Chinese Languages and Their Neighbours in Southeast Asia

A Special Issue of Languages (ISSN 2226-471X).

Deadline for manuscript submissions: 31 October 2026 | Viewed by 7946

Editors


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Guest Editor
Department of Linguistics, The University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, China
Interests: language contact; linguistic typology; Sinitic languages
Special Issues, Collections and Topics in MDPI journals

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Guest Editor
College of Arts and Sciences, VinUniversity, Hanoi, Vietnam
Interests: linguistic typology, language contact, pidgin and creole languages, languages of East, South, and Southeast Asia
Special Issues, Collections and Topics in MDPI journals

Special Issue Information

Dear Colleagues,

Following the successful publication of our Special Issue "Typology of Chinese Languages: One Name, Many Languages", we are delighted to announce a sequel dedicated to the Chinese languages of Southeast Asia.

We invite original and innovative research on the multifaceted interactions between Chinese and the languages of Mainland and Insular Southeast Asia. Topics of particular interest include linguistic perspectives on minority and endangered language communities, language contact phenomena, and sociolinguistic dynamics. While the main focus is on varieties of Chinese spoken in Southeast Asia, studies centered on other languages in the region are also welcome, as long as they analyze their synchronic or diachronic engagement with Chinese.

Southeast Asia presents one of the most diverse linguistic landscapes on earth, where ancient language families have coexisted and interacted for centuries. This history of migration and sustained contact has woven a complex tapestry of languages and cultures, offering fertile ground for linguistic inquiry. This Special Issue will bring the intriguing and nuanced realities of this region to the forefront of the linguistic community.

We request that, prior to submitting a manuscript, interested authors initially submit a proposed title and an abstract of 400–600 words summarizing their intended contribution. Please send it to the Guest Editors, Pui Yiu Szeto (pyszeto@gmail.com) and Umberto Ansaldo (uansaldo@gmail.com), and to the Languages Editorial Office (languages@mdpi.com). Abstracts will be reviewed by the Guest Editors for ensuring their proper fit within the scope of the Special Issue. Full manuscripts will undergo double-blind peer review.

Dr. Pui Yiu Szeto
Prof. Dr. Umberto Ansaldo
Guest Editors

Manuscript Submission Information

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Keywords

  • language contact
  • Southeast Asia
  • Chinese languages
  • sociolinguistics
  • minority languages

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Published Papers (3 papers)

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Research

27 pages, 2034 KB  
Article
Linguistic Evidence for the Borrowing and Origin of “Matchmaker” in Liangshan Yi
by Hongdi Ding and Hui Zhang
Languages 2026, 11(6), 129; https://doi.org/10.3390/languages11060129 - 18 Jun 2026
Viewed by 1114
Abstract
This study uses linguistic evidence to examine the cultural dimensions of the term “matchmaker” within Liangshan Yi society, Sichuan, China. The present linguistic analysis reveals that two distinct Chinese words related to marriage were borrowed into the Liangshan Yi language, based on morphological [...] Read more.
This study uses linguistic evidence to examine the cultural dimensions of the term “matchmaker” within Liangshan Yi society, Sichuan, China. The present linguistic analysis reveals that two distinct Chinese words related to marriage were borrowed into the Liangshan Yi language, based on morphological analyzability, cognate comparison within Sino-Tibetan languages, and phonological and semantic adaptation. Specifically, (i) the Chinese word 伐 (), meaning ‘to hew, chop, or matchmake’ was borrowed as a standalone verb, phonologically adapted as ho33/fu33 depending on dialect into Liangshan Yi with the meaning ‘to marry (generally)’; and (ii) the term 伐柯 (fákē), originally meaning ‘to cut wood for an axe handle’ and later to ‘matchmaking, matchmaker,’ was borrowed into Liangshan Yi as a noun meaning ‘matchmaker’ (hɔ44ka33/fu44ka33, depending on dialect). Phonological evidence suggests these borrowings occurred during the Late Middle Chinese period, prior to the completion of labiodentalization, but after the shift of labial consonants to labiodental sounds, between the late Tang and Song dynasties (ca. 9th to 13th centuries). The lower limit is 1324 CE, when Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn was compiled. The dating of these borrowings is corroborated by our further corpus analysis of the usage of 伐柯 fákē and 伐 in ancient Chinese texts. This analysis reveals that while the two Chinese words originated in Shījīng (Book of Odes, 11th–7th centuries BCE), their usage frequency was extremely low in Early Middle Chinese; a resurgence subsequently occurred in Late Middle Chinese, with the highest frequency attested in the Song Dynasty (960–1279 CE). Moreover, a survey of additional Loloish communities shows that 伐柯 fákē serves as the common source of the borrowing for the term “matchmaker” in many Northern Loloish and some Central Loloish varieties, reflecting the influence of Chinese marital customs across a broad range of Yi communities. Although the borrowing derives from a common source, given the similar phonetic forms, the terms for “matchmaker” in these Loloish languages lack sound correspondences. This indicates that the Loloish languages had already diverged from one another by the time the borrowing took place. Finally, the linguistic evidence from the present study illuminates the historical processes that shaped marital customs among Yi ethnic societies, demonstrating that the concept of matchmaker is a recent innovation within Yi cultural practice, linguistically and culturally borrowed from Han Chinese—probably during 9th century to early 14th century—rather than being an indigenous tradition. Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Chinese Languages and Their Neighbours in Southeast Asia)
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25 pages, 2664 KB  
Article
Languages on the Periphery: Historical, Geographic, and Contact Factors in the Formation of Hunan’s Linguistic Ecosystem
by Robert Marcelo Sevilla
Languages 2026, 11(6), 115; https://doi.org/10.3390/languages11060115 - 3 Jun 2026
Viewed by 1239
Abstract
The region today corresponding to modern Hunan province has been a site of stable language contact for over 2500 years, with the intensification of that contact occurring in particular between the 17th and 21st centuries. Major political developments during this time led to [...] Read more.
The region today corresponding to modern Hunan province has been a site of stable language contact for over 2500 years, with the intensification of that contact occurring in particular between the 17th and 21st centuries. Major political developments during this time led to massive population movements which reshaped the demographics and linguistic ecology of Hunan. The region has considerable language and phylogenetic diversity, being home to three top-level groupings (Sino-Tibetan, Kra-Dai, and Hmong-Mien) and representing at least 17 different language varieties within a condensed area of around 211,800 km2; it is therefore the ideal setting to explore long-term language contact as mediated by degrees of relatedness. Structural diversity, in terms of morphological and phonological typology, is relatively low, owing to convergence over several thousand years. All language varieties in the province converge towards the MSEA typological profile; however, those that entered the region latest, such as varieties of Tujia, still retain features from outside the region (SOV, multisyllabic roots, etc.). In this paper the case is made that Hunan, with its geography, history of settlement, and contact between related and unrelated language families, represents a microcosm of linguistic contact situations which have taken place in other periods and regions of China. This is attributed to a combination of geographic and demographic patterns, historical patterns of settlement and ethnic conflict, and a complex sociolinguistic situation. Taken together, these lead to the formation of a unique linguistic niche where stable near-relative contact, distant-relative contact, and non-relative contact take place. The case is made that instances of near-relative contact between Xiang varieties and Mandarin (Standard and Southwestern) represent instances of koineization. This is evidenced by the formation of regional koines, such as Plastic Mandarin in Changsha, which present a degree of local prestige and show evidence of regional standard formation. Meanwhile distant- and non-relative contact between Southwestern/Standard Mandarin and Tujia and Waxiang, and Xiangxi Miao and Kam-Dong, respectively, are seen to result in extensive grammatical hybridization. Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Chinese Languages and Their Neighbours in Southeast Asia)
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21 pages, 455 KB  
Article
Generational Variation in Language Convergence: Lexical and Syntactic Change in Dai Lue Under Chinese Influence
by Nuola Yan, Sumittra Suraratdecha and Chingduang Yurayong
Languages 2026, 11(1), 3; https://doi.org/10.3390/languages11010003 - 24 Dec 2025
Cited by 1 | Viewed by 2730
Abstract
This study examines lexical and syntactic convergence between Dai Lue and Chinese in the multilingual environment of Sipsongpanna, employing an apparent-time approach across three generational cohorts (N = 90, balanced gender). Through mixed-methods analysis (structured questionnaires and semi-structured interviews), significant diachronic variation was [...] Read more.
This study examines lexical and syntactic convergence between Dai Lue and Chinese in the multilingual environment of Sipsongpanna, employing an apparent-time approach across three generational cohorts (N = 90, balanced gender). Through mixed-methods analysis (structured questionnaires and semi-structured interviews), significant diachronic variation was observed. Younger speakers exhibited pronounced convergence, adopting Chinese-derived syntactic patterns (e.g., prenominal quantifiers and preverbal adjunct phrases) and borrowing Chinese lexical elements (e.g., an adverb sɛn55 ‘first’ ← Chinese 先 xiān, and a superlative marker tsui35 ‘most/best’ ← Chinese 最 zuì). Middle-aged speakers use transitional hybrid structures, while older speakers more consistently maintain native Dai Lue features. The results conform with Labov’s age-grading model in contact linguistics and refine Thomason’s borrowing hierarchy by revealing two factors: First, the prestige of the Chinese language drives convergence among youth. Second, syntactic compatibility with Chinese is mediated not merely by language structure, but by discourse-pragmatic needs, functional load redistribution, and the social indexicality of borrowed structures. This underscores the interplay between sociolinguistic motivations and structural-adaptive constraints in language change. The findings provide critical insights into language contact mechanisms among ethnic minorities of China, with implications for sociolinguistic theory, language revitalization efforts, and bilingual education policy implementation in linguistically diverse communities. Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Chinese Languages and Their Neighbours in Southeast Asia)
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