds of Journalism Study (WJS) Global Index on Journalists’ Safety). We argue that, as analyzed here, legal safety deserves to be fully incorporated into the analysis. However, it also warrants a dimension in itself, as it is a more complex issue (Mesquita et al., 2025).

The interviews suggest that awareness of digital safety has increased among journalists. While several studies have explored this topic (e.g., González & Rodelo, 2020; Di Salvo, 2022b; Iesue et al., 2021), further research is needed to assess the proportionality and effectiveness of these measures—particularly in the context of independent news organizations operating in non-Western settings, which remain under examined. Another interesting point would be the analysis of the development of open data in investigative reporting and how governments restrict and limit access to this information. Lastly, it is essential to highlight safety through the collaborations or alliances formed in this investigative reporting, and how these groups can address this issue beyond their own countries. Although a study has addressed the issue of collaborative approaches to journalism safety—particularly focusing on external attacks against journalism (see Mesquita et al., 2025), as this one does—there remains a need for more integrated analyses that connect the micro-level (individual), meso-level (organizational), and macro-level (systemic) dimensions of journalist safety. Such an approach could offer more practical and operational tools for both organizations and practitioners.

This study aims to contribute to that effort by addressing the lack of literature on safety measures for journalists in small- and medium-sized, independent newsrooms. This may be related to a legacy media mindset, where news organizations would have entire departments dedicated to providing legal support. However, these outlets do not enjoy the same privileges. By presenting these cases, we enable scholars and professionals to consider the potential effects of these measures in the diverse contexts and situations that arise in the journalistic field.