1. Introduction
Throughout centuries, governments have implemented programs and initiatives to facilitate the public interest. These often entailed utilizing taxes to create parks, green areas in cities, as well as setting up programming to promote land conservation [
1,
2,
3]. To facilitate accessibility, government programs have created initiatives aimed to make parks and natural areas more hospitable for all people, such as those that are low income, have a disability, are experiencing homelessness, are older adults, young, women, ethnic minorities, individuals identifying as LGBTQIA+, and so on [
4,
5,
6,
7,
8].
The idea of being equitable in lands and parks has been explored across various disciplines, including urban studies, sociology, anthropology, public health, geography, and political science [
6,
9,
10]. This line of research generally aims to understand how park governance, stewardship, and access impact marginalized communities [
11,
12,
13,
14]. Research shows that equal access to parks, trails, and public lands is linked to improved opportunities, better public health outcomes, and increased community involvement [
9,
10,
15,
16].
Studies have examined how limited park access or insufficient resources disproportionately affect marginalized groups, such as people of color or those with low socioeconomic status [
17,
18,
19,
20]. These studies reveal that communities with less economic resources are more likely to face barriers in accessing parks and trails [
16,
21]. Furthermore, among those who have access to parks, disparities still exist in terms of available resources within the parks [
22].
Nevertheless, literature is scarce on understanding the specific issues that pertain to parks and Latino users in the U.S., and much less is said about Spanish-speaking Latinos. The U.S. Census defines a Latino or a Hispanic as a person of Cuban, Mexican, Puerto Rican, South, Central American, or other Spanish culture or origin, regardless of race [
23]. This excludes people from Brazil (Portuguese), Haiti (African, French-speaking), and Indigenous areas in South America (those who speak Quechua, Guarani, etc.), as they are not of Spanish culture or origin. Their definition does include people from Spain, even if they are not from Latin America, which the word Latino implies. In other words, the U.S. Census equates the word Latino with the definition of Hispanic, which does imply a person from or a descent from a Spanish-speaking country [
24].
However, in the U.S. Census definition, it is important to note that Latinos do not necessarily speak Spanish—maybe they were born in the U.S. and never learned their parents’ language—but they are still from a Spanish culture or origin. The complication with any definition, however, is that people self-identify as Latino, and this might include people from Spain, from Brazil, or that speak primarily an Indigenous language. Furthermore, research shows that most people prefer to be referred not as Latinos or Hispanics but as Mexican, Puerto Rican, and Guatemalan [
24]. Despite their diverse national origins, many Spanish-speaking Latinos share cultural similarities, such as language, family-oriented values, and community-centric social structures [
25]. These cultural commonalities can influence how they perceive and utilize urban spaces.
What is important for this article is that approximately 70% of Latinos in the U.S. are Spanish speakers [
26]. This high percentage underscores the importance of considering language in studies with the objective of engaging Latino communities, particularly in contexts such as urban park accessibility and community involvement. This study includes one focus group in Spanish with 14 participants in order to answer the following questions: (1) How do Spanish-speaking Latino communities in the U.S. perceive and utilize public lands and parks? (2) What are the specific barriers faced by Spanish-speaking Latino communities in accessing and using public lands and parks? (3) How can public lands and parks be made more equitable and accessible to Spanish-speaking Latino communities?
Latinos, but more specifically those that are also Spanish speakers, are a growing community in the U.S., and governments have become more interested in including them in community engagement efforts for the purposes of decision making [
27]. For example, governments are interested to learn about how parks might be improved according to the needs of the Latino and Spanish-speaking community. Latinos constitute the most rapidly growing minority group in the country due to two factors: Latinos, mostly immigrants, already in the U.S. are having more children, and many more are immigrating to pursue a better life [
28,
29].
One might argue that Latinos possess not only linguistic but also cultural and socioeconomic traits that could influence their perception of parks and recreational activities differently [
24,
30,
31]. This article is written from the premise that it is crucial to conduct research on the population’s park usage to inform policies and practices aimed at enhancing park access and experiences. The authors believe that by deepening our understanding of how Spanish-speaking Latinos engage with parks, we can create more equitable and accessible park systems for everyone involved.
Other researchers have also recognized that Latino and Spanish-speaking communities often face institutional exclusion when attempting to access public parks and trails [
32,
33]. Research shows that Latino communities, those who primarily speak Spanish at home, bear the brunt of park inequality due to their marginalization from these spaces, coupled with a lack of resources [
33]. In fact, some studies suggest that first-generation Latino communities with park and trail access experience lower levels of physical fitness and overall health compared to those with unrestricted access [
34,
35,
36,
37]. Therefore, it is crucial to prioritize addressing park and trail equity for Latino communities, primarily immigrants whose primary language is Spanish, by expanding or creating spaces while also providing resources and activities that cater to their specific needs.
To achieve park access, researchers have identified a number of community engagement strategies. These include involving groups that can advocate for the community’s needs and concerns [
38], increasing sensitivity and engagement from park staff [
39], establishing public–private partnerships to provide additional resources and programs [
40], promoting economic development within parks [
41], as well as encouraging the creation of urban farms and gardens [
42].
The literature review identified a significant need for increased public participation in the management of lands and parks. It assessed the impact of urban parks on health and the role and importance of public parks and open spaces in increasing access to nature and providing recreation opportunities for people living in urban areas. Additionally, the review explored how varying and complex social and environmental factors, including race, gender, and class, shape access and experience of public lands and parks.
Recognizing the increasing significance of parks and trails in promoting fairness, it is important to address the obstacles when studying their effects on marginalized communities. One major challenge lies in the scarcity of research that investigates ways to modify and adjust existing parks and trails to better cater to the needs of these communities. Additionally, establishing partnerships between private sectors to enhance resources can pose difficulties. Finally, more attention to the needs and concerns of specific marginalized communities, such as Spanish-speaking Latinos, is required so that public lands and parks can be experienced equitably, while addressing the identified needs from a perspective that is attentive to diversity and inclusion.
2. Materials and Methods
2.1. Case Study Background
The State of Utah (USA) is experiencing significant growth, with a projected population increase of 66% from 3,284,823 in 2020 to 5,450,598 in 2060 [
43]. According to the 2020 U.S. Census, 19% of Salt Lake City’s population identified as Latino and, overall, 35% of the City’s population is composed of individuals identifying as Native American, African American, Hispanic, Latinx, Asian, or Pacific Islander [
44]. The Kem C. Gardner Policy Institute predicts a 39% increase in Utah’s Hispanic population over the next decade, adding over 180,000 people [
45]. By 2065, this population is expected to grow by approximately 850,000, reaching 1.3 million. This growth will constitute half of Utah’s overall population increase and will raise the state’s minority population from 20% to 35%. This study aims to pinpoint the specific needs and desires for public lands and parks through the perspectives of a Latino-focused group.
The west side of Salt Lake City has historically been redlined, where low-income whites, Latino, and other immigrant communities in SLC were marked as hazardous and denied mortgages and investment, leading to long-term socioeconomic consequences [
46]. Furthermore, the construction of Interstate 15 (I-15) in the 1970s created a physical barrier, separating these areas from the rest of the city [
47].
According to an assessment using a Community Park Audit Tool developed for the Public Lands Master Plan, west side and east side parks had similar numbers, landmass, and investment [
48]. Thus, based on these metrics, west side and east side parks were equitable, which would not be necessarily the case in other communities where the presence or the lack of redlining took place [
49]. However, west side parks scored lower in park information, wayfinding, access, quality, and activity areas. Meanwhile, east side parks’ safety scored higher, along with park aesthetic features and placemaking. This means that there are geographic differences in the west side—which is about 48% Latino [
50].
There is a scarcity of studies focusing on parks and Latino users in the U.S., particularly Spanish-speaking Latinos. There are unique aspects of this demographic and, thus, there is a necessity for targeted research to inform policies—which is the reason that the SLC Public Lands Division commissioned this study. In order to conduct the SLC Public Lands Master Plan, it was necessary to conduct focus groups in Spanish, as project managers also wanted to capture cultural nuances in park usage and accessibility. As SLC recognized the need for studies that examine the specific barriers faced by Latino communities and suggest strategies for creating more inclusive and equitable park systems, we believe that other cities might be interested in the findings of this unique study for policymaking purposes.
2.2. Focus Groups and Qualitative Research
Focus groups are a data collection technique used to gain insight through small group discussions [
51]. Unlike quantitative research, which seeks to produce results that can be consistently reproduced in different settings (replicability), qualitative research aims to provide a deep, contextualized understanding of specific phenomena [
52,
53]. The emphasis of qualitative research is on exploring variability, understanding nuances, and providing detailed descriptions of participants’ experiences and perspectives [
54]. Instead of replicability, qualitative research often aims for transferability, which refers to the extent to which findings can be transferred to other contexts or groups [
55]. This means that researchers provide rich, detailed descriptions of the research context and participants, allowing others to determine whether the findings might apply to their own contexts. In the sections below, the authors explain who was invited to participate, data collection procedures, and analysis techniques to ensure transparency and allow readers to understand the research process.
2.3. Research Questions and Script
The research questions that drove this study were as follows: (1) How do Spanish-speaking Latino communities in the U.S. perceive and utilize public lands and parks? (2) What are the specific barriers faced by Spanish-speaking Latino communities in accessing and using public lands and parks? (3) How can public lands and parks be made more equitable and accessible to Spanish-speaking Latino communities? To answer these questions, the authors employed a focus group with the objective of gathering insights on community experiences, with an emphasis on the importance of the proximity, maintenance, and safety of parks. This research aimed to help in shaping future policies that meet the needs of Latino communities, ensuring parks promote stewardship, inclusivity, equity, and community welfare.
Table 1 shows a condensed version of the script and questions asked. The discussion lasted around 60–90 min and demographic data were collected to ensure language access and fairness. This particular focus group followed these guidelines and included four topics with seven questions. Additionally, a mock focus group was used to test the flow of the discussion and language used, which resulted in edits to maximize reception.
2.4. Recruitment
To recruit members for the focus groups, a flyer was prepared in Spanish. The flyer contained information about the purpose, platform, day, time, QR code, link to RSVP, compensation for their time (USD 25 gift card), and other pertinent information. The flyers were distributed to community partners, such as the Westside Leadership Institute, University Neighborhood Partners, and the Community Learning Center, to reach Spanish-speaking populations on the west side of Salt Lake City. Participants self-selected to participate, and the only criteria were that they were adults (over 18 years old) and spoke Spanish (since the focus groups was in that language). Additionally, participants were contacted via e-mail, called, and texted regarding the focus group and how they could register.
The survey presented six focus groups (one of them in Spanish, for which the authors present findings here) with details about the day, time, language, and meeting location. Although data exist for five other focus groups conducted in English, the authors decided to publish only the data for Spanish-speaking Latinos in this article. The survey also gathered information about the participants’ demographics, such as age, ethnicity, income level, gender, and which neighborhood they live in. Additionally, participants were asked to provide their name, phone number, and email address so the authors could reach them for meeting confirmations and reminders. The Spanish focus group was conducted via Zoom, as it took place during the pandemic. Before the day of the focus group, calls were made to all participants with the aim of confirming their attendance, answering questions, and making sure the e-mail provided with the Zoom login information was received.
2.5. Participant Demographics
Participants were asked to fill out a demographic survey. A total of 14 people participated in the focus group. There was 1 male and 13 female participants, all of which reported to be of Latin descent.
Table 2 shows that 57% of participants were between the ages of 31 and 40 years old. The focus group did not have any participants below the age of 22. The income seemed to range a bit more, with 35% falling in the category of USD 15,000–24,999 and another 35% within the bracket of USD 25,000–49,999 (
Table 3).
Table 4 shows the community areas where participants were from.
Using Social Explorer (a product that provides hundreds of thousands of data indicators across demographics), the demographics of the focus group were compared to the overall population of the west side to analyze if the participants were representative of the community. It is important to note that 43% of individuals indicated they lived in a neighborhood that was not listed in the survey, while 56% of participants lived in a neighborhood on the west side. Most participants in the focus group had ages that ranged between 31 and 40 years old. The results from Social Explorer revealed that residents on the west side typically fall under the age group between 25 and 34 years old. This indicates that perhaps the authors could have included younger individuals in the sample.
The focus group was also overrepresented in Latinos. This was to be expected since the authors targeted Spanish-speaking residents. The Social Explorer data showed that Latinos make up 51.9% of the population and non-Latino whites are the second largest population, making up 43% of the population. Income levels of the focus group fell between two categories, 35% of the respondents had an annual income between USD 15,000 and 24,999, while another 35% indicated they earned between USD 25,000 and 49,999. In comparison to the results of the Social Explorer data, the median income on the west side is USD 46,066, which would be the approximate average for the focus group as well. Lastly, women were overrepresented in the focus group, with 93% representation and only 7% of males. Based on the Social Explorer data, males make up 50% of the population on the west side, indicating that the authors needed more male participants in the focus group to be representative of the demographics.
2.6. Conceptual Framework
The conceptual framework of this study was based on environmental justice, social equity, and community engagement in urban planning, aiming to understand how Spanish-speaking Latino communities perceive and utilize public parks [
56,
57,
58]. The theoretical framework incorporated Critical Race Theory (CRT) to examine systemic inequities, Social Capital Theory to explore the influence of community networks, and Asset-Based Community Development to identify factors affecting park usage [
38,
59,
60]. Together, these frameworks highlight the need to address language barriers, cultural relevance, and socioeconomic factors to create more inclusive and equitable public spaces.
2.7. Data Analysis
After the focus group, there was a session among the team for debriefing and discussion to talk about the insights, fresh ideas, and any obstacles or problems that came up during the focus group. The research team had a meeting to analyze the feedback gathered from both the focus group and the survey. The team pinpointed any emerging patterns and subjects that were discussed by participants.
The focus group was audio-recorded and transcribed verbatim to ensure accuracy in capturing participants’ responses. The transcriptions were then reviewed and cross-checked by multiple members of the research team to ensure completeness and accuracy. Since the conversation was conducted in Spanish, the transcription was translated into English. This translation was also double-checked by various members of the team to ensure accuracy.
The transcribed data were analyzed using thematic analysis. First, the research team read through the transcriptions multiple times to become familiar with the content. Open coding was used to identify and label significant portions of the text that answered the research questions. Codes were grouped into broader themes based on their similarities and patterns. The themes were refined to ensure they represented the data and make sure they were grounded in the participants’ responses. Each theme was clearly defined and named to reflect its content. Detailed descriptions and representative quotes were selected to illustrate each theme, as presented in
Table 5,
Table 6,
Table 7,
Table 8 and
Table 9.
Data analysis was facilitated using ATLAS.ti, 22 which helped code and analyze the data efficiently. This study did not require IRB approval because it was conducted in collaboration with the Salt Lake City Public Lands Division. The study was a collaborative effort with a government entity, which often operates under different ethical oversight compared to academic research. The work followed the city’s public participation standards, ensuring that all ethical guidelines were met. Participants were provided with detailed information about the focus group’s purpose, procedures, potential risks, etc. They were informed of their right to withdraw from the focus group at any time without any consequences, they could also choose to not answer questions. In the end, the Public Lands Division created a Master Plan with the data but did not use the names of participants. By adhering to these ethical practices, we ensured that the study was conducted with respect for participants’ autonomy and well-being, aligning with the ethical standards typically required in public participation processes.
2.8. Limitations
Qualitative research, such as focus groups, can face challenges, including bias and limited generalizability. Bias may stem from the researchers’ influence or participants’ social desirability responses. To address these issues, the authors did a variety of things. First, the transcriptions were reviewed and coded by multiple researchers to minimize individual bias. Second, efforts were made to recruit a diverse sample representative of the community, though the focus group was overrepresented by women. Third, a trial session was conducted to refine questions and ensure clarity. Fourth, data were analyzed systematically to identify patterns and themes grounded in participants’ responses, ensuring robustness. Finally, translations were double-checked to ensure accuracy and consistency. By implementing these strategies, the study aimed to produce reliable and valid insights while acknowledging inherent limitations. Nonetheless, future research should aim to address these limitations by incorporating diverse methodologies, broader geographic scopes (for example, east and west side participants), and comparative analyses with non-Latinos to enhance the robustness and applicability of the findings.
5. Conclusions
While the study focused on the Spanish-speaking Latino community in Salt Lake City, the findings have broader implications for urban planning and policymaking in similar urban environments across the United States. The study highlighted the importance of proximity, maintenance, and safety in public parks, which are universally relevant considerations for urban planners. By ensuring that parks are well maintained, safe, and accessible, cities can promote greater use and engagement from diverse communities. Policymakers can leverage these findings to create more inclusive urban spaces that cater to the needs of various demographic groups.
This research supported findings from existing literature regarding the significance of diversity, accessibility, inclusivity, stewardship, and cultural vibrancy in parks. However, it also brought attention to challenges that Latino communities encounter, such as lower usage rates due to being marginalized and the necessity for parks to serve as substitutes for limited private outdoor areas. Furthermore, the emotional attachment to caring for parks and concerns about losing parks due to gentrification highlighted the benefits that parks offer these communities.
These results indicate that policymakers and park designers should not focus on providing parks but on developing inclusive, well-kept, and secure spaces that meet the varied needs of city dwellers. This involves implementing tailored strategies to encourage park utilization in marginalized areas, supporting community-led preservation initiatives, and safeguarding habitats within these settings.
The focus groups provided an opportunity for populations on the west side to participate in the discussion of how the Public Lands Division can improve parks and public lands. This is important for two reasons. First, it ensures the Public Lands Division is gathering conclusive input from all demographics to create a Master Plan that is representative of the community’s values. Second, focus groups make it easier to interview hard-to-reach populations and provide greater insight to the needs and expectations of a particular demographic.
Based on the results of the focus group, participants expressed how parks and public lands are important for physical activity, mental health, and social cohesion. To many of the participants, parks provide an economically feasible way to entertain their children, gather with friends and family, and exercise. However, the discussion revealed how parks have room for improvement in safety, educational programs, and accessibility. One of the recommendations made by the group was to offer educational programs and activities, such as art, exercise, and environmental awareness classes. Group members also recommended improving safety in parks by adding more lights and offering rehabilitation programs for homeless individuals. Lastly, participants advised the Public Lands Division to make parks more accessible by alternative means of transportation. This could include connecting trails to parks, increasing safety in bike lanes, and placing parks near homes.
Understanding the perceptions of Spanish-speaking Latino users in Salt Lake City is crucial for shaping policies for parks and public lands in Utah and the broader United States. This study elevated the conversation on community engagement in planning practices and the field of community development. It underscored the need to address Latino needs and desires for parks and public lands by promoting stewardship, inclusivity, equity, and community welfare.
With these results and suggestions, the Public Lands Division will need to further explore how they can collaborate with community organizations and individuals to increase educational programs and activities. The focus group also highlighted the need to provide services to homeless individuals, and this will also be an area that will require collaboration from different departments and organizations. Overall, the discussion emphasized how important public lands and parks are to the well-being of a community.
Future research can address this study limitations by exploring the long-term impacts of implemented changes based on these recommendations and investigate additional factors that may influence park usage among Latino communities. Research could explore other case studies sought to capture Latino engagement across public lands and parks in other regions of the United States. Future focus groups could be conducted periodically to capture perceptions on a given Latino sample across time. A mixed-methods approach, which can implement survey responses, could help in elevating quantitative data and in shaping policy through empirical information. Additionally, comparative studies with other minority groups could also provide a broader understanding of the challenges and opportunities in creating inclusive public spaces.