Search Results (84)

This article examines Daniel 10 as a key witness to the formation of early Jewish apocalyptic literature. The chapter portrays Daniel as a sage whose encounter with a celestial messenger prepares him to guide his community. Narratively, this scene introduces the final revelation of Daniel 11–12; ideologically, it expresses the authors’ conviction that access to the heavenly realm is achieved through scribal discipline and engagement with inherited traditions. The study advances two related contributions. Drawing on recent reassessments of apocalyptic origins—especially insights from Aramaic texts at Qumran—the study offers a new analysis of intertextuality in Daniel 10, highlighting how apocalyptic writing predates the persecutions of Antiochus IV and is developed through the reinterpretation of authoritative Scriptures in the Persian and Hellenistic periods. Daniel’s profile aligns with elite temple-based scribes who operated across imperial and cultic settings and used apocalyptic discourse in intra-Judean power struggles. In addition, the reference to the Tigris in Dan 10:4 is reinterpreted in light of Seleucia-on-Tigris, whose culturally hybrid environment illuminates the cosmopolitan backdrop of the maśkîlîm traditions. Full article

The construction of Daoism’s pantheon is deeply intertwined with traditional Chinese celestial studies. From the Eastern Han to the Northern Wei dynasties, based on star worship and belief in Taiyi, Laozi was deified as the Great High Lord Lao. In the Eastern Jin, Ge Hong drew on the Huntian theory to shape Pangu (the Primordial Heavenly King) as a creator deity, yet his status declined due to the limited Daoist immortal realm within a finite spatial category that failed to align with Daoism’s boundless concepts. The infinite cosmology and Qi Theory of the Xuanye Theory provided new theoretical support for Daoism. Building on these, the Lingbao School created the Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning and the Grand Canopy Heaven. Through subsequent integration and elaboration by various sects, the Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning established his position as the supreme deity, and the Grand Canopy Heaven gained authority, transcending finiteness. This evolutionary process demonstrates the profound influence of traditional Chinese celestial studies on the construction of Daoism’s pantheon. Full article

Regarding the functions of Cave 285 at the Mogao Caves 莫高窟 during the Western Wei period, scholars have generally considered it a meditation cave. The main chamber has four small chambers each on the southern and northern walls, believed to serve as meditation spaces. However, a close examination of the architectural features of these eight small chambers reveals that they may have had another purpose, fundamentally different from meditation. Close visual analysis shows that the lintels of each small chamber are adorned with honeysuckle patterns, between which stand two birds forming paired bird images, with considerable variation in the types of birds. The lintel imagery of the eight small chambers in Cave 285 differs from the honeysuckle and lotus-rebirth themes commonly emphasized in the lintel designs of the main niches of contemporaneous caves that highlight the significance of the Pure Land of the Buddha. It also does not align with the flame-pattern-dominated designs seen in other niches on various faces of the central pillar during this period. This indicates a difference in symbolic meaning. At the same time, the paired birds or individual birds appear in depictions of the Pure Land on the truncated-pyramidal ceilings of caves from the same period, alongside images of honeysuckle, lotus-born beings, celestial beings, winged deities, jewels, and animals. Similarly, paired birds (such as parrots, vermilion birds, phoenixes, and bluebirds) found on the walls, heavenly gates, and screens of the Wei and Jin dynasty tombs in Dunhuang symbolize the deceased’s ascension to immortality. The frequent appearance of paired birds on lintels, doors, door frames, and walls outside the doors of tombs from the medieval period signifies the deceased’s ascension to immortality. Considering the funerary nature of the eight small chambers in Cave 285 and the symbolic meaning and development trajectory of paired birds in tombs and caves during the medieval period, the eight pairs of birds on the lintels of these small chambers were meant to aid the deceased’s soul in its ascension to immortality and rebirth in the Pure Land. Full article

Despite being the most popular sutra tableau in Dunhuang, the utter lack of any comprehensive, or chronological academic analysis even in Chinese calls for a thorough research on the Medicine Buddha Sutra iconography at Dunhuang. This paper will explore the Medicine Buddha both in the literary form, the sutras, and the visual form, the sutra tableaux, when they first appeared in China during the Sui Dynasty. First, the relevant sections of the four Medicine Buddha Sutra translated in Chinese will be examined in detail. Then, the earliest four pictorial representations, namely Caves 417, 433, 436, and 394 at Dunhuang, will be scrutinized to establish a firm foundation of this said sutra tableau for later periods. By comparing the deities, and other special attributes presented in these images with what were recorded in the sutras, this paper reveals how the anonymous monastics and artists “re-presented” the Medicine Buddha from literary form to pictorial form, which embodies the intermediallity during the Sui Dynasty in Dunhuang. After analyzing how the textual elements such as the Medicine Buddha, attendant Bodhisattvas, Twelve Demigods, Four Heavenly Kings, and the magical life-prolonging instruments were depicted in the paintings, intermediality between the texts and imagery is brought to light. Two most decisive details, the small sizes of the cartouches for the inscriptions of the Twelve Demigods, and the number of Medicine statues that should be present at the ritual, clearly show the Medicine Buddha Sutra imagery painted during the Sui Dynasty in Dunhuang is based on the earliest Chinese edition, Sutra on the Initiation to Remove Unwholesome Deeds and Attain Salvation from Birth and Death Taught by the Buddha, translated by Śrīmitra. Full article

This article analyzes prohibitions against the destruction of flora in the calendrical regulations of the late Western Han period and in the millenarian cosmological discourses in the Taiping jing 太平經 (Canon of Great Peace). The study focuses on the “Zhaoshu sishi yueling wushi tiao” 詔書四時月令五十條 (“Edict of Monthly Ordinances for the Four Seasons in Fifty Articles”) which was promulgated by Wang Mang in 5 CE. The Edict prohibited setting fire to forests and was intended to restore cosmic harmony. At the time, natural disasters and celestial anomalies were interpreted as signs of the loss of the Mandate of Heaven. Heavenly patterns and hemerology play a central role here by enabling environmental regulations to be incorporated into a political logic of legitimization. The Canon of Great Peace reinterprets these norms by replacing seasonal cycles with an interpretation of balance between yin and yang and by giving environmental prohibitions eschatological significance. Thus, calendrical regulations for natural resource management transform into an apocalyptic discourse in which the natural environment becomes the setting for cosmic disorder that must be avoided. Full article

This paper discusses Dai Zhen’s 戴震 (1724–1777) interpretation of human nature against the backdrop of Mencius’s claim that human nature is good. I argue that Dai Zhen ingeniously reinterprets the “shan” 善 (good; goodness) in terms of “fen” 分 (allotments; distinction) to view the claimed “goodness” as the unique and finest physical makeup of human nature that possesses the potential ability to know moral goodness, viz. liyi 理義 (principle & righteousness). Nonetheless, rather than a transcendental principle or some heavenly endowed virtue, liyi is present in human relationships and everyday life. At the crux of the issue is how to activate the given ability and advance our intelligent mind for principle and righteousness. By ridding “xingshan” 性善 (human nature is good) of its inherent moral properties as Mencius posits in his theory of human nature, Dai Zhen, from a naturalistic and empirical stance, proposes an unconventional approach to the longstanding debate over whether human nature is good or evil in Confucian discourse. While his interpretation may unsettle us that are accustomed to the traditional view of the “goodness” of human nature as one’s innate moral feelings of ren yi li zhi 仁義禮智 (benevolence, righteousness, wisdom, and propriety), Dai Zhen’s reading has undoubtedly thrown a new light on this famed Mencian thesis. Full article

The weather imagery of the nickname “Sons of Thunder” (Mark 3:17) for James the Greater and his brother John the Evangelist, conflating the noise of thunder with the sound of the heavenly voice, invited vivid analogies—vocal, natural, and supernatural—in interpretations of this biblical passage and its liturgical adaptation. Yet, although James and John were both venerated in the medieval Western liturgy as thunderous witnesses to the Gospel, their voices were heard differently. Comparative analysis of medieval liturgical music and readings for St James the Greater, particularly at the pilgrimage site of Santiago de Compostela, and St John the Evangelist across the medieval West reveals how thunder imagery was voiced by the clergy to promote the apostolic mission of St James and to highlight the visionary sublimity of St John. These largely overlooked examples demonstrate more broadly how the sonic environment of the natural world influenced the performance and perception of divinely-inspired voices in Christian worship. Full article

The paper presents the ecclesiological convictions of the so-called New Prophecy or ‘Montanist’ movement, a prophetic movement that rapidly gained prominence throughout the Empire from the middle of the second century CE. By regarding themselves as the mouthpieces of the Johannine Paraclete-Spirit, the founding prophets conveyed primarily ethical messages to the contemporary church. It is argued that their ascetic imperatives can be regarded as the practical implementation of a more complex ecclesiological and eschatological conviction. In the Montanists’ understanding, their prophetic communities were the earthly realisation of the heavenly Jerusalem, to which the Apocalypse of John attached concrete ethical contours (Rev 21:7–8). Such ‘realistic’ eschatology prevented the prophets and their adherents from seeing the reality of the church in a dualistic way or upholding the sanctification of the individual believer as a futuristic fulfilment. They believed that the coming of the Paraclete had instituted a new era for the church, and the ‘spiritual’ believers must prove to be ready to achieve moral perfection. Such pneumatic-prophetic and ascetic-perfectionist convictions give the contours of Montanist ecclesiology, one that proved to be widespread in the second century and influential on later Christian ecclesiological trajectories as well. Full article

This article explores the intersection of time and eternity as it is expressed in the liturgical theology and the theology of John’s Prologue. Drawing on a “thesis–thesis” methodology that juxtaposes scriptural and liturgical theologies, the study offers an interdisciplinary dialogue between these disciplines. While biblical scholars such as Bernadetta Jojko and Raymond Brown elucidate the Johannine vision of divine preexistence and Incarnation as a movement from eternity into time, liturgical theologians such as Alexander Schmemann and Odo Casel describe the Mass as a movement from time into eternity. Through a comparative reading of John 1:1–2 and 1:14 alongside classical and modern liturgical sources—including Pseudo-Dionysius, Maximus the Confessor, Casel, and Guardini—the article seeks to identify a mode of eternal–temporal simultaneity that challenges the claims of analytic philosophers like William Lane Craig. Ultimately, the liturgy is shown to be both a sacramental representation of Christ’s temporal sacrifice and a real participation in the eternal heavenly liturgy. Full article

This study employs social network analysis to illuminate the intricate relationships within Daoist exorcism rituals from the Southern Song to the Yuan dynasty, as documented in two pivotal compilations: Pearls Left Behind from the Sea of Ritual (Fahai Yizhu 法海遺珠) and Collected Essentials of Daoist Methods (Daofa Huiyuan 道法會元). While previous scholarship focused on individual rituals or generals using traditional document analysis, this article introduces a novel digital humanities methodology. By treating the Daoist generals summoned in these rituals as network nodes, we map and analyze their co-occurrence patterns, offering a comprehensive understanding of the evolving ritual landscape. Our analysis reveals a significant expansion in the scale of exorcism rituals from Fahai Yizhu to Daofa Huiyuan, indicating a shift from concise manuals to more systematic frameworks with clearer factional organization. Specifically, the Great Demon-Subjugating Ritual of Shangqing Tianpeng (Shangqing Tianpeng Fumu Dafa 上清天蓬伏魔大法) and various Marshal Zhao exorcism rituals exhibit the largest scales, reflecting the widespread popularity of Heavenly Commander Tianpeng (Tianpeng 天蓬) beliefs and Marshal Zhao’s capacity to integrate diverse pantheons, including local deities, plague gods, thunder generals, and “rampant soldiers” (changing 猖兵). Key figures like Yin Jiao (殷郊), Zhao Gongming (趙公明), Zhang Yuanbo (張元伯), Ma Sheng (馬勝), Deng Bowen (鄧伯溫), and Guan Yu (關羽) demonstrate high centrality. Notably, Ma Sheng, Zhao Gongming (趙公明), and Guan Yu (關羽) play increasingly pivotal roles in Daofa Huiyuan, while Zhang Yuanbo (張元伯) and Song Wuji (宋無忌) experience hierarchical reversals, suggesting an augmented importance of local deities after the Southern Song. This pioneering SNA application offers a robust framework for understanding these complex interconnections. Full article

In most periods of the Tang Dynasty, central monastic officials were typically appointed from among government officials, while Buddhist monks could only serve as the Three Monastic Superintendents (sangang 三綱) in the Buddhist state monasteries at the local level. However, during the reigns of Gaozu, Empress Wu, and Zhongzong, a distinct group of monastic officials known as the “Ten Bhadantas” (shidade 十大德)—entirely composed of Buddhist monks—emerged as central monastic officials in exceptional political contexts, overseeing Buddhist affairs throughout the empire. Gaozu’s ten bhadantas were a temporary appointment, yet they constituted a centralized monastic administrative structure and institutional power center at the national level in Chang’an, tasked with supervising Buddhist affairs and monasteries across the empire. This arrangement provided substantial religious support and political guarantee at a time when religious policy remained unsettled and national governance was unstable during the early years of the Tang Dynasty. It helped the newly established regime overcome the difficulties of managing religious affairs in its formative period. Under Empress Wu, the ten bhadantas of the Dabiankongsi chapel offered powerful Buddhist theoretical support for her seizure of the Tang throne and the consolidation of the Wu-Zhou regime. They contributed to the sacralization, authorization, and legitimization of secular imperial power through appeals to heavenly mandate or Buddhist prophecy, thereby securing the reverence and acknowledgment of both monastic and lay communities. During Zhongzong’s reign, the ten bhadantas of the Linguang chapel aided him in leveraging Buddhism to expand his political influence and vigorously cultivating support from both monastic and lay Buddhist adherents within the government and across society, thereby consolidating his rule. Based on the above, this indicates that the ten bhadantas, a special institutional formation in the Tang Dynasty characterized by the functions and status of central monastic officials, exemplified a complex and tension-filled model of state–saṃgha relations. This model vividly reflected the ongoing historical process in which Buddhism was increasingly Sinicized and secularized. Full article

The phrase shiri bing chu 十日並出 (ten suns rose in the sky at once) from the Qiwu lun 齊物論 can also be interpreted as shiri dai chu 十日代出 (ten suns alternately appearing). Here, “ten suns rose in the sky at once” is not merely a spatial concept but also a temporal one. Thus, the concept of De 德 (virtue), connected to the idea of “ten suns shining together,” is a transcendent force with its own inner sense of time. It acts as the foundation for all things to exist and grow continuously. Under the endless cycle of day and night and the nourishing power of tiande 天德 (heavenly virtue), everything flourishes according to its true nature. Here, De combines two aspects: mingde 明德 (luminous virtue) and xuande 玄德 (inconspicuous virtue). “luminous virtue” focuses on order and building, highlighting the uniqueness within human growth. “inconspicuous virtue” emphasizes harmony and equalizing with all things, revealing our shared connection with the world. These two concepts are not opposites. The highest goal of luminous virtue lies in mysterious virtue, which itself contains the roots of luminous virtue. Both work together to reflect the natural flow of the Dao 道 (the Way), thus demonstrating that Zhuangzi’s philosophy is not merely about criticism or deconstruction—it has a deeply constructive side. Virtue transcends both individuality and universality. Human nature holds both virtues. By balancing the order of growth and equalizing with all things, we can harmonize our uniqueness with our shared bonds, revealing our true value in both action and spirit. Full article

Focusing on the Pārijāta Tree on the summit of Mount Sumeru, the centre of Asian cosmology, this study analyses its depictions and images. These include Chinese translations of Buddhist texts, the most notable depictions in the handscrolls from the Dūn Huáng and Harvard Art Museums, its representations in Japanese classical literature and early modern Japanese illustrations of Mount Sumeru. Finally, drawing from the discussions on trees in the Buddhist texts, A Forest of Pearls from the Dharma Garden [法苑珠林, Fǎ yuàn zhū lín], the study also addresses various issues surrounding tree felling, which are relevant to the current concerns of environmental protection. I argue that the Pārijāta Tree, positioned as the heavenly king of trees, holds significance as a core figure at the centre of the cosmos. The Pārijāta Tree can be said to serve as a metaphor for the supreme state pursued by Buddhist practitioners. Furthermore, this study suggests that issues related to Asian cosmology or worldviews should be pursued as important subjects in future research on environmental literature. Full article

This paper examines the Daoist stelae of the Northern Dynasties through the lens of Eliade’s religious theory, with particular focus on the transformation of profane objects into sacred ones and the transition of local believers from the profane to the sacred. Utilizing Eliade’s notions of “symbol”, “myth”, and “sacred space”, this study investigates two critical dimensions of the Daoist stelae. First, it analyzes their visuality by closely examining the imagery and symbolic systems presented on the stelae—namely, the “mythical pattern” identified by Eliade—with particular attention to representations of the main deity, the Heavenly Palace, and the Xiwangmu Xianjing (Queen Mother of the West’s transcendent realm). Second, it addresses their materiality by reconstructing the invisible processes associated with the stelae, focusing on the formation of sacred space and the Daoist rituals enacted therein. Applying phenomenology of religion to Daoist stelae analysis helps compensate for the limitations of extant Daoist scriptures and official historical records. Full article

By reconstructing the concept of the “Mandate of Heaven”, the Zisi School grounded the universality of Confucian ethics in the ontological stipulations of Heaven’s Way, bridging the intellectual gap between Confucius’s practical ethics and Mencius’s theory of mind-nature. Central to their framework is the proposition that “Heaven’s mold imparts form to mankind; and imparts inherent pattern to objects”, which constructs a generative chain from the Mandate of Heaven to the nature of objects and human nature. The School posited that the Heavenly Way endows all objects with inherent patterns, while human nature, derived from the Mandate of Heaven, harbors latent moral potential activated through edification. By dialectically reconciling the “differentiation between Heaven and humans” with the “unity of Heaven and humanity”, the Zisi School emphasized both the transcendent authority of the Mandate of Heaven and human moral agency, forming an “immanent yet transcendent” ethical paradigm. However, theoretical limitations persist, including ambiguities in the certainty of innate goodness due to the separation of Heaven and human nature, mind-body dualism that risks formalizing moral practice, and latent fatalism in their concept of mandate. Despite these unresolved tensions, the Zisi School’s metaphysics laid the groundwork for Mencius’s theory of innate goodness, Xunzi’s legalist emphasis on ritual, and Song-Ming Neo-Confucian discourses on “Heaven’s inherent pattern”. As a pivotal transitional phase in Pre-Qin Confucianism, the Zisi School highlights the interplay between metaphysical grounding and pragmatic adaptability, underscoring the enduring dynamism of Confucian ethics. Full article