Wang Chang 王昶 and Buddhist Canons: A Confucian Scholar’s Evidential Methods in Dazang Shengjiao Jieti 大藏聖教解題
Abstract
1. Introduction
2. The Nature, Compilation, and Transmission of the Dazang Shengjiao Jieti
3. Wang Chang’s Methods and Characteristics in Editing the Buddhist Catalogue
3.1. Collating Ming and Qing Canons
3.2. Referencing the Bibliographical Sections in Dynastic Histories
3.3. Valuing Epigraphic Materials
[Author’s] Note: This pillar is approximately five chi in height, and is located in Fangshan County… The inscription refers to the Yunju Monastery stone canon. During the Liao dynasty, Emperor Shengzong (r.982–1031) and Emperor Xingzong (r.1031–1055) both imperially sponsored the continued carving of the canon. At this point, Emperor Daozong (r.1055–1101) again granted funds for its production, yet it still remained incomplete. In the ninth and tenth years of the Da’an reign period (1079–1080), the canon was engraved twice, producing a total of 4080 stone tablets bearing sutras, organized into 44 cases. Subsequently, catalogs of successive sutra production were listed. Every ten juan constituted one case. Each case used characters from the Thousand Character Classic as labels, in a bibliographic system consistent with that of the present canon.12按此幢約高五尺,在房山縣。……記稱雲居寺石經,遼時聖宗、興宗皆賜錢續造。至是則道宗又賜錢造之,而猶未圓。至大安九年、十年兩次鐫經,凡碑四千八十庁,經四十四帙,後列歴次辦經目録。每十卷爲一帙,皆標千字文爲號,與今大藏同例。
At the head of the scripture [on the Stele of the Mārīcī and Other Sutras (Figure 2, Molizhitian deng jing bei 摩利支天等經碑)] is an engraved buddha image based on a drawing by Li Fenggui (fl. late 10th century) and Zhai Shousu (922–992). Additionally, the Stele of the Changqingjing and Other Sūtras is likewise inscribed with a bodhisattva image. In the present canons, every juan begins with a buddha illustration, a convention which appears to have originated here.
(《摩利支天等經碑》)經首刻李奉珪、翟守素二人畫佛像。又《常清静等經碑》亦有菩薩畫像。今大藏每經卷首必有佛像,權輿于此。
4. Wang Chang’s Understanding of Classical Canons: Between Confucian and Buddhist Texts
Twenty years ago, when I was reading Buddhist canons, I came across the account that Mahākāśyapa, after the Buddha’s parinirvāṇa, took the saṃghātī robe15 and entered Great Mount Jizu to await the descent of Maitreya. I found this particularly remarkable.
Even in his later years, Wang Chang remained committed to compiling the Jieti, which clearly demonstrates his persistent dedication to the study of Buddhist canons. Nevertheless, he consistently regarded himself as a Confucian scholar, and his stance never wavered. His exploration of Buddhist scriptures did not alter his fundamental academic orientation.余二十年前讀藏經,云摩訶迦葉於世尊入滅後,持僧金黎伽衣入大雞足山,竢慈氏下生,異之。
The lower juan of this scripture, in the ‘Chapter on Observing Calamities and Auspicious Signs’, discusses the signs of good and ill associated with the movements of the stars, which can be cross-referenced by what is said in Confucian writings on astronomy and the Five Phases.
When reading Buddhist scriptures, Wang Chang intentionally brought them into dialogue with traditional Chinese theories of yin 陰 and yang 陽, seeking to find conceptual resonances between the two traditions. His purpose in writing annotations was not only to record his own scattered insights, but also to demonstrate a particular approach to reading scriptures. As such, it offered not merely a textual comparison but also a methodological inspiration. This juxtaposition between Buddhist scriptures and Confucian texts finds further expression in a broader comparison of the two classical systems. Wang Chang compared the transmission of canonical texts in both traditions and highly praised the compilation, printing, and preservation of Buddhist scriptures:此經下卷《觀災祥品》言星紀所行善惡之相,可與儒書言天文五行者參考。
As for Buddhism, however, this was not the case. The total number of sutras, vinayas, and treatises from the Mahayana and the lesser vehicle traditions amounted to 4660 juan. Some of their disciples traveled tens of thousands of miles to bring these scriptures into Zhendan (i.e., China); others passed through dozens of winters and summers journeying to search for them. Once they obtained these scriptures, they cherished and protected them like their own head, eyes, brain, and marrow, collecting and preserving them, recording their dates, marking the names of their translators, and continually adding Chinese writings as supplements. The disciples not only copied and printed by themselves, but also sought assistance from officials, elders, and laypeople, and moreover persuaded the rulers of this world into carving and printing for them, storing [the scriptures] separately in famous mountains and ancient monasteries. Thus, from the Han dynasty, Wei-Jin, Five Dynasties, and Tang, none of the translated scriptures were lost. Looking at our Confucian books, they became increasingly lost through transmission. How could they possibly be spoken of in the same breath! Now, our Confucian scholars of classical learning and literary composition mostly came from the Central Plains, unlike India and Sindhu,16 which lay beyond the distant frontiers in the southwest, where one must climb mountains and cross seas, brave dangers, traverse flowing sands and piled rocks, before obtaining them. After the seal and clerical scripts came the standard script. Based on the patterns [of these scripts], one could understand the meaning. Both the learned and the unlearned could comprehend them. This was unlike the Sanskrit characters from India,17 which had to be repeatedly translated by Dharma masters, written down by hand, and refined in literary style before they could be read.18 That Confucian texts should be lost to such an extent, while Buddhist scriptures remain so fully preserved. It clearly shows that our Confucians’ interest in antiquity falls far short compared to the treasuring and protecting of the Buddhist disciples.
This inscription was written for Xingshan Monastery 興善寺 in Xi’an and inevitably contains some praise, but its critical awareness should not be overlooked. Wang Chang pointed out that Buddhist scriptures were vast in number and often not written in Chinese, making them difficult to read. However, owing to the treasuring and careful preservation by disciples, and the combined efforts of translators, compilers, and rulers, they were kept intact without loss. In contrast, the Confucian classics, though grounded in a native script and transmitted by native scholars, were “increasingly lost through transmission.” Such an evident difference suggests that the survival of texts depended more on social and cultural commitment than on linguistic or regional advantages. Behind this, Wang Chang likely intended to use Buddhism as a mirror to reflect on Confucianism, hoping to encourage scholars to pay more attention to the preservation of Confucian texts.若釋氏不然,大小乘經、律、論爲數至四千六百六十卷,其徒或歴數萬里,挾以入震旦;或閲數十寒暑,而往求焉。比其得,愛䕶如頭目腦髓,彙而藏之,著其時代,標以譯人姓名,又以支那譔述隨時增入。其徒既自書寫剞劂,復丐宰官長者居士助之,且聳動世主爲之鏤刻,分貯於名山古寺。故兩漢、魏晉、五代曁唐,譯出之經無有遺佚者。視吾儒之書,寖傳寖失,豈可同日語哉!夫吾儒經術文章之士,多出於中原,非若印度、身毒,在西南絶徼之外,必梯山航海,冒危險,歴流沙積石,而後可得之也。篆隸之後,繼以楷書,因文考義,智愚共曉,非若西天梵字,必法師重譯,執筆潤文,而後可讀也。而遺佚若此,全備若彼,是吾儒之好古,較諸釋氏之寶䕶,弗如遠甚明矣!
5. Conclusions
Funding
Institutional Review Board Statement
Informed Consent Statement
Data Availability Statement
Conflicts of Interest
1 | Zhongguo guji zongmu (zibu) 中國古籍總目(子部) (Zhongguo guji zongmu Bianzuan Weiyuanhui 2010, vol. 7, p. 3431) erroneously records the title as “Dazang shengjiao tijie 大藏聖教題解” and omits the volume count. This error appears to derive from Jiangsusheng li guoxue tushuguan tushu zongmu (Jiangsu Shengli Guoxue Tushuguan 1931, vol. 17, folio.10b). There is also a record attributing this work to Zhu Wenzao 朱文藻 (1735–1806) (Qu n.d., vol. 1, folio.10b), but the extant copy shows “Compiled by Wang Chang whose courtesy name was Defu, a native of Qingpu (now part of present-day Shanghai) 青浦王昶德甫譔集” at the beginning of each fascicle (Wang n.d.a), confirming that the compiler was undoubtedly Wang Chang. |
2 | The revision and suppression of the Qing Canon woodblocks was an important procedure reflecting state power in the formation of Buddhist canons. After the completion of the Qing Canon, the Qianlong Emperor conducted three rounds of destruction and revision of the woodblocks used in the canon. The first occurred in 1765, when Qian Qianyi’s 錢謙益 (1582–1664) commentary to the Śūraṃgama Sūtra (Da fo ding shou lengyan jing shujie meng chao 大佛頂首楞嚴經疏解蒙鈔) was removed. The second took place in 1769, when texts such as Da ming renxiao huanghou meng gan fo shuo diyi xiyou da gongde jing 大明仁孝皇后夢感佛説第一稀有大功德經 were withdrawn. The third occurred in 1776, when prefaces by Empress Wu Zetian 武則天 (r.690–705) were removed from sutras such as the Avataṃsaka Sūtra. The deletion of the Digest of Catalogue of Buddhist Works Compiled During the Kaiyuan Period occurred during the second round of block removals (Lü 1991, vol. 3, p. 1491; He 2013, p. 121). Some scholarly works mistakenly record the deleted catalogue title as “Kaiyuan Shijiao Lu Lüe 開元釋教録略” (e.g., Weng 2015, pp. 83–84; Fu 2019, p. 43), which is an error. |
3 | Wang Chang recorded this event as occurring in 1763 in his Huhai shi zhuan 湖海詩傳: “In the guiwei year of the Qianlong reign, His Majesty wished to revise and correct the Xuzang Jing. Liu Wengong of Zhucheng entrusted Kanggu and me with this task. Our examination and decisions on what to retain or remove all met with imperial approval. 乾隆癸未,上欲删正《續藏經》,諸城劉文正公屬予與康古任之,考訂去取,俱稱上旨。” (Wang 2018, vol. 31, p. 1315) Kanggu refers to Wang Mengjuan汪孟鋗 (1721–1770), who undertook this task together with Wang Chang. This can be corroborated by another poem “Fengming Tong Wang Sheren Kanggu Yue Xuzang Jing奉命同汪舍人康古閲續藏經” (Wang 2013, vol. 8, p. 155). |
4 | Dongcheng ji yu 東城記餘 by Yang Wenjie 楊文傑 (1808–1878) of the Qing dynasty (Wang and Chen 2014, p. 291). |
5 | The copy currently held in Nanjing Library may be related to the one formerly held in Qingyin’ge. After the dispersal of the Qingyin’ge collection, some materials were acquired by the Baqian juan lou 八千卷楼 of the Ding family in Hangzhou. During the early period of the War of Resistance Against Japan, the Jiangsu Provincial National Studies Library (predecessor to Nanjing Library) acquired collections from various private libraries in Jiang region 江南 (literally “south of the river,” refers to the prosperous region south of the Yangtze River, encompassing areas of present-day southern Jiangsu, northern Zhejiang, and Shanghai), including materials from the Ding family collection. This suggests that the Jieti may have passed through a transmission sequence from Qingyin’ge to Baqian juan lou to Nanjing Library. However, this particular work is not recorded in the catalogue of Baqian juan lou, so the exact transmission path remains unclear and requires further investigation (Nanjing Tushuguan Zhi Bianxiezu 1996, pp. 3–8; Chen 2015, p. 280). |
6 | Among these Buddhist scriptures, Wang Chang particularly treasured a Song dynasty edition of the Lotus Sutra. In a letter to Abbot Huizhao 慧照 (fl. late 18th century) of Yuanjin Monastery 圓津禪院, he mentioned: “I have found in my collection a Song edition of the Lotus Sutra in seven ce and two juan, with a postscript by Siweng 思翁 at the end. It is truly a dharma treasure that can protect the monastery. (家中)檢出宋版《妙法蓮華經》七册二卷,末有思翁書跋語,實爲法寶,可以鎮山。” Siweng refers to Dong Qichang 董其昌 (1555–1636) (Yin 2015, p. 94; Wang n.d.b, vol. 3, folio. 6–8). |
7 | There are different scholarly views regarding the editions of the imperially commissioned Southern Canon in the early Ming dynasty. For ease of understanding, this paper follows the mainstream view by referring to the Buddhist canon printed at the Tianxi Monastery 天禧寺 in Nanjing during the Yongle era and widely transmitted in later generations as the “Yongle Southern Canon,” also known as the “Re-carved Southern Canon.” See (Lü 1991, vol. 3, pp. 1480–83; He 2005). A new theory argues that the “Yongle Southern Canon” was actually a revised and supplemented edition of the Hongwu 洪武 Canon and does not essentially exist as a separate work (Shi 2024). |
8 | This situation is frequently seen in the “Indigenous writings” (Citu zhushu 此土著述) section. When the Yongle Southern Canon did not include relevant writings, Wang Chang’s reference to “Ming Canon” actually refers to the Yongle Northern Canon. For instance, under the entry for Huayan huiben xuantan huixuan ji 華嚴會本懸談會玄記, he notes “also found in Mingzang from the ju 鉅to the ting 庭,” while Zheyi lun 折疑論 and Huayan yuanren lun jie 華嚴原人論解 are noted as “both found in Mingzang under zi 茲,” all of which were included in the Northern Canon. However, some entries exist only in the Northern Canon but were not mentioned by Wang Chang, such as Chanlin baoxun 禪林寶訓 (Wang n.d.a, vol. 22, folio.2a–6a; Zhao 2005, vol. 183, 184, 188). |
9 | Long, Darui. “Managing the Dharma Treasure: Collation, Carving, Printing, and Distribution of the Canon in Late Imperial China” (Wu and Chia 2015, p. 232). |
10 | Most of these inscriptions are not included in Jinshi Cuibian. There are two possible reasons for this: first, such as Ren Zhigu’s work, it was likely not available during the compilation and was later supplemented by Zhu Wenzao; second, the four Ming dynasty inscriptions were excluded because the editorial principles of the Jinshi Cuibian did not include Ming and Qing period inscriptions. |
11 | Lothar Ledderose’s comparative analysis of the Qidan Canon 契丹藏 and the Buddhist stone scriptures at Fangshan reveals systematic differences in format specifications between stone and woodblock sutra production, including variations in characters per line, lines per sheet, and sheets per fascicle. See (Ledderose 2006, pp. 319–29). |
12 | This stone inscription and the accompanying annotation by Wang Chang can be found in the Jinshi Cuibian, with roughly the same content (Wang 2020, vol. 153, pp. 2815–18). |
13 | The Mogao Cave 17 was discovered accidentally by a Daoist Abbot named Wang Yuanlu 王圓禄 in 1900, which contained numerous Buddhist sutra scrolls that provide evidence of earlier practices. For instance, the influential scroll Or.8210/P.2, a printed copy of Jingang jing 金剛經 (Diamond Sutra, Skt. Vajracchedikā prajñāpāramitā sūtra) in the ninth year of the Xiantong 咸通 era of the Tang dynasty (868), features a woodcut illustration at the beginning of the scroll, which shows the Buddha expounding the Dharma. International Dunhuang Project. Dunhuang Manuscript Collections. Available online: https://idp.bl.uk/collection/51FDAEAFB4A24E2E9981692A98130BC8/?return=%2Fcollection%2F%3Fterm%3DOr.8210%252FP.2 (accessed on 31 August 2025). |
14 | Following the pattern of Chinese Buddhist sacred site construction, Jizu Mountain represents a simulacrum of the original Indian Kukkutapāda-giri (Robson 2010, p. 1371). Zhang (2025) has pointed out that Mount Jizu in Yunnan rapidly became a Buddhist sacred landscape from the mid-Ming onward under the multiple influences of local agency, acculturative pressures, state-building imperatives, late-Ming Buddhist revival, literati networks, and the strategic mobilization of symbolic capital. Wang Chang’s yearning for Mount Jizu reflects this broader cultural transformation that made the mountain an attractive destination for literati seeking spiritual and intellectual experiences. |
15 | The term “僧金黎伽衣” is likely a mistaken transcription of “僧伽梨衣,” a common Chinese rendering of the Sanskrit saṃghāṭī, referring to the large patchwork robe worn by monks on formal occasions. The phrase “僧金黎伽衣” has no known usage beyond this instance. The character 黎 may be a phonetic error for 梨, as both are pronounced lí. |
16 | Both “India” (Yindu 印度) and “Sindhu” (Shendu 身毒) refer to the same geographical region. The relationship between these terms is explained in Buddhist dictionaries such as the Yiqie jing yinyi 一切經音義 (The Sounds and Meanings [of all the words in] the Scriptures, compiled by Xuanying 玄應 of the Tang dynasty). Wang Chang’s Jinshi cuibian 金石萃編 includes inscriptional commentaries by Bi Yuan 畢沅 (1730–1797) and Qian Daxin 錢大昕, both of whom referenced Xuanying’s work (Wang 2020, pp. 1113, 2099). Given Wang Chang’s close associations with these scholars, it is reasonable to assume his familiarity with this source and awareness that Yindu and Shendu refer to the same place. |
17 | Wang Chang’s original text uses “Xitian 西天” (literally “Western Heaven”), a traditional Chinese Buddhist term for India, reflecting India’s position as the western source of Buddhism for China. |
18 | In the classical Chinese Buddhist translation system, sutras were often translated through a collaborative, multi-stage process. Runwen 潤文refers to a stage known as stylistic polishing, in which literati or assistants would revise the Chinese text for clarity and fluency, without necessarily consulting the Sanskrit original. During the Tang dynasty, the practice of runwen was also referred to as runse 潤色. As Buddhist translation activities gained imperial attention, high-ranking officials were occasionally appointed to oversee this stage of stylistic refinement. However, this role was not institutionalized, nor was runwen a formal official title at the time. During the Song dynasty, the Runwenguan 潤文官, a formal office responsible for literary refinement, began to take shape within the sutra translation system (Yang 2023, pp. 29–39; Huang 1990). |
19 | Apart from the entries recorded in the Buddhist section of zibu 子部, the Siku Quanshu also included Buddhist-related works such as poetry collections by monks and monastery gazetteers (Li and Ouyang 2006; Cao 2021; Li and Wu 2022). |
20 | Wang Chang maintained close associations with the Siku Quanshu editorial group. The project’s earliest director, Liu Tongxun, was the same official who had entrusted Wang with revising Xuzang. Many of Wang’s friends, including Weng Fanggang 翁方綱 (1733–818) and Shao Jinhan 邵晉涵 (1743–96), participated in the Siku Quanshu compilation. Based on the official positions mentioned when books were submitted, Wang Chang’s involvement with the Siku Quanshu likely occurred in the 1740s, when he was observing the mourning period for his mother and remained out of office for three years. The composition and compilation of the Zongmu took place during this same period, suggesting the possibility that Wang Chang participated in writing the abstracts for Buddhist texts. |
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Source | Text |
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Bibliographic Treatise of the History of the Song (Songshi yiwen zhi 宋史藝文志) | The Kaihuang Record of the Three Treasures Through Successive Dynasties, compiled by Fei Changfang, consists of fourteen juan. There is also a one-juan bibliographic summary titled Comprehensive Catalogue of the Kaihuang Record of the Three Treasures, likewise, attributed to Fei Changfang. 開皇歷代三寶記十四卷,費長房,又有費長房《開皇三寶録總目》一卷。 |
Bibliographic Treatise of the Old History of the Tang (Xin tangshu jingji zhi 舊唐書經籍志) | The Record of the Three Treasures Through the Generations is recorded in three juan, with the compiler unspecified. 《歷代三寶記》三卷,不著撰人。 |
Bibliographic Treatise of the New History of the Tang (Xin tangshu yiwen zhi 新唐書藝文志) | The Record of the Three Treasures Through the Generations comprises three juan and was compiled by Fei Changfang, a native of Chengdu who served as an official of sutra translation in the Sui dynasty. 《歷代三寶記》三卷,費長房撰。長房,成都人,隋翻經學士。 |
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Huang, J. Wang Chang 王昶 and Buddhist Canons: A Confucian Scholar’s Evidential Methods in Dazang Shengjiao Jieti 大藏聖教解題. Religions 2025, 16, 1254. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16101254
Huang J. Wang Chang 王昶 and Buddhist Canons: A Confucian Scholar’s Evidential Methods in Dazang Shengjiao Jieti 大藏聖教解題. Religions. 2025; 16(10):1254. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16101254
Chicago/Turabian StyleHuang, Jing. 2025. "Wang Chang 王昶 and Buddhist Canons: A Confucian Scholar’s Evidential Methods in Dazang Shengjiao Jieti 大藏聖教解題" Religions 16, no. 10: 1254. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16101254
APA StyleHuang, J. (2025). Wang Chang 王昶 and Buddhist Canons: A Confucian Scholar’s Evidential Methods in Dazang Shengjiao Jieti 大藏聖教解題. Religions, 16(10), 1254. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16101254