Sacred Space and Faith Expression: Centering on the Daoist Stelae of the Northern Dynasties

Abstract

This paper examines the Daoist stelae of the Northern Dynasties through the lens of Eliade’s religious theory, with particular focus on the transformation of profane objects into sacred ones and the transition of local believers from the profane to the sacred. Utilizing Eliade’s notions of “symbol”, “myth”, and “sacred space”, this study investigates two critical dimensions of the Daoist stelae. First, it analyzes their visuality by closely examining the imagery and symbolic systems presented on the stelae—namely, the “mythical pattern” identified by Eliade—with particular attention to representations of the main deity, the Heavenly Palace, and the Xiwangmu Xianjing (Queen Mother of the West’s transcendent realm). Second, it addresses their materiality by reconstructing the invisible processes associated with the stelae, focusing on the formation of sacred space and the Daoist rituals enacted therein. Applying phenomenology of religion to Daoist stelae analysis helps compensate for the limitations of extant Daoist scriptures and official historical records.

1. Introduction

Mircea Eliade (1907–1986) was one of the most influential religious phenomenologists of the twentieth century. He employed phenomenology to interpret various religious phenomena and experiences, seeking to distill a universal paradigm from diverse religious manifestations across cultural systems and historical epochs, including those of Mesopotamia, Egypt, India, and China (Eliade 1987, pp. 15–18). According to existing scholarship, this paradigm has proven applicable to the interpretation of religious phenomena in both Eastern and Western contexts, across ancient and modern periods. Therefore, Eliade’s phenomenology of religion provides a valuable framework for examining the phenomenon of Daoist stelae production in local societies during the Northern Dynasties 北朝 (386–581 CE).

Eliade’s phenomenology of religion, as operationalized in this study, comprises three fundamental components. First, homo-religiosus serves as a foundational concept. It does not merely denote a religious man or a religious believer but refers to individuals who related to the sacred and experience existence through sacrality (Eliade 2001, p. 241). Second, from the perspective of homo-religiosus, the world is divided into two ontological planes: the sacred and the profane—constituting the fundamental schema of Eliade’s religious philosophy. The “symbol” acts as a bridge between these realms, enabling their mutual transformation. Any concrete, profane objects—such as stones, trees, mountains and rivers—may be sacralized at any moment and location. They retain their profane form, indistinguishable from ordinary objects, yet simultaneously bear a sacred essence: a transmuted supernatural reality (Eliade 1987, p. 12). Third, sacred space emerges through hierophany, a manifestation of the sacred that demarcates and consecrates a location by distinguishing it from the profane realm. This divine intervention transforms space into a locus imbued with sacred power, constructed by homo-religiosus as a means of establishing contact with the divine (Eliade 1958, p. 368). By entering this sanctified space, individuals transcend profane existence as homo-religiosus—experiencing sacred presence, partaking its power, and communing with the supernatural—thereby transcending material limitations.

The Daoist stelae of the Northern Dynasties constitute a distinctive material embodiment of religious culture, with particular concentration in the Guanzhong 關中 and Guandong 關東 regions during the 5th and 6th centuries. As Daoism developed, believers selected stelae as significant material forms of faith expression. Through techniques such as line carving and the integration of carving and painting, they produced visual works for Daoist rituals and worship—whether at the household or Yiyi 義邑 (association). These stelae were intended to accumulate religious merit to invoke blessings from the deities. This raises two core research questions: How can such profane, concrete, visible, and material artifacts embody sacred, abstract, invisible, and spiritual religious beliefs that stand in opposition to them? Furthermore, how do believers pass from the profane to the sacred with the help of these stelae? The focus on these two issues, on the one hand, broadens the research perspective on the stelae and partially addresses areas that have been overlooked in previous studies (see below for details); on the other hand, it offers a more multidimensional understanding of the stelae—from their visual and material aspects to their religious significance, and from profane to sacred functions—thereby revealing the intentions and concepts underlying the production of the stelae, as well as the religious beliefs and practices of local believers during the 5th and 6th centuries. This approach helps compensate for the omissions in both canonical Daoist scriptures and elite historical records.

2. Research Background and Research Design

2.1. Research Background

This paper focuses on 69 Northern Daoist stelae that have been excavated as of December 2024. Chronologically, 39 are attributed to the Northern Wei 北魏 (386–534 CE), 7 to the Western Wei 西魏 (535–557 CE), 4 to the Northern Qi 北齊 (550–577 CE), 16 to the Northern Zhou 北周 (557–581 CE), and 3 additional stelae remain undated. Geographically, the stelae are predominantly concentrated in the central part of Shaanxi Province, specifically in Yaoxian 耀縣, Fuping 富平, and Lintong 臨潼, collectively accounting for 45 stelae. Additionally, five stelae have been discovered in the eastern part of Shaanxi, including those from Pinglu 平陸 and Ruicheng 芮城 in Shanxi 山西 Province, as well as Yangshi 偃師 in Henan 河南 Province. Nineteen other stelae have uncertain locations. The data concerning these 69 stelae are drawn from materials published by cultural heritage bureaus, museums, and art institutions, as well as from field investigations. The author personally conducted research at the Yaowangshan Museum, the Forest of Stone Steles Museum, Lintong Museum, Fuxian Museum, the Field Museum of Natural History in Chicago, and the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston. These visits involved photographic documentation, line drawings, descriptive recording, and epigraphic interpretation essential for this study.1

Before examining these Daoist stelae, it is necessary to understand their relationship to Buddhism in medieval China. Due to the long-standing absence of an image-making tradition in Daoism,2 these stelae were initially shaped to a significant extent by Buddhist stelae. This influence extended beyond artistic forms—such as the arrangement of images, the seated posture of the main deity, and attire—to the inscriptions as well. These inscriptions include Buddhist titles such as biqiu 比丘 (Buddhist monk) and foxiangzhu 佛像主 (donor of Buddha image),3 Buddhist terminology like “the first proclamation under the dragon flower tree” (longhua chuchang 龍華初唱),4 and concepts such as “merit dedication” (gongde huixiang 功德迴向) (Zhao 2022, pp. 111–12; Lü 2020, pp. 106–7). The “influence of Buddhist stelae on Daoist stelae” noted here does not conflict with this paper’s discussion of the “religious phenomenon of local societies making Daoist stelae”. This is because, during the 5th and 6th centuries, Daoism and Buddhism were often intermingled. Religious beliefs predominantly centered around Daoism, while also incorporating elements of Buddhism,5 were shared by the local believers in the Guanzhong and Guandong regions. This constitutes one of the foundational premises of this study.

Indeed, while significant academic achievements have been made in the study of Daoist stelae during the Northern Dynasties,6 several key aspects remain underexplored. First, previous research has primarily approached stelae as artistic artifacts rather than as manifestations of religious phenomena. This perspective has led to a neglect of their sacral dimension—specifically, how a profane stele is transformed into a hierophany, and what religious beliefs is hold for lay practitioners. Second, earlier scholarship has often reduced stelae to mere “pictorial reproduction”7, prioritizing two-dimensional visual-textual analysis. As a result, the spatial contexts of the stelae and the ritual practices enacted by believers within these sacred settings have been largely overlooked. In response to these gaps, this paper analyzes the religious phenomenon associated with Daoist stelae in local communities during the Northern Dynasties, drawing upon Eliade’s theory of the phenomenology of religion, with attention to both visual and material dimensions.

2.2. Research Design

2.2.1. Visual Culture Study

• Iconographic Analysis: Examine the imagery depicting the main Daoist deity, the Heavenly Palace, and the Xiwangmu Xianjing 西王母仙境 (Queen Mother of the West’s transcendent realm) represented on the stelae.
• Phenomenological Analysis: Apply Eliade’s theory of symbols and myth to interpret these two types of imagery.
• Key Argument: The combined presence of these visual elements transforms the Daoist stelae from profane stelae into manifestations of the sacred (hierophanties).
• Emerging Question: How do believers utilize the stele as a hierophany to facilitate the transformation from the profane to the sacred?

2.2.2. Material Culture Study

The process of “transformation from the profane to the sacred” involves two interdependent dimensions:

• Material Analysis: Investigate the religious spaces and religious rituals associated with the stelae.
• Phenomenological Analysis: Employ Eliade’s theory of sacred space to analyze both spatial and ritual dimensions.
• Key Argument: Within the sacred space centered around the stelae, ritual activities are performed by believers who envision, experience, and engage with the divine, commune with deities, and ultimately seek both self-transcendence and divine blessings.

This dual approach addresses the core research questions outlined in the Introduction.

3. Visuality: Symbol, Myth, and Faith Expression

Eliade posits that the sacred, representing the essence of religion, manifests itself as a hierophany. In the context of Daoist believers during the 5th and 6th centuries, the stelae were regarded as hierophanies. In other words, the sacred aspect of local Daoism8 in the Northern Dynasties was symbolized by the stelae, which reveal the holy dimension. How, then, can we articulate that which is “wholly other” than anything in normal experience? Eliade suggests that such a reality finds its voice not through direct definition, but through symbolic language and mythological narratives (Eliade 1958, pp. 431–43). The images on the stelae function as symbolic expressions of the sacred. On one hand, they can be viewed as artworks created by believers, which are profane; on the other hand, they embody the believers’ religious faith, which are sacred. In the transformation from the profane to the sacred, the depictions of the Heavenly Palace—comprising the main deity and architectural elements—and the Xiwangmu Xianjing, which includes the sun, moon, sanzu wu 三足烏 (three-legged crow), toad, and other symbols, collectively form a symbolic system that constructs religions meaning.

3.1. Symbols: The Main Deity and Heavenly Palace

The stele, initially a profane object, is transformed into a hierophany by the presence of the main deity and the Heavenly Palace in which the deity resides.

3.1.1. Main Deity

Through a detailed analysis of the imagery found on 69 Northern Dynasties Daoist stelae, along with the examination of fayuanwen 發願文 (votive prayers), timing 題名 (name inscriptions), and Daoist scriptures, four distinctive characteristics of the main deity (see Figure 1) have been identified:

• Wearing a Daoist crown: Most crowns are typically shaped like a mountain or a cross, featuring a prominent central peak.
• Holding a zhuwei 麈尾 (elk tail whisk): This iconic Daoist implement first appeared in visual representations of Daoist figures during the Northern Wei.
• Wearing a chin mustache: The mustache is typically styled as whiskers or in the form of one or three wisps (X. Zhang 2010, p. 171).
• Wearing a waist belt: The main deity is portrayed with a belt fastened around the waist to secure the garments tightly.

These four characteristics function as iconographic attributes of Daoist deities, identifying the main deity depicted on the stelae as a manifestation of Laojun 老君 (Lord Lao). Collectively, they symbolize the epiphany of Laojun’s corporeal form. As visual cues, these features establish a connection between the main deity and Laojun, reinforcing the divine status and making present the Daoist patriarch’s sacred personhood.

Moreover, sacredness is not only visually represented but also verbally articulated. As reflected in the fayuanwen:

The bas-relief design emerges, luminous as the true countenance manifests in the present age.

隱起形圖，煥若真容現於今世。9

Inscribing the true countenance in stone.

刊石真容。10

Carving a [visible] image on the stone reveals the true countenance.

刊石出真容。11

When the carving was complete, the stele was considered to represent the true countenance.

雕刻成就，與真容並應。12

The sacred image and true countenance—transcendently swirling in sublime beauty.

聖相真容、妙絕婆娑。13

Furthermore, the Baopuzi 抱樸子 (The Master Embracing Simplicity) records: “If one contemplates sincerely the true countenance of Laojun, he will appear” (但諦念老君真形, 老君真形現) (Ge 1995). According to Daoist belief, the combination of the aforementioned four characteristics serves as a symbol of Laojun. It is believed that when Daoist believers devoutly venerate the stele image of Laojun, he will manifest himself in response to their faith. By employing these Daoist symbols and positioning Laojun prominently on the stele, the visual representation facilitates the transformation of the stele from the profane to the sacred. Once Laojun “appears” on the stele, it is no longer merely a material object; it becomes a hierophany—a visible manifestation of the divine. In this sacred transformation, the stele transcends its material form, enabling believers to perceive the real presence of Laojun, the sacred. As Randall Studstill points out, “the sacred” is a cover-term for that category of “objects” constituted in the mind of the believer as “ultimately real” and as “distinct” from the profane world (Randall 2000, p. 181).

3.1.2. Heavenly Palace

In 424 CE, the Daoist master Kou Qianzhi 寇謙之 arrived in Pingcheng 平城, the capital of the Northern Wei. Following his guidance, Emperor Taiwu 太武 began to “Revere the Celestial Master and promote the new teachings” (崇奉天師，顯揚新法) (S. Wei 1974, p. 3052). At Kou Qianzhi’s suggestion, the Jinglun Tiangong 靜輪天宮 (Jinglun Heavenly Palace) and the Dadao Tanmiao 大道壇廟 (Altar-Temple of the Great Dao) were constructed. The Jinglun Tiangong, also known as the Heavenly Palace, was built in 431 CE. It was abandoned in 450 CE and has not survived. According to the Zhongyue Songgao Lingmiao Stele 中嶽嵩高靈廟碑, the Weishu 魏書 (The Book of Wei), and the Shuijing zhu 水經註 (Commentary on the River Classic), the Jinglun Tiangong was described as “a platform high beyond the clouds, allowing one to ascend to the sky and escape the worldly clamor” (台高廣超出雲間，欲令上延霄客，下絕囂浮) (D. Li 1976). It was said to be so high that “one could not hear the crowing of roosters or the barking of dogs” (高不聞雞鳴狗吠之聲) (S. Wei 1974, p. 3054). Its function is emphasized in statements such as: “to meet the deities in the heavens” (上與天神交接) (S. Wei 1974, p. 3053); “once the construction is completed, the deities will arrive” (能興造克就，則起眞仙矣) (S. Wei 1974, p. 3052); and “one builds the Jinglun Tiangong, awaiting the descent of the true deities” (造天官之靜輪, 俟真神之降儀).14 Thus, entry into the Heavenly Palace is believed to guarantee the presence of the deities. This commune with the divine became the spiritual ideal pursued by the central Daoist community of the Northern Dynasties, led by Kou Qianzhi and Emperor Taiwu.

Among the local Daoist communities of the Northern Dynasties, the construction of an ordinary stele usually required “each household contributed a portion of their resources” (各□家资)15 and “to bring out their most precious possessions together” (敢竭周身之物).16 In some cases, it was also necessary for the Huazhu 化主 (promulgator) to persuade people to contribute their possessions in order to raise sufficient funds for its creation. Within this context, the construction of a magnificent and towering Heavenly Palace—“high beyond the clouds” and “one could not hear the crowing of roosters or the barking of dogs”—was clearly beyond their means. As a result, the local believers of the Northern Dynasties constructed the Heavenly Palace through visual representation. They depicted architectural features such as eaves, pillars, arches, and draperies. Inside this symbolic structure, they placed a seated image of the main deity, thereby constructing a realm of cosmic order and perfection—representing the sacred dwelling place of the deities (see Figure 2).

In the Daoist stelae of the Northern Dynasties, the figure identified by the iconographic features of “wearing a Daoist crown, holding a zhuwei, wearing a chin mustache, and wearing a belt around the waist” is understood to symbolize Laojun. The architectural space surrounding this central figure represents the Heavenly Palace. This sacred symbolic structure functions as a medium through which Daoist believers construct a sacred realm, using visual and religious symbols to reflect their aspirations: to enter the Heavenly Palace, engage in prayer and commune with the deities, and ultimately dwell among them. Through such symbolic engagement, local believers can move beyond the profane material realm. They detach themselves from their worldly Universe or historical situation. Through this process, they enter a Universe different in quality, transcendent and holy (Pals 2015, p. 234). This Universe represents the ideal sacred space (Heavenly Palace) for Daoist believers. In their view, “if you see Laojun, your life will be prolonged” (見老君則年命延長) (M. Wang 1985). In other words, by entering the Heavenly Palace and worshipping Laojun, one may attain immortality and ultimately be admitted into the realm of immortals.

3.2. Myth: The Queen Mother of the West’s Transcendent Realm

In addition to symbols, Eliade holds that expressions of sacred things can also be found in myth. On Northern Dynasties’ Daoist stelae, the upper portion often depicts a celestial microcosm that includes the sun, moon, sanzu wu, and toad (see Figure 3). The British sinologist Michael Loewe 魯惟一 believes that the images of the sun, moon, sanzu wu, toad, and the medicine-pounding rabbit convey the myth of the Xiwangmu 西王母 (Queen Mother of the West). This symbolic cosmos represents the immortal realm traditionally attributed to the Xiwangmu Xianjing—a concept that has persisted since the Han Dynasty 漢 (202 BCE–220 CE).

A representative example is the Stele of the Celestial Worthy Dedicated by Li Yuanhai in 572 CE 北周建德元年李元海造天尊像碑. The obverse side of the stele’s upper section is carved with depictions of the sun, moon, sanzu wu, toad, and medicine-pounding rabbit, while the reverse side features a sun wheel containing the sanzu wu.

• Regarding the sun and moon, Liji 禮記 (Records of Rites) depicts, “The sun rises in the east and the moon emerges in the west” (日出於東，月生於西). In a manner akin to Eliade’s symbolic framework, the sun and moon within the myth of the Xiwangmu symbolize the cyclical themes of rebirth and immortality—that is, a return to the original unity of the sacred.
• Associated with the sun and moon are two mythical creatures: the sanzu wu and the toad. The Huainan zi 淮南子 (The Master of Huainan) records, “There is a Junwu in the sun” (日中有駿烏), and Gaoyou 高誘, a literati-official from the late Eastern Han, explains that Junwu refers to the sanzu wu. The Taiping yulan 太平御覽 (Imperial Readings of the Taiping era) states that toads are moon spirits. In Lingxian 靈憲 (Divine Rules [of Astrology]), authored by Zhang Heng 張衡, we learn that Chang’e 嫦娥, the wife of Hou Yi 后羿, stole the elixir of immortality from the Xiwangmu and, after consuming it, flew to the moon and transformed into a toad.
• The rabbit pounding medicine symbolizes the immortal elixir, and those who obtain it are believed to transcend mortality.

The myth of the Xiwangmu reveals the sacred power through its carvings on the stelae. The image of the Xiwangmu Xianjing embodies the dual themes of rebirth and immortality precisely because of its most primitive penetration into life. In this regard, the “sacred model” centered on the myth of the Xiwangmu parallels Eliade’s concept of “nostalgia for Paradise”. Both involve a longing to draw near to divinity and return to an original, sacred world. In this mythological framework, by resetting the direction of time, believers can eliminate the irreversibility of time and enter what Eliade calls “sacred time”.

3.3. Constructing a Complex Religious Meaning System

If the aforementioned images of the main deity and the Heavenly Palace symbolize the process of ascension to immortality, then the mythic imagery of the Xiwangmu represents eternal life. Together, these two types of imagery constitute a coherent system of religious significance. Specifically:

• Daoist believers construct the sacred through depictions of the main deity and the Heavenly Palace, aspiring to enter this celestial domain, engage in prayer and commune with the deities, and ultimately dwell among them.
• Through the imagery of the Xiwangmu, believers envision the sacred in terms of rebirth and immortality.

Among these, (i) is essential—it forms the foundational basis upon which (ii) is built. For this reason, nearly every stele includes representations of the main deity and the Heavenly Palace. As a spiritual elevation of (i), (ii) elevates the sacred experience to a higher stage.

A representative example is the Wu Hongbiao Stele from the Northern Wei Dynasty 北魏吳洪標造像碑 (see Figure 4). The upper central section of the stele’s front face features a niche. Seated at its center is the main deity, wearing a Daoist crown and robe, with a belt and holding a zhuwei. The lintel of the niche is adorned with scroll patterns and flame motifs. This space symbolizes the Heavenly Palace, representing the process of ascension to immortality (i.e., stage i; see Figure 5). Above the Heavenly Palace are two circular disks on the left and right. The left disk is a moon wheel, containing a toad and a jade rabbit. Correspondingly, the right disk is presumed to be a sun wheel, although the image within is no longer identifiable. Based on the iconographic tradition of Daoist stelae from the Northern Dynasties, it likely originally depicted a sanzuwu. As previously discussed, these images represent the Xiwangmu Xianjing, embodying the concept of eternal life (i.e., stage ii; see Figure 6). Thus, the entire stele face progresses from stage i to stage ii—first ascension to immortality, then eternal life. There are many similar examples, such as the Qi Shuanghu Stele of 520 CE 北魏神龜三年錡雙胡造像碑, the Qi Maren Stele of 521 CE 北魏正光二年錡麻仁造像碑, and the Shi Lusheng Stele of 523 CE 北魏正光四年師錄生造像碑, among others.

When these two types of imagery transform the Daoist stele from a profane stele into a sacred hierophany, the stele becomes something more than itself and acquires a dual character—it is no longer merely a stele, but a holy object. Eliade calls this infusion of the supernatural into natural objects the “dialectic of the sacred” (Eliade 1987, p. 12; Pals 2015, p. 238). Eliade believes that it is not the holy object itself that is worshipped, but only when an object concretely embodies something that is not itself can it be transformed into a holy object. So, the true meaning of the holly object is the manifestation of the divine, not to indicate that it is some kind of object. For the homo-religiosus, the significance of hierophany is that it enables commune with the deities and the sacred, thus allowing believers to transcend their limitations. Therefore, the stele, as a sacred object, embodies religious beliefs and serves as a medium for transformation from the profane to the sacred. Now, let us address how the homo-religiosus achieves this transformation.

4. Materiality: Daoist Fasts and Sacred Space

The Daoist stele is a three-dimensional artifact with a specific material form. In addition to examining its visual aspects, it is crucial to consider its materiality. Previous studies have often approached such stelae as primarily two-dimensional images, employing methods such as iconography and iconology to explore the imagery of the main deities and the associated religious and cultural issues (Little and Eichman 2000, p. 167; Yi Liu 2003, pp. 22–23; Ishimatsu 2017, pp. 69–91; R. Liu 2015, pp. 73–80; Yang Liu 2003, p. 57). This paper proposes an alternative perspective that emphasizes the concepts and practices associated with the stele’s materiality (see Figure 7). By integrating material culture studies with the phenomenology of religion, the analysis establishes a descriptive and interpretive framework centered on space and ritual. In other words, these stelae should not only be regarded as carved images, but also as carriers that bear these images. Thus, what is the relationship between such a material carrier, which occupies physical space, and the spatial context it inhabits? Moreover, what kind of religious activities do believers engage in when present within such a space?

Eliade considers that every sacred space implies a hierophany, a cut of the sacred into space. This sacred cut separates a portion of land from the cosmic environment around it and makes it qualitatively different (Eliade 1958, p. 368). Numerous inscriptions on Daoist stelae reference zhai 齋 (retreat) and tan 壇 (altar). Examples include the timing of Tanzhu 壇主 (Altar Patron) on the Buddhist-Daoist Stele Dedicated by Xin Yanzhi and the Association in 543 CE 西魏大統十四年辛延智合邑造佛道像碑, as well as the Zhaizhu 齋主 (Retreat Patron) on the Stele of the Most High Lord Lao Dedicated by Cai Hong in 548 CE 西魏大統十四年蔡洪造太上老君像碑. The term zhai refers to Daoist fasts, while tan denotes the place where these religious activities are conducted. Such titles suggest that believers used the stele as a means to hold Daoist fasts. Consequently, the space in which the stele is situated symbolizes the sacred Daoist space—namely, a Daochang 道場 (Daoist Sacred Arena). Moreover, the stele itself serves as a representation of a Tanchang 壇場 (Altar Ground), where the rituals and practices associated with Daoist fasting are performed. As previously discussed, Emperor Taiwu of the Northern Wei also built another structure in Pingcheng to accompany the Jinglun Tiangong. Situated in the southeastern part of the capital, the Dadao Tanmiao—also known as the Tianshi daochang 天師道場 (Master’s Sacred Arena) and the Xuandu tan 玄都壇 (Mystic Capital Altar)—was constructed in 425 CE, renamed Chongxu Si 崇虛寺 (Temple of Exalted Emptiness) in 491 CE, and abandoned in 548 CE. This five-story edifice served as an official Daoist sacred arena. The central Daoist community of the Northern Dynasties, led by Kou Qianzhi and Emperor Taiwu, regularly ascended to the Dadao Tanmiao to hold worship and national ceremonial activities. In contrast, the local Daoist community of the Northern Dynasties, lacking the resources and means to build such elaborate structures, sanctified the space surrounding the stele as their own ritual site.

The houses, temples, and intersections where the stelae are situated constitute a rupture in profane existence, thereby making the nature of the area distinct from other areas. In this way, the stelae—together with their surrounding space—constitute a sacred, communal religious center. This center is a sacred, transcendental, and spiritual space that serves both as a place of worship for believers and as a reflection of the universe and heaven. From the perspective of homo-religiosus, such sacred places mediate the divide between the sacred and the profane. Within these spaces, descendants interact with ancestors, the living with the departed, and believers with Daoist deities.

Daoist believers conducted ritual practices within the sacred spaces organized around the stelae. Although historical records of local Daoist ritual activities from the 5th and 6th centuries17 are scarce, archaeological discoveries of Daoist stelae offer valuable clues that enable the reconstruction of ritual practices from that period. Based on both the images and inscriptions found on the stelae, believers likely participated in three primary ritual activities within these sacred spaces.

• Incense burning and praying. The presence of images such as Shixiang 侍香 (Server of Incense) and Tianxiang 添香 (Incense Replenisher), the timing of Xianglu zhu 香爐主 (Incense Burner Owner) on the stele, as well as the records in Daoist scriptures18, suggest that incense burning and worship constituted important ritual practices during this period. Du Guangting 杜光庭 (850–933), in his Taishang huanglu zhaiyi 太上黃箓齋儀 (Fast Ritual of the Yellow Register of the Most High, completed in 891 CE), records the following:

  When performing the retreat and practicing the Dao, the most urgent tasks are burning incense and lighting lamps. Burning incense conveys one’s thoughts, moving the true gods above.

  凡修齋行道，以燒香燃燈最為急務。香者，傳心達信，上感真靈。

  (DZ 507, 56.1a.)

The rising smoke from burning incense intensifies the atmosphere of sacred space, facilitating the perception of deities and the experience of the divine.

ii.

Visualizing of deities. Local believers during the Northern Dynasties may have employed physical representations of deities carved on Daoist stelae as aids in cunxiang yi 存想儀 (visualization rituals), using these tangible forms to visualize the invisible celestial beings (Yuan Zhang 2025). In this way, they could “see the true form of the Most High” (睹太上真形),19 “often behold the sagely appearance” (常睹聖容),20 and “face upon the true Dao” (面睹真道).21 Dongxuan lingbao sandong fengdao kejie yingshi洞玄靈寶三洞奉道科戒營始 (The Regulations for the Practice of Daoism in Accordance with the Scriptures of the Three Caverns, of the Cavern Mystery and Numinous Treasure), composed during the mid to late Southern Dynasties 南朝 (420–589 CE), includes records concerning the use of images for visualization:

The great image has no form; ultimate perfection has no shape. It is profoundly tranquil, void, and alone. Sight and hearing cannot reach it. But, in response to circumstance it manifests a body; momentarily seen, it returns to hiding. That by which those who visualize the perfected and attach their thoughts to the sagely appearances, is to use cinnabar and azure, gold and precious stones to draw pictures of their forms, so as to image the perfected appearances, and adorn them with white powder. All those who wish to focus their minds, should first make [visible] images. By burning incense to serve in reverence, and visualizing morning and evening as if facing the true forms. In past and future [lives], you gain boundless good fortune and realize the true Dao.

(Translation from Raz 2017, p. 132)

夫大像無形，至真無色，湛然空寂，視聽莫偕。而應變見身，暫顯還隱。所以存真者，係想聖容，故以丹青金碧摹圖形相，像彼真容，飾茲鉛粉。凡厥繫心，皆先造像。……禮拜燒香，晝夜存念，如對真形。過去未來，獲福無量，克成真道。

(DZ 1125, 2.1–2b.)

Believers practiced cunxiang yi before the stelae, perceiving the carved images not merely as artistic representation but as manifestations of the deities’ real presence. The descent of these true deities sanctified the space, transforming it into a sacred realm. Within this sacred space, believers established communion with the divine and received sacred power, as stated in the scripture: “In past and future [lives], you gain boundless good fortune and realize the true Dao”.

iii.

Sitting cross-legged before the stele, closing their eyes, and meditating upon Daoist scriptures. As depicted on the Daoist Yao Boduo Stele of 496 CE 北魏太和廿年道民姚伯多造像碑, “Sitting in meditation with eyes closed, chanting Daoist scriptures while surrounded by fellow practitioners” (坐冥真经，四面竞求). The surrounding space was thus ritually sacralized and functioned as a sacred space of religious activity. Within this sacred space, believers engaged in sincere worship rituals—closing their eyes and softly chanting scriptures—to petition the deities for peace in the realm, population prosperity, the longevity and wealth of the living, and absolution for the sins of the deceased, allowing them to ascend to the celestial realm.

It is noteworthy that these ritual activities were originally performed by ordained Daoists. Their prevalence in northern China’s Guanzhong and Guandong regions correlates with the transmission of southern Lingbao jing 靈寶經 (Lingbao scriptures) tradition to the north during this period (see Yuan Zhang, forthcoming). Although Daoist inscriptions mention titles such as daoshi 道士 (Daoist), Sandong fashi 三洞法師 (Master of the Three Caverns), Lusheng 籙生 (Register Student), Shijing 侍經 (Server of Scripture), and Shixiang 侍香 (Server of Incense), these individuals were not formally ordained Daoists but rather lay practitioners influenced by the Lingbao jing tradition. They conducted these ritual activities to emulate the ordained Daoists of the Lingbao jing tradition—they sought to ritually construct a sacred space for spiritual practice. Within this space, they envisioned and sensed the presence of the Daoist Lord and the divine realm. Through these practices, they established communion with the Daoist deities and sought to restore spiritual order. By engaging in these rituals, they aspired to transcend profane existence and attain divine blessings and spiritual transcendence.

5. Conclusions

During the 5th and 6th centuries in the Guanzhong and Guandong regions of the Northern Dynasties, sacred, abstract, invisible, and spiritual Daoist beliefs were transformed into profane, concrete, visible, and material stelae through artistic representation and material forms. In this process—through the production of stelae and the performance of Daoist rituals—believers created symbols and myths that transcended the limits of the “profane-present world” and entered the imagined realm of the “sacred-transcendent”.

This transformation involved the stele becoming a hierophany in the following ways:

• Constructing sacredness through symbolism: The figure of Laojun and the image of “Laojun with the house” symbolize the Heavenly Palace, the dwelling place of deities, reflecting believers’ aspiration to enter the celestial realm.
• Constructing sacredness through mythology: Believers drew upon symbols associated with the Xiwangmu—including the sun, moon, sanzu wu, toad, and medicine-pounding rabbit—to construct a mythical world of immortality.
• An integrated religious system: These symbols and myths together formed a complete system of religious meaning that transformed the stele into a hierophany—an embodiment of sacred presence.

Through this process, the stele became a medium by which believers underwent a transformation from the profane to the sacred:

• The stele, as a three-dimensional artifact, occupies physical space; yet, through ritual activity, it also generates sacred space distinct from ordinary profane space.
• Ritual activities surrounding stelae include incense burning and praying, visualizing of deities, as well as closing the eyes and meditating upon Daoist scriptures.

In summary, within the sacred space manifested through the Daoist stele, believers engage in rituals practices to imagine and perceive the presence of the deities and the sacred. Through these acts, they established a spiritual connection, sought divine blessings, and transcended worldly existence. On one hand, the stele provides a visual medium for the believers to visualize of deities—representing the religious imagination of the sacred world. On the other hand, the stele serves as an important object on the altar, around which related Daoist fasts can be performed—representing religious practice in the profane world. Ultimately, the dedication of stelae served to guide believers from the profane to the sacred.

The stelae-dedicating activities in the Guanzhong and Guandong regions during the 5th and 6th centuries offer an alternative lens through which to interpret early local Daoist traditions. In other words, this paper aims to explore how archaeological and epigraphic materials, along with relevant religious theories, can shed light on local Daoist practices during the Northern Dynasties. Two critical methodological approaches in this research demand particular attention. The first concerns the “material turn” in religious studies. Local believers from lower social strata in the Northern Dynasties remain largely unrecorded in official historical records; similarly, local Daoist activities are seldom referenced in Daoist scriptures and historical sources. Due to this scarcity of documentation, this study relies on material culture—namely, Daoist stelae from the Northern Dynasties—as a vital source for reconstructing local religious history. The second involves the trans-temporal and cross-cultural application of modern religious theories. Mircea Eliade’s phenomenology of religion not only helps interpret local religious practices in medieval China but also provides an analytical framework for studying other religious phenomena. This approach carries significant methodological implications for contemporary research: firstly, it re-evaluates the paradigm of traditional Daoism, which is based on scriptural and textual traditions, and explores the important role of areological materials in the study of early local Daoism; and secondly, it re-examines the research boundaries of conventional issues and introduces modern Western theories of religiosity into the study of medieval Chinese religiosity.