1. Introduction
Events such as Brexit, the U.S.-China trade war, and the escalation of reciprocal tariff policies reflect a growing anti-globalization trend [
1]. These developments have triggered a vigorous debate in both academic and policy circles over whether tariffs can effectively promote the reshoring of manufacturing activities [
2]. Proponents argue that tariffs can incentivize tariff-jumping foreign direct investment (FDI), whereby firms invest directly in foreign markets to circumvent trade barriers [
3,
4]. In contrast, critics contend that higher tariffs increase the cost of imported intermediate goods, thereby reducing the effectiveness of tariffs in influencing the location decisions of multinational enterprises (MNEs) [
5]. Yet discussions of MNE location choices that consider geopolitical risks remain incomplete. Without incorporating geopolitical risk (GPR) into the analysis, the true impact of tariffs on FDI decisions cannot be fully understood.
The intensification of geopolitical tensions has fundamentally reshaped the investment strategies of multinational enterprises (MNEs) [
6]. Following the outbreak of the U.S.-China trade war, bilateral foreign direct investment (FDI) between the two countries declined sharply. According to data from the U.S. International Trade Administration, U.S. direct investment in China fell from USD 7.267 billion in 2019 to USD 5.131 billion in 2023. Meanwhile, China’s direct investment in the United States experienced an even greater decline, dropping from USD 3.618 billion in 2019 to a net outflow of USD −2.369 billion in 2023.
At the global level, FDI flows have also declined dramatically amid rising geopolitical risks [
7]. In 2022, global FDI fell by 12%, and in 2023 it continued to decline by another 2%, reaching USD 1.3 trillion. Excluding short-term fluctuations in a few European economies, the overall global FDI contraction still exceeded 10%. This pattern stands in stark contrast to the surge in Japanese investment in the United States during the U.S.-Japan trade conflicts several decades ago.
Another salient feature of the current landscape is the rise of “friendshoring,” as firms seek to avoid geopolitical risks. Influenced by the U.S.-China trade war, countries and regions such as Mexico and ASEAN have increasingly emerged as key destinations for international investment seeking to mitigate geopolitical exposure, becoming critical alternative nodes in global supply chains. To circumvent tariff and non-tariff barriers, many multinational firms operating in China have adopted a “China + 1” strategy, relocating portions of their production to ASEAN and Latin America. Notably, these investment decisions often appear suboptimal when evaluated within a traditional cost-benefit framework [
8]. Instead, they reflect strategic responses by firms to actual or anticipated geopolitical risks.
Traditional location choice theories place cost-benefit considerations at the core of MNEs’ decision-making. However, these theories overlook the essential heterogeneity in firms’ locational behavior under varying levels of geopolitical risk. When geopolitical risk is high, MNEs may find it difficult to enter host-country markets; under such circumstances, even strong locational advantages or tariff jumping incentives are unlikely to translate into tangible benefits for the firm. Traditional location choice theories place the cost-benefit considerations of multinational enterprises at the center of analysis. However, these theories largely overlook the fundamental differences in MNEs’ location decisions under varying levels of geopolitical risk. When geopolitical risks are high, multinational enterprises may face significant barriers to entering host-country markets. In such circumstances, even strong locational advantages or tariff jumping incentives are unlikely to translate into tangible business benefits. To address these limitations, this study incorporates tariffs and geopolitical risks into a unified theoretical framework to analyze how MNEs make location choices when facing different levels of geopolitical risk and tariff barriers. The structure of the paper is as follows. In the literature review, we summarize two strands of research: (1) studies examining the impact of tariffs on the location choices of MNEs, and (2) studies investigating the role of geopolitical risks in shaping these decisions. In the theoretical framework section, we develop an analytical model grounded in the Ownership-Location-Internalization (OLI) paradigm, extending it to explicitly incorporate tariff and geopolitical risk. We formalize this model mathematically to clarify the logic of location choices under these dual influences and derive the core assumptions of the paper. In the empirical analysis section, we test these hypotheses using panel data. Finally, the conclusion discusses the paper’s theoretical contributions and offers policy implications based on our findings.
3. Theoretical Framework and Hypotheses
The OLI paradigm provides a robust analytical framework for understanding “tariff jumping” foreign direct investment (FDI) [
24]. This study extends the “tariff jumping” theory by incorporating geopolitical risk factors, as illustrated in
Figure 1. The FDI activities of multinational enterprises (MNEs) are shaped by ownership advantages, location advantages, and internalization advantages. From the perspective of ownership advantages, these advantages determine whether an MNE possesses the capability to engage in international production. Only firms endowed with ownership advantages can effectively establish themselves in host-country markets. Such advantages primarily stem from firm-level heterogeneity. Geopolitical risks at the national level may indirectly influence an MNE’s ownership advantages by altering the external environment in which these firm-specific assets generate value.
From the perspective of internalization advantages, tariffs are closely related to the trade-off between exporting and undertaking international investment. When tariffs rise, the marginal cost of exporting increases, making international production a means of avoiding tariff-related expenses. Consequently, MNEs may shift from exporting to investing directly abroad. Transaction costs constitute another crucial component of internalization advantages, playing a decisive role in the choice between exporting and FDI. These costs are affected by factors such as the complexity of transactions and the degree to which knowledge can be codified. When market-based transaction costs become excessively high, firms tend to favor intra-firm transactions, rendering FDI more profitable than exports. Moreover, geopolitical risks may also affect MNEs’ internalization advantages. Under heightened geopolitical risk, MNEs are more likely to enter host-country markets through exports rather than through direct investment, as exports are more flexible than direct investment under geopolitical risks, and exports face fewer fixed costs.
From the perspective of location advantages, international investment can be broadly categorized into resource-seeking, market-seeking, efficiency-seeking, and strategic asset-seeking types [
24]. Accordingly, cross-border investment is typically driven by the pursuit of host-country resources—such as natural endowments, market size, labor supply, strategic assets, and production efficiency. Among these, market-related advantages are particularly important in stimulating tariff-jumping FDI.
However, host countries may also exhibit location disadvantages. When factor costs are high or when substantial geographical, cultural, or institutional distance exists between the home and host countries, MNEs face additional costs in undertaking FDI. For instance, higher labor costs in the host country raise production expenses, greater geographical distance increases transportation costs, and institutional or cultural differences elevate transaction costs.
Geopolitical risk represents a critical dimension of location disadvantage, as elevated geopolitical tensions impose significant additional costs on international production. During periods of low-intensity geopolitical conflict—such as diplomatic condemnations, downgrades of relations, refusals, threats, or protests—MNEs may encounter public resistance within the host country. Such incidents can increase labor, sales, and transaction costs, thereby reducing the expected returns on FDI.
We also rigorously derived the hypothesis through mathematical models. The detailed derivation process can be found in the
Supplementary File SA.
In this paper, we classify scenarios into nine categories based on varying tariff levels and degrees of geopolitical risk, which we discuss in detail below.
Accordingly, we propose the following hypotheses:
H1: Geopolitical risk exerts a negative impact on the international production of multinational enterprises (MNEs).
H2: Tariffs have a positive effect on the international production of multinational enterprises (MNEs).
H2a: When geopolitical risk is low, tariffs positively influence the international production of multinational enterprises.
H2b: When geopolitical risk is high, tariffs do not have a significant effect on the international production of multinational enterprises.
When there are neither tariffs nor geopolitical risks, the external environment for multinational enterprises’ location decisions closely aligns with the neoclassical assumptions. Traditional location theory offers strong explanatory power in this scenario. MNEs choose locations based on the benefits provided by host country advantages and the costs associated with various dimensions of proximity. Considering internalization advantages, firms decide on entry modes such as exporting, outsourcing, joint ventures, franchising, direct investment, or strategic alliances. In this context, the absence of tariffs on intermediate goods removes incentives for tariff-jumping FDI. Examples include investments from mainland China to Hong Kong, investments within the European Union, and the United Kingdom’s investments in some former British colonies.
In this scenario, MNEs’ international investment decisions are not disrupted by unexpected geopolitical risks. However, the incentive for tariff jumping remains low, and location choice continues to follow neoclassical logic. From the post-war period through the early 21st century, many cross-border investments among developed countries fit this category-for instance, investments between the United States and Europe.
This scenario presents the strongest motivation for tariff jumping by MNEs. When high tariff costs coincide with significant location advantages in the host country, direct investment offers substantial benefits over exporting. Japan’s direct investment in the United States during the Japan-U.S. trade war exemplifies this case. After World War II, the U.S. and Japan maintained a relatively stable and long-term diplomatic relationship, with few large-scale geopolitical conflicts. Before 1990, the geopolitical risk index between the two countries was only 3.424. Meanwhile, the trade conflict persisted for years, prompting some Japanese firms to upgrade their production toward higher value-added segments as part of tariff jumping strategies [
13]. For example, in response to the Voluntary Export Restraints (VER) of the 1980s (a voluntary export restraint (VER) is a trade restriction on the quantity of a good that an exporting country is allowed to export to another country; this limit is self-imposed by the exporting country), Japanese automakers expanded investment in the U.S. and shifted toward producing luxury vehicles with higher added value.
Although geopolitical tensions have not escalated into violent conflict, and multinational enterprises (MNEs) have not yet faced extreme risks such as asset confiscation, nationalization, embargoes, or war, low geopolitical risk indicates that tensions between countries may escalate to high-level risks. This uncertainty can increase the production and operational costs for MNEs. Public resistance in host countries raises the marginal cost of international production. Moreover, if overseas subsidiaries are unable to operate normally, fixed assets such as factories and equipment may have to be sold at a loss-a situation especially harmful for capital-intensive firms.
Under low tariff conditions, MNEs generally lack strong incentives to engage in tariff jumping. However, even low-level geopolitical risks can influence their location decisions. It is important to note that the combination of low tariffs and low geopolitical risks may signal an unstable geopolitical environment. In anticipation of possible tariff increases, MNEs may adjust their strategies in advance. For instance, the surge in foreign investment following Brexit was partly driven by firms’ concerns about future tariff uncertainties [
25], despite relatively stable relations between the UK and EU countries. Using the synthetic control method, Thomas et al. (2020) [
26] estimated that the Brexit referendum led to a 17% increase in the number of UK foreign investment transactions in the remaining 27 EU member states.
When facing high tariffs, MNEs have a stronger incentive to engage in tariff jumping. However, if investment barriers or geopolitical risks exist, firms may adopt strategies to reduce exposure. One common approach is to invest in nearby countries with more stable or friendly relations-these may be nearshore countries relative to both home and host nations-by establishing subsidiaries to manage uncertainty. This strategy offers two key benefits: (1) in the event of serious conflict between home and host countries, MNEs can shift part of their production to these alternative locations; (2) they can circumvent tariff barriers by routing products through subsidiaries in third countries.
In this scenario, the potential risks of international investment are high, but this does not mean that investment ceases entirely. Such investments often play an important role in maintaining and strengthening state relations. For example, China’s investment in Pakistan fits this case. Although China and Pakistan maintain relatively close diplomatic ties and have signed the China-Pakistan Free Trade Agreement (CPFTA) (the China-Pakistan Free Trade Agreement (CPFTA) is a free trade agreement (FTA) between the People’s Republic of China and the Islamic Republic of Pakistan that seeks to increase trade and strengthen the partnership between the two countries. Earlier agreements in the economic and trade relationship include the Preferential Trade Agreement (PTA) in 2003, the Early Harvest Program (EHP) in 2006, and the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) in 2015), under which Pakistan enjoys reduced or zero tariffs on certain Chinese imports. Pakistan’s geopolitical risks have remained high for an extended period. This continues to affect the operations of Chinese multinational enterprises in Pakistan. For instance, in 2018, the attack on the Chinese Consulate in Karachi caused the geopolitical risk index between the two countries to rise to 7.642. In 2024, the Chinese-funded Port Qasim Power Generation Company suffered a terrorist attack near Karachi’s Jinnah International Airport, pushing the geopolitical risk index to 7.720. Chinese investments in Pakistan are mainly carried out by state-owned enterprises, with notable projects including the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor.
Here, the risks of international investment are very high, greatly reducing the likelihood that multinational enterprises will enter the local market. For example, anti-Chinese violence in Vietnam in 2014 raised the geopolitical risk index to 7.266. In the same year, China’s direct investment flow into Vietnam declined by 30.72%. Since 2019, as a result of the US-China. trade war, many Chinese firms have moved production to Vietnam. Due to concerns over geopolitical risks and incomplete local supply chains, Chinese multinationals generally relocate low-value-added activities such as assembly to Vietnam, while key intermediate products continue to be imported from mainland China [
8].
Although the motivation to engage in tariff jumping is strong in this scenario, high geopolitical risks may nullify the tariff jumping hypothesis. Multinational enterprises seldom choose to invest in highly unstable host countries. For example, following the Iranian Revolution of 1978–1979 [
27] and the imposition of U.S. sanctions starting in 1980, the Iranian automobile industry decoupled from Western multinationals. By 1980, automobile production in Iran had dropped by 73% compared to 1977 [
28].
We present
Figure 2 based on countries’ geopolitical risk (GPR) indices and tariff levels in 2021. In the figure, the size of each dot represents the magnitude of tariffs, while the color gradient reflects the level of geopolitical risk. As shown in
Figure 2, high tariffs are often associated with moderate to high geopolitical risk. This pattern is particularly evident in regions such as East Africa and the Middle East, where both tariffs and geopolitical risk are elevated. In contrast, most European countries exhibit relatively low levels of both geopolitical risk and tariffs.
5. Results
We coded all country1-country2-industry groups and, after excluding groups with severe data deficiencies, obtained a final sample of 283,272 groups comprising panel data from 2009 to 2021. Observations where country1 and country2 were identical were excluded.
Due to excessive locational disadvantages arising from large geographical, cultural, and institutional distances, or due to limited locational advantages, a substantial number of country1-country2-industry groups are structurally unable to engage in international direct investment. The zero values corresponding to such cases are thus structural zeros, rather than random. In contrast, some pairs may have the potential for FDI but did not engage in cross-border investment in particular years; these are random observational zeros. The coexistence of both structural and random zeros results in a severe zero-inflation problem in the dependent variable.
To address this issue, we employed three complementary empirical strategies: the zero-inflated negative binomial (ZINB) model, the fixed-effects negative binomial model, and the two-part model. Each of these approaches has distinct advantages and limitations when dealing with zero-inflated dependent variables.
The two-part model and the fixed-effects negative binomial regression model allow for the inclusion of fixed effects; however, the fixed-effects negative binomial model cannot explicitly correct for zero inflation. The two-part model, on the other hand, assumes independence between the two stages—investment occurrence and investment magnitude—thus potentially neglecting the correlation between these processes. In contrast, the ZINB model effectively accounts for zero inflation but does not allow for fixed effects, making it difficult to control for time-invariant unobserved bilateral heterogeneity. For panel data involving -country pairs and time dimensions, this limitation may lead to omitted variable bias.
Therefore, we report results from all three models to ensure cross-validation and robustness. The empirical results are consistent with our theoretical expectations: the number of multinational enterprises is positively associated with export volume and tariff levels, but negatively associated with geopolitical risk. This finding suggests that while avoiding trade barriers may encourage multinational enterprises to undertake foreign investment, geopolitical risks pose significant obstacles. These results provide strong support for Hypothesis H1.
The two-part model consists of two stages. The first stage determines whether international investment occurs, while the second stage determines the number of FDI firms conditional on investment occurrence. The first stage employs a fixed-effects logit model, and the second stage applies a fixed-effects linear regression model (XTREG). The first stage can only capture the probability of FDI occurrence, but not the intensity of FDI. To address potential heteroskedasticity, the dependent variable in the second-stage regression is transformed using the natural logarithm of outward FDI, denoted as lnOFDIijkt.
In the first-stage model, the dependent variable of the fixed-effects logit regression is a binary indicator derived from OFDI
ijkt: It equals 0 if OFDI
ijkt = 0, and 1 otherwise. We performed Hausman tests for the fixed-effects logit, fixed-effects linear, and fixed-effects negative binomial models to compare fixed- and random-effects specifications (
Table 1). The results consistently support the fixed-effects specification. Accordingly,
Table 1 reports the results of the regression analyses. The findings indicate that tariffs may promote foreign direct investment (FDI) by multinational enterprises (MNEs), whereas geopolitical risk tends to hinder it. These results are statistically significant and robust across the two-part model, zero-inflated negative binomial regression, and fixed-effects negative binomial regression models. The main regression results support both Hypothesis H1 and Hypothesis H2.
According to the two-part model, a 1% increase in tariffs between specific industries and country pairs raises the probability that MNEs will enter the host country by 2.4% (
Table 2). Once MNEs have entered the host country, a 1% increase in tariffs leads to a 2.2% increase in the number of subsidiaries established. From the perspective of geopolitical risk, a 1% increase in the geopolitical risk index significantly reduces the probability of MNEs entering a host country by 15.51%. After entry, a 1% increase in geopolitical risk results in a modest 1.1% decline in the number of subsidiaries established by MNEs.
To test the mediating effect of tariffs, we use the geopolitical risk (GPR) index as the dependent variable and tariffs as the key explanatory variable in a panel logit model. Given the clear heterogeneity of geopolitical conflict events, we distinguish between low-level and high-level conflicts. Low-level events-such as condemnation, reduction in diplomatic relations, rejection, threats, and protests-are often significantly associated with tariffs between two countries. For example, a sudden tariff increase may trigger protests or condemnation. Tariffs can also be used as a tool to reduce diplomatic relations or exert mutual threats. In contrast, high-level conflict events-such as territorial occupation and the use of conventional military force-show a relatively weak correlation with tariffs, as tariff disputes rarely escalate to such severe conflicts.
According to the Geopolitical Risk (GPR) Index, events involving territorial occupation or the use of military force have Goldstein scores greater than or equal to 7, while lower-level conflict events such as diplomatic condemnations or downgrading of relations fall within the range of 4 to 7. Tariffs and non-tariff barriers are also typically categorized as manifestations of low-level geopolitical risks. Accordingly, we classify events with a GPR score above 7 as high-level geopolitical risks (GPRH), those with scores between 4 and 7 as low-level geopolitical risks (GPRL), and those with scores below 3 as indicating the absence of geopolitical risk.
Specifically, when the Goldstein score of the GPR index between country i and country j in year t is greater than or equal to 7, we set GPRH = 1, and GPRH = 0 otherwise. When the score is greater than 4 and less than or equal to 7, we set GPRL = 1, and GPRL = 0 otherwise. To avoid overlapping classifications, we exclude country pairs experiencing high-risk events from the GPRL sample and those experiencing low-risk events from the GPRH sample.
Our results indicate that both GPRH and GPRL exert a negative effect on foreign direct investment (FDI). This finding suggests that high-level geopolitical risks—such as wars and embargoes—and low-level geopolitical risks—such as regulatory changes, sanctions, and export controls—significantly reduce multinational enterprises’ direct investment. Mediation analysis further reveals that tariffs may increase low-level geopolitical risks, thereby reducing the likelihood of multinational firms investing in host countries. However, tariffs are not significantly associated with high-level geopolitical risks. The empirical results reported in Columns (2) and (3) of
Table 2 show a significant positive relationship between tariffs and GPRL, whereas the relationship between tariffs and GPRH is statistically insignificant.
We classify the sample into three groups based on the geopolitical risk index between countries (
Table 3). Countries that experienced high-level geopolitical risk events (GPRH) during the study period are assigned to the GPRH group; those that experienced low-level geopolitical risk events (GPRL) are assigned to the GPRL group; and countries with no recorded geopolitical risk events during the period form the GPRN group. The results indicate that in both the GPRL and GPRN groups, increases in tariffs significantly promote FDI. These findings are consistent and robust across the panel fixed-effects regression model, panel logit model, and panel negative binomial model. However, in the GPRH group, tariff increases have a limited effect on promoting FDI, and in the panel logit model, tariffs do not significantly affect FDI. These results support hypothesis H2a and confirm hypothesis H2b.
We investigate the spillover effects of geopolitical risks within the global production network using the variable
GPRH_EXijkt.
GPRH_EXijkt equals 1 if the home country i has high-level geopolitical risks with the largest import partner of host country j in year t, and 0 otherwise (
Table 4).
GPRH_EXijkt is similarly defined for low-level geopolitical risks. The findings indicate that geopolitical risks encourage investment in these key import source countries.
Since the geopolitical risk index based on media-text data may not fully capture the geopolitical risks perceived by firms, we conducted a robustness check by replacing the original index with an alternative measure developed in the latest research by Caldara and Iacoviello (2023) [
30]. The geopolitical risk index constructed by Caldara and Iacoviello (2023) [
30] is particularly well-suited to analyzing corporate investment decisions, as it supplements aggregate indicators with measures of geopolitical risk observed at the industry and firm levels (
Table 5). However, this index also presents certain limitations in our context, as it captures country-specific rather than bilateral geopolitical risks. Therefore, in our robustness analysis, we use this index to measure the host country’s geopolitical risk. The results of this robustness test show that, after replacing the explanatory variable, the estimated coefficients remain statistically significant and consistent with the baseline model. These findings further support Hypotheses H1 and H2.
Because both tariffs and geopolitical risk may be simultaneously influenced by unobserved factors, and international investment may, in turn, affect geopolitical risk (reverse causality), we also address potential endogeneity concerns by employing a two-stage least squares (2SLS) panel regression using the occurrence of high-level geopolitical conflict events as an instrumental variable (IV). The choice of this IV is justified by two conditions:
(1) Relevance: High-level geopolitical conflict events are strongly correlated with the geopolitical risk index-empirically, the correlation coefficient exceeds 0.85. (2) Exogeneity: Such events (e.g., wars, embargoes, or large-scale violent conflicts) are exogenous to firms’ FDI decisions. While they directly affect cross-border investment by altering the geopolitical environment, the reverse effect of FDI on such conflicts is negligible. Furthermore, as shown in
Table 2, both empirical results and logical reasoning suggest that low-level geopolitical risks may interact with tariffs—for example, tariffs can both provoke opposition and serve as a retaliatory tool in response to diplomatic deterioration. However, since World War II, tariff disputes have rarely escalated into violent conflict, a pattern supported by the empirical evidence in
Table 2.
Based on these considerations, we employ high-level geopolitical conflict events as the instrumental variable in the 2SLS panel estimation. The results remain robust and continue to support Hypotheses H1 and H2. Moreover, the Hausman test confirms that the 2SLS panel model performs better than the fixed-effects model, further validating the robustness of our findings.
6. Conclusions and Discussion
We constructed a panel dataset comprising 283,272 country-to-country-industry groups over the period 2009–2021, based on data from the WITS database, BvD database, World Bank database, and GDELT database. The results from fixed effects regression, fixed effects logit, and fixed effects negative binomial models show that:
- (1)
International investment is closely related to exports, tariffs, and geopolitical risks. Tariffs have a positive effect on international investment, while geopolitical risks exert a negative effect.
- (2)
When there are no geopolitical risks or only low-level geopolitical risks between the home and host countries, the empirical evidence supports the tariff jumping hypothesis: tariffs significantly increase the likelihood of multinational enterprises investing in the host country. However, when high-level geopolitical risks are present, the tariff jumping hypothesis no longer holds, as tariffs show no significant effect on the probability of international investment.
- (3)
Mediation analysis indicates that tariffs may increase low-level geopolitical risks, which further reduce the probability of multinational enterprises investing abroad. There is no significant relationship between tariffs and high-level geopolitical risks, likely because tariff disputes rarely escalate into wars, property confiscations, or other severe conflicts.
- (4)
Low-level geopolitical risks produce spillover effects. When such risks occur between the home and host countries, multinational enterprises tend to increase investment in countries bordering the host country or in the host country’s largest importers. In contrast, high-level geopolitical risks do not generate such spillovers.
Against the backdrop of major geopolitical conflicts such as the U.S.-China trade war and the Russia-Ukraine conflict, the guiding logic of location decisions has evolved from a simple cost-benefit framework to a more complex cost-benefit relationship-risk framework. Under heightened geopolitical risks, multinational enterprises (MNEs) have shifted their investment strategies from nearshoring to friendshoring. For example, following the COVID-19 pandemic and the onset of the U.S.-China trade war, many European and American MNEs investing in China adopted a “China + 1” strategy—establishing subsidiaries in neighboring countries that maintain friendly relations with their home countries to hedge against uncertainties. When U.S.-China relations remain tense or supply chain risks emerge, firms can rely on friendshoring to sustain their production networks.
Such strategies cannot be adequately explained by traditional location theories and reveal the limitations of the tariff jumping hypothesis. In fact, despite the prolonged trade war, Chinese investment in the United States declined sharply between 2019 and 2021, likely due to escalating geopolitical risks and uncertainties. Therefore, we argue that geopolitical risk should be incorporated into the theoretical framework of tariff jumping to better capture how MNEs adjust their location choices under varying levels of geopolitical risk (Helpman and Elhanan2006) [
31] (Adarkwah, Gilbert Kofi et al., 2024) [
32].
From a policy perspective, this study cautions against imposing high tariffs without accounting for geopolitical risks, as such measures do not necessarily lead to reshoring of manufacturing activities. The locational decisions of multinational firms depend not only on production costs, geography, cultural and institutional distance, but also on geopolitical risk. On one hand, rising geopolitical risk has caused a sharp decline in international investment flows, driving globalization toward regionalization and challenging the resilience of supply chains during the restructuring of global value chains. On the other hand, some “pipeline countries” can benefit from this restructuring process. As recipients of friendshoring, certain developing economies have gained significant opportunities to attract foreign investment.
Our findings suggest that when the benefits of tariff jumping are insufficient to offset the additional costs of international investment, firms are likely to avoid overseas expansion. Moreover, raising tariffs may trigger low-level geopolitical conflicts—such as condemnations, diplomatic deterioration, threats, or protests—further reducing the likelihood of investment. More importantly, under high-level geopolitical risks—such as property expropriation, war, embargoes, or other violent conflicts—the tariff jumping hypothesis no longer holds, as firms are unable to bear the prohibitive costs regardless of tariff levels.