Gender Trouble in the Early Lingbao Scriptures

Abstract

The early Lingbao scriptures incorporate pluralistic gender discourses. On the one hand, the early Lingbao scriptures accept the social gender system of “differences between men and women” as the decision of all deities, and incorporate the “chastity” virtue of women advocated by Confucianism. The auspiciousness of giving birth to a boy and the masculine perspective of the Daoist discipline are not immune to correlative sexism. On the other hand, the early Lingbao scriptures actively borrow the Buddhist individualized gender, take the term “transforming a female into a male” as one of the “eight difficult situations” and the merit of worshipping the Daoist scriptures and illustrate the cultivated journey of women beyond gender in the stories of past actions, in an attempt to overcome the correlative sexism caused by the dominant gender system. The Dao unifies the concept of correlative gender and the concept of individualized gender, makes men and women equal objects of teachings, gives the perfected transcendent the freedom to choose gender, and integrates family ethics and individual transcendence with the images of a Daoist wife. The early Lingbao scriptures echo the Daoist principle of softness and femininity, use gender as an opportunity for Daoist cultivation, and explore possible ways to resolve gender trouble.

1. Introduction

Querying the meaning of “gender” in religious texts is a (post-)modern way of asking questions with which a vast majority of ancient religious texts are not always in conversation. However, this does not deny the existence of gender-specific discourses in ancient religious texts, especially with regard to the situation of women in classical doctrines, religious organizations, and the life of faith (Li 1994). These gender discourses are deeply embedded in religious texts and cannot simply be separated out from other discourses. Therefore, the “gender-critical turn” is necessary and efficient to analyze the notions of gender that suffuse all religious worlds and experiences (King 2005, p. 8). As socio-cultural constructs, gender discourses demonstrate gender-based power relations and raise questions of gender justice under the scrutiny of modernity.

Based on the gender-critical framework, the process of constructing the gender concepts in Daoist texts is gradually revealed. The concepts of gender are presented here in three faces. The first is the original force of cosmogony, which is expressed in Daoist worship of the goddesses and female immortals as the representatives of the cosmic force of “yin 陰” (Schafer 1973; Cahill 1993, 2006). The second is the role of social and cultural activities, which is expressed in the writings of the group of Daoist priestesses and their legendary experiences (Chao 2008; Jia 2018). The third is the function of the body as the field of sexual and reproductive practices, which is expressed in Daoist sexual practices (Gulik 1961; Robinet 1988; Wile 1992) and the special practices of women’s inner alchemy (Despeux 1990; Valussi 2003). These gender concepts are continually produced, interpreted, and identified in the classics, organizational systems, and cultivated practices of Daoism.

Among the world religions, Daoism is one of the few that are considered to be gender-sensitive (Y. Wang 1995), with its goddess worship and feminine cultivation revealing the “soft and quiet consciousness” that is critical and corrective to masculine hegemony (Zhan 2010, p. 158). However, the gender discourses in Daoism are not uniform, but rather present a complex interplay of pluralistic discourses. On the one hand, Daoism understands gender relations in terms of Dao or the Way constituted by the successive mutual movement of “yin” and “yang 陽” and believes that the two genders are interdependent and complementary rather than opposed to each other. Actually, Daoism inherits Laozi’s idea of valuing softness and holding on to femininity and affirms the importance of the principle of softness and femininity in the universe and life (X. Liu 2001). On the other hand, the Daoist organizational system and ethical norms subscribe to the male-dominated social gender system, with male Daoist priests having absolute advantages in power, prestige, and wealth, while women’s own voices are rarely heard in historical writings (Du 1988, p. 310; Despeux and Kohn 2003, p. 5; Cahill 2003).

The ambivalent attitude of Daoism towards gender is even more ambiguous in the early Lingbao 靈寶 (Numinous Treasure) scriptures, which were recorded in Lu Xiujing’s 陸修靜 (406–477 C.E.) catalog of Lingbao scriptures, quoted in the Dunhuang manuscripts Pelliot chinois 2861.2 and Pelliot chinois 2256 (Y. Liu 2009). Lu Xiujing divided the early Lingbao scriptures into two parts: part A is the former scriptures taught by Yuanshi Tianzun 元始天尊 (Celestial Worthy of Primordial Commencement) and part B is the new scriptures received from Ge Xiangong 葛仙公 (Duke Transcendent Ge). The texts of the early Lingbao scriptures are mainly included in the Dongxuan 洞玄 (the Cavern Penetrating Mystery) division of the Dao zang 道藏 (Daoist Canon), and some of them are found only in Dunhuang manuscripts. Although there is ongoing controversy about the date of their composition, most of them are in the late 4th to early 5th century, and some may be earlier or later (Y. Liu 2018, pp. 325–38).

In contrast to the Shangqing 上清 (Highest Clarity) movement, the early Lingbao scriptures do not give much importance to goddesses and female immortals, and male deities such as Yuanshi Tianzun, Ge Xiangong, Tianhuang Zhenren 天皇真人 (Perfected of Heaven Emperor), and Taiji Zhenren 太極真人 (Perfected of Great Ultimate) become the main subjects of the narrative, which reveals the prevailing gender concept of the male-dominated society. While incorporating the Buddhist content, the early Lingbao scriptures also borrow from the Buddhist doctrine of “transforming a female into a male”, which is controversial, either as a misogynistic attitude from the Indian tradition (Bokenkamp 1983, p. 473) or as a break with traditional Confucian family ethics (Tsuzuki 2010). It is because of the convergence of these multiple discourses that the gender discourses in the early Lingbao scriptures contain a hermeneutical tension that has not received sufficient attention.

This paper attempts to sort out the gender discourses in the early Lingbao scriptures, based on the social and cultural contexts of the Six dynasties period, examines the correlative sexism and individualized gender equality revealed by the pluralistic gender discourses, illustrates the possible ways to overcome the contradiction between sexism and gender equality through Daoist cultivation, and reflects on the inspiration they bring to the resolution of gender trouble.

2. The Differences between Men and Women

2.1. Traditional Chinese Gender System

The main context for the gender discourses in the early Lingbao scriptures is the traditional Chinese social gender system. Since the Duke of Zhou made ritual proprieties and music, the differences between men and women had been reinforced compared to previous generations (G. Wang 1959, pp. 473–74). As a social discipline to establish order, the ritual proprieties of the Zhou dynasty were based on the division of labour and organization between men and women. It resulted in a gender system in which men were dominant and women were subordinate, men were superior and women were inferior, men were rigid and women were soft, and men were in charge of external affairs and women were in charge of internal affairs, and patriarchal family lineages were maintained from generation to generation through ancestor worship and filial piety ethics (Rosenlee 2006, pp. 123–27; Du and Wang 2012, p. 79). The so-called “differences between men and women” are not a division of the two genders into separate or even dual individuals, but rather an understanding of the distinction between men and women in the context of the family relationship entered into by marriage, where their respective existence is shaped by their identities within the family and does not precede or transcend the ritual life of the family (Barlow 2004, p. 42).

Confucianism since the pre-Qin dynasties had inherited and carried forward the gender system of the ritual proprieties of the Zhou dynasty, which established the mainstream concept of gender in ancient Chinese society. In explaining the meaning of marriage, the Book of Rites makes the “differences between men and women” the basis for the “appropriateness of husband and wife”, the “kinship of father and son”, and the “justice of ruler and minister” (Ruan 2009, p. 3648).

In this context, Daoism, although initially characterized as non-mainstream and possibly even antagonistic to the mainstream, gradually succumbed to mainstream ideology and ethics after the period of the Six dynasties. It is evident from the disappearance of the “ritual of transmission” of sexual cultivation in the early Tianshi 天師 (Celestial Masters) movement (Ge 2003, pp. 67–68). In the face of the mainstream gender concept advocated by Confucianism, the early Lingbao scriptures also show its “submission”, no longer in obvious conflict with it, and even defend and reinforce the “differences between men and women” from a Daoist standpoint.

2.2. Daoist Explanation of the Gender System

The early Lingbao scriptures regard the “differences between men and women” as the destiny of the individual at birth, ordained by the deities. As a sociocultural construction, although the gender system has been historically grounded by the sage, the Duke of Zhou, it is still not immune to the suspicion of being artificial and may lead to criticism. For this reason, Confucianism relied on the Book of Changes to construct the moral metaphysics, explaining a priori basis for the “differences between men and women” in terms of “yin-yang” and “qian 乾 (heaven)-kun 坤 (earth)”. In the “Appended Remarks part I” of the Book of Changes, it is said that “the way of qian constitutes the male, while the way of kun constitutes the female”, and the fixed relationship between qian and kun illustrates the ethical norms and behavioural qualities of the two genders, such as superiority and inferiority, nobility and humility, activity and tranquillity, and hardness and softness (Ruan 2009, pp. 156–57). This metaphysical interpretation is more abstract and does not address how the gender of individual existence is specified.

Daoism not only brings into play a cosmology of the original material force but also visualizes the original material force as deities with personal characteristics. Because everything in the world is created by the original material force, including human beings, deities govern the existence of the individual, including his or her gender. It is said as follows in the Dongxuan lingbao ziran jiutian shengshen zhang jing 洞玄靈寶自然九天生神章經 (referred to as DLZJSZJ):

“When one becomes an embryo, the three origins nourish it and the nine types of material force are formed into a body. In the ninth month, the deities are fully distributed, the material force in the body is full and it has the ability to make sounds. The deities of the nine heavens celebrate it. The deity Taiyi 太一 (Great One) is in charge of the talisman, the deity Dijun 帝君 (Imperial Lord) examines its destiny, the deity Zhulu 主錄 (Records Officer) writes its document, the deity Siming 司命 (Longevity) determines its life span, the deities Wudi 五帝 (Five Emperors) supervise its birth, the deity Shengmu 聖母 (Holy Mother) guards the delivery room, and all the deities of the three worlds, from heaven to earth, guard against it. The deity Jiutian Sima 九天司馬 (Governor of the Nine Heavens) faces east at the court and reads nine times the ‘Treasurable Petition about the Birth of the Deities from the Nine Heavens’. If it is male, all the deities sing of respect; if it is female, all the deities sing of acceptance. If it is male, the deity Siming is serious to permit; if it is female, the deity Siming is serious to obey. Therefore, one is born. If the deity Jiutian Sima does not give the petition, and if the deities do not sing of respect or permission, one will not be born after all.” (DZ.318:5.843c)1

In explaining Laozi’s statement that “the three produced all things”, DLZJSZJ transformed the Dao into the “three origins” that is the origin of chaotic non-being, the origin of red mixed non-being, and the origin of silently penetrating. The “three origins” are each divided into the three types of material force called “Xuan 玄” (mystery), “Yuan 元” (element), and “Shi 始” (beginning), making a total of nine types of material force. They make up all things in heaven and earth (DZ.318:5.843b). Therefore, the conception and eventual birth of a human being is the result of the nurturing of the three origins and nine types of material force. After nine months of gestation, the deities in the body are connected to the deities of the nine heavens. A similar statement is found in the Shangqing jiudan shanghua taijing zhongji jing 上清九丹上化胎精中記經, “Human being models itself after heaven and earth, and the material force models itself after nature. The material force of nature is the essence of the nine heavens, which is transformed into the human body and nurtures the embryo. In the ninth month, the material force of the nine heavens is full, and in the tenth month, it is born” (DZ.1382:34.82a).

In DLZJSZJ, the conception of a baby is a sacred process, which is only possible by the order of all the deities. Taiyi, Dijun, Zhulu, and Siming are in charge of holding, examining, and writing the talisman and determining its destiny. When a baby is born at full term, Wudi and Shengmu guard it kindly. The most important part of the birth process is the reading of the “Treasurable Petition about the Birth of the Deities from the Nine Heavens” by the Jiutian Sima, which is a necessary process for all births. After this, gender differences begin to emerge: for male births, all the deities sing of respect and Siming is serious to permit; for female births, all the deities sing of acceptance and Siming is serious to obey. Originally, respect, permission, acceptance, and obedience are just the moral qualities of different behaviours and attitudes, but they become gender norms in the context of “differences between men and women”.

According to the commentary of Wang Xichao 王希巢 in the Southern Song dynasty, the difference between men and women in terms of superiority and inferiority as shown in DLZJSZJ is the same as the distinction between “playing jades” and “playing spindles” in the poem “Limpid Stream” of the Book of Songs (DZ.397:6.430a; Ruan 2009, pp. 937–38). The “differences between men and women” are already established by all deities at the time of birth and are therefore reinforced by the sanctity accorded to them.

2.3. Chastity as a Female Virtue

In the early Lingbao scriptures, “chastity” is recognized as the most important moral virtue for women. When constructing its own discipline, Daoism incorporated the ethical norms of Confucianism and reinforced them through the “teachings of the Spiritual Way” (Wu 2006, p. 183). There are fourteen norms of conduct corresponding to different social identities, including a ruler, a minister, a father, a son, a husband, a wife, an elder brother, a younger brother, a teacher, a friend, a savage, a Daoist priest, a foreigner, and a slave, in the Taiji Zuo Xiangong qingwen jing 太極左仙公請問經 (referred to as TZXQJ)2 vol.1 and the Taishang dongxuan lingbao zhihui zuigen shangpin dajie jing 太上洞玄靈寶智慧罪根上品大戒經 (referred to as TDLZZSDJ)3 vol.1. Among them, the ethical norm used to teach a wife is chastity to her husband.

This concept of chastity is strongly advocated by Confucianism. For example, a chaste woman is considered to be one of the manifestations of ritual proprieties in the “Four Rules of Mourning Dress” of the Book of Rites (Ruan 2009, p. 3682); the virtues of a wife are chastity and obedience according to Zheng Xuan’s 鄭玄 (127–200 C.E.) commentary on the “Meaning of Marriage” of the Book of Rites (Ruan 2009, p. 3650); in the Commandments to Women, Ban Zhao 班昭 said that to be leisurely, to be quiet, to be chaste, to be neat, to abstain from what is shameful, to be disciplined in action and quietness, are the virtues of a woman (Fan 1965, p. 2789).

Daoism in the Han dynasty also embraced these ethical norms of Confucianism. For example, a wife’s chastity is considered a virtue for a married woman in Heshang Gong’s 河上公 Chapters and Verses of Laozi (Heshang Gong 1993, p. 207), Yan Zun’s 嚴遵 Tenet of Laozi (Yan 1994, p. 53), and the Orders of the Great Daoists in the early Tianshi movement (DZ.789:18.236c). It is therefore obvious that the women’s virtue of chastity in the early Lingbao scriptures reflects the dominant social ideology at that time.

2.4. Correlative Sexism

The traditional Chinese concept of gender distinguishes between men and women in an interdependent and complementary association of “yin” and “yang”, but this association does not mean that men and women are necessarily equal to each other. On the contrary, the two genders in the association can be trapped in a hierarchy in which the male occupies a dominant, preferred, and powerful position, while the female is in a subordinate, secondary, and inferior position. It is known as “correlative sexism” (Hall and Ames 2000). When the early Lingbao scriptures accept the traditional gender concept, sexism implicit in it is also inevitable, particularly in the following two points.

Firstly, the birth of a male is regarded as an auspicious event in the early Lingbao scriptures. According to the Yuanshi wulao chishu yupian zhenwen tianshu jing 元始五老赤書玉篇真文天書經 (referred to as YWCYZTJ) vol.1, when Yuanshi Tianzun opened the “Texts of Five Original Lords Written in Cinnabar on Jade”, various auspicious events arose, including twelve miraculous signs in heaven and twenty-four efficacious correspondences on earth; the twentieth correspondence was that all pregnant women in the world gave birth to boys (DZ.22:1.775b). It reflects the fact that under the patriarchal gender system, only males were allowed to inherit the lineage and wealth of the paternal family, and having boys became a common desire to make the family flourish.

From the pre-Qin dynasties to the Northern and Southern Dynasties, the custom of begging for a son was very prevalent. For example, the daylily that was known as “the flower for boys” was popularly worn by married women (Zhang and Chen 2010, p. 404); there was a kind of “witchcraft of changing the fetus” in order to determine the gender of the fetus by means of magic (Li 2008, pp. 44–46). In contrast, a woman became a member of her husband’s family after she got married, so she was born without happiness and love, and was not valued by her father’s family as Fu Xuan 傅玄 (217–278 C.E.) said in his poem “Bitter Appearance” in the Western Jin dynasty (Lu 1983, p. 555). The auspicious events in the early Lingbao scriptures are the result of conformity to the dominant social preference for men over women.

Secondly, the Daoist discipline in the early Lingbao scriptures is from an obvious masculine perspective. Among the various kinds of “Ten Commandments”, the third commandment is not to commit adultery against other wives and not to covet smooth skin in the Taishang dongxuan lingbao benxing suyuan jing 太上洞玄靈寶本行宿緣經 (referred to as TDLBSJ, DZ.1114:24.666c)4 and TDLZZSDJ vol.1 (DZ.457:6.887b), while the second commandment is not to commit adultery against other women in the Taishang dongxuan lingbao zhihui dingzhi tongwei jing 太上洞玄靈寶智慧定志通微經 (referred to as TDLZDTJ)5. There are 180 commandments in the Taishang dongxuan lingbao sanyuan pinjie gongde qingzhong jing 太上洞玄靈寶三元品戒功德輕重經6, of which the eightieth is “the sin of coveting other women” and the ninety-eighth is “the sin of walking or talking alone with women” (DZ.456:6.881a–b). Similar commandments are also found in the “180 commandments taught by Lord Lao” of Tianshi movement (DZ.786:18.219a–221b). These commandments all have men as the subject of the Daoist discipline, while women are merely the victimized object of the crimes.

Although influenced by Buddhist monastic discipline, the commandment of sexual misconduct is also related to ancient Chinese law. From the Warring States to the Jin dynasty, the punishment for sexual misconduct became increasingly harsh and was mainly reserved for male offenders (Zhao 2014, p. 129). The stone inscriptions erected by Qin Shi Huang 秦始皇 (259–210 B.C.E.) in Kuaiji 會稽 contained the following clause: “Prevent the separation of internal and external, forbid promiscuity, and maintain chastity and honesty between men and women. If a husband becomes a boar in another family, it is not a crime to kill him” (Sima 1982, p. 262), in which a “boar” means that a man who has a wife commits adultery against another man’s wife. The crimes of sexual misconduct in the Han dynasty were all committed by men, including “adultery”, “rape”, “adultery during mourning”, and “rape of a subordinate’s wife” (Cheng 2010, pp. 146–47). It was also the case in the Jin dynasty, where, for example, “the decree on adultery with aunts was aggravated by the death penalty in the downtown area and adultery with a widow was punishable by three years” (Fang 1974, p. 927).

The masculine perspective of the Daoist discipline in the early Lingbao scriptures is similar, and while it serves to protect women, it also suggests that women do not have the same full social subject identity as men, but rather implies the sexism of male dominance and female subordination.

3. Transforming a Female into a Male

The early Lingbao scriptures are the focus of research on Buddho-Daoism (Zürcher 1980; Bokenkamp 1983). Unlike the passive acceptance of the Confucian gender concept, the early Lingbao scriptures actively incorporate the Buddhist gender concept in an attempt to overcome the correlative sexism caused by the dominant gender system, which advocates the “differences between men and women”.

In contrast to the concept of correlative gender in the complementary association of “yin” and “yang”, Buddhism does not locate gender solely in the context of family relationships, but rather in the perspective of the individual, treating men and women as distinct from each other on the basis of a dual classification: the two genders are represented physically as male or female genitalia, psychologically as the “Oedipus complex” of falling in love with mother or father, while the difference in social identities is based on the physical and psychological differences between the two genders (Lu 2022). This concept of individualized gender does not deny the interaction between men and women but argues that the differences in individual existence lead to the formation of interaction. Therefore, Buddhism does not focus on the division and organization of the two genders but rather emphasizes the impact of the individual’s physical and mental behavioural activities on themselves as gendered beings.

Under the influence of the Buddhist concept of gender, the early Lingbao scriptures are no longer confined to the model in which one of the two genders defines the other under the “differences between men and women”, but focus on the physical experience and inner state of the individual. In particular, the early Lingbao scriptures borrow from the Buddhist doctrine of “transforming a female into a male”, echo the Daoist tradition of freedom of individuality and the principle of softness and femininity, and explore the possible ways of becoming a perfected transcendent through Daoist cultivation.

3.1. Gender Transformation in the Chinese Tradition

Although “transforming a female into a male” was recorded before Buddhism was introduced to China, it was only a special case rather than a mainstream concept. Under the traditional Chinese gender system, the two genders follow the ethical norms of interdependence and complementarity; each person identifies with his or her own gender and actively performs his or her respective duties, which makes it possible to realize the value of life and the perfection of humanity. The boundary between men and women becomes a gap that need not and cannot be crossed, and the masculinity of women and the femininity of men are both seen as a state of variations, anomalies, and exceptions. In the “Meaning of Music” of the Book of Rites, it is said that if men and women are not distinguished, chaos will arise, as are the differences between heaven and earth (Ruan 2009, p. 3320).

Therefore, in the canonical texts from the pre-Qin dynasties onwards, the transformation of a woman into a man was a very special phenomenon and was regarded as a portent for a change of dynasty. For example, in “Condemnation of War”, Mozi said that in the time of the last emperor of the Shang dynasty, there was a woman who became a man (Sun 2001, p. 150). In the New Version of the Chronology on Bamboo Scrolls, it is said that in the forty-second year of the reign of Emperor Xin 帝辛, Ji Fa 姬發 who was the first emperor of the Zhou dynasty obtained the Book written in cinnabar from Lü Shang 呂尚, and a woman was transformed into a man (G. Wang 2021, p. 90). In the Records of the Historian, it is said that there was a woman who became a man in the thirteenth year of the King Xiang of the Wei Kingdoms 魏襄王 (Sima 1982, p. 1849). According to the Book of the Song Dynasty and the Book of the Jin Dynasty, in the years 291–299 C.E. of the Jin dynasty, there was a girl named Zhou Shining 周世寧 living in Anfeng 安豐 County who gradually became a man from the age of eight, and her gender was not determined until she was 17 to 18 years old (Shen 1974, p. 1005; Fang 1974, p. 907).

There were two explanations for this particular phenomenon according to the “Record of Five Agents” of the Book of the Han Dynasty (Ban 1962, p. 1472). One explanation came from Jing Fang’s 京房 (77–37 B.C.E.) interpretation of the Book of Changes, which suggested that the transformation of a woman into a man is a sign of the flourishing of “yin”, which will lead to a lowly man becoming a king; the transformation of a man into a woman is a sign of the triumph of “yin”, which will lead to the downfall of the dynasty. Another explanation suggested that the transformation of a man into a woman is the result of the abuse of castration and the transformation of a woman into a man is the result of the domination of the female ruler.

In addition, “transforming a female into a male” is also a special kind of witchcraft. For example, in the Book of the Later Han Dynasty and the Book of Searching Deities, Xu Deng 徐登, a native of Min 閩, was good at witchcraft and was originally a woman, but was transformed into a man (Fan 1965, p. 2741; Gan 2019, p. 44). This kind of witchcraft is also found in the early Lingbao scriptures. In YWCYZTJ, there is a talisman of the arising of the very white “yang” from the nine heavens, which transforms a woman into a man after she swallows it; there is also a talisman of the arising of the very black “yin” from the three heavens, which transforms a man into a woman after he swallows it (DZ.22:1.788c–789a). These two talismans may be related to the talisman of the arising of the very profound “yang” from the three heavens and the talisman of the arising of the very profound “yin” from the three heavens in the Taishang lingbao wufu xu 太上靈寶五符序 vol.3 (DZ.388:6.339c–340a), which are used to the cultivation of the metamorphosis and deliverance from the corpse and can transform the bodies of male and female with the transcendental material force of “yin” and “yang”. In the context of the correlative gender, “transforming a female into a male” is never the right way to solve gender trouble.

3.2. Gender Transformation as One Difficult Situation

“Transforming a female into a male” in early Lingbao scriptures originated in Buddhism and was considered a rare event in the process of cultivation. There are “eight difficult situations”, i.e., eight conditions that are very difficult to achieve, the first of which is “the difficult situation of being born as a human being and transforming a woman into a man for nobles, Daoist priests and commoners” in the Taishang lingbao weiyi dongxuan zhenyi ziran jingjue 太上靈寶威儀洞玄真一自然經訣 (referred to as TLWDZZJ)7.

It is clear from the textual comparison that the “eight difficult situations” in early Lingbao scriptures are related to the Buddhist text, the Sūtra of Forty-Two Sections (T.784:17.723c25–29)8. In particular, “transforming a female into a male” is an entry unique to the “eight difficult situations” of the Sūtra of Forty-Two Sections, and is not found in the “nine difficult situations” of the Compendium on the Six Perfections (translated by Kang Senghui 康僧會 [?–280 C.E.], T.152:3.16c27–17a2), nor in the “eight inopportune moments” (aṭṭha akkhaṇā) of the three Āgama9. According to historical records, one version of the Sūtra of Forty-Two Sections was translated by Zhi Qian 支謙10, the famous Buddhist translator living in the Kingdom of Wu during the Three Kingdoms period, and Huijiao 慧皎 (497–554 C.E.) of the Liang dynasty claimed that the Sūtra of Forty-Two Sections had spread to the area east of the Yangtze River in his Biographies of Eminent Monks (T.2059:50.323a14–15). In addition, the early Lingbao scriptures were heavily influenced by Buddhism in the area east of the Yangtze River (Kamitsuka 1998), so the “eight difficult situations” of TLWDZZJ are likely a reference to the Sūtra of Forty-Two Sections.

“Transforming a female into a male” is originally not a misogynistic attitude from the Indian Brahminical tradition, but a Buddhist method of liberation from the physical and mental obstacles faced by women in reality. Under the concept of individualized gender, the dual differences between men and women in terms of physical, psychological, and social identities are easily opposed to each other, leading to further entanglement, oppression, and resistance between the two genders. According to Buddhism, gender antagonism is rooted in the individual’s inability to understand the truth of his or her own existence and is always trapped in a false attachment to dualities such as the self and the other; gender antagonism also brings mental affliction and defilement, which makes gender an obstacle to the spiritual cultivation of liberation. “Transforming a female into a male” does not mean endorsing sexism and masculine hegemony, but rather transcending the dichotomy of gender differences with emptiness so that women are no longer objects of male desire and discover the way to perfection through truthful enlightenment of women themselves (Shi 2015, p. 106).

Influenced by this, the early Lingbao scriptures focus on the various dilemmas faced by female cultivation from the physical, mental, family, and social perspectives, and explores the possibility of escaping the confines of gender identity.

3.3. Women’s Wishes and Merits for Daoist Cultivation

In the early Lingbao scriptures, “transforming a female into a male” is regarded as a merit for women who believe in the Daoist scriptures and worship the Dao. It is said in TZXQJ vol.1 that if one receives and worships the Lingbao scriptures, one obtains various meritorious rewards according to different prior wishes. Three of them relate to women’s wishes for Daoist cultivation, i.e., “to transform into a man, chant the scriptures and think of the immortal way”, “to sit upright in a secluded room, chant the most profound scriptures and think of the immortal way”, and “to disobey what is forced to do, elevate the extremely sincere heart and think of the immortal way” (ZDZ.13:4.120c). It is therefore evident that freedom from the bondage of gender identity under the dichotomy of men and women is the primary goal of women in the practice of Daoist cultivation.

This wish is also found in the other early Lingbao scriptures of the new scriptures received from Ge Xiangong. In TDLBSJ, the meritorious reward of cultivation that corresponds to the woman’s prior wishes is the transformation of a woman into a man, with a beautiful face and excellent intelligence (DZ.1114:24.666b); in the Taishang xuanyi zhenren shuo miaotong zhuanshen ruding jing 太上玄一真人說妙通轉神入定經, it is said that the woman, relaxed and quiet, contemplates this scripture and gains the transformation of her body into a man (DZ.347:6.174c); in the Shangqing taiji yinzhu yujing baojue 上清太極隱注玉經寶訣 (referred to as STYYB), the result of practicing the wonderful things described in the scripture includes transforming a female into a male (DZ.425:6.645a); in TLWDZZJ, the blessings of worshipping the Lingbao scriptures include the transformation of women into men and the divine great wisdom received by women (ZDZ.10:4.98b).

The combination of belief in the Daoist scriptures and the wish to transform the female into a male is probably derived from Zhi Qian’s translation of the Sūtra of the Eight Lucky and Spiritual Mantras: “A woman who believes in this sūtra, respectfully and discreetly without flattery, gives up her female body to become a man, and is wise and often resourceful…” (T.427:14.72c24–25). The sūtra was very popular at that time and was also well-known to Daoists. It is advocated in TLWDZZJ that the reading of Buddhist scriptures, such as the Spiritual Mantras, the Large Perfection of Wisdom Sūtra, the Small Perfection of Wisdom Sūtra, the Vimalakīrti Sūtra, the Lotus Sūtra, the Sūtra of Wonderful Treasure, the Samādhi Sūtra (ZDZ.10:4.97b). Among them, the “Spiritual Mantras” is presumably Zhi Qian’s Sūtra of the Eight Lucky and Spiritual Mantras (C. Wang 2002, p. 55). Inspired by the Buddhist texts, the early Lingbao scriptures called on female devotees to pursue freedom and become a perfected transcendent by “transforming a female into a male”.

3.4. Gender Transformation in the Stories of Past Actions

The journey from a woman to a man is vividly illustrated in the Daoist stories of past actions. Influenced by the Buddhist concept of reincarnation (saṃsāra), the Chinese word “lunzhuan 輪轉” (cycling) is frequently used in the early Lingbao scriptures to describe the cycle of life and death and the path to immortality through the accumulation of good deeds in previous lives (Bokenkamp 2007, pp. 162–63). At the same time, the early Lingbao scriptures also borrow the Buddhist concept of past actions (pūrva-parikarman) and the form of the stories of the Buddha’s previous lives (jātaka), which expand the stories of the immortals’ past lives as Daoist practitioners, including the cultivated journey of transformation from a woman to a man during the process of cycling.

In the Taishang dongxuan lingbao chishu yujue miaojing 太上洞玄靈寶赤書玉訣妙經 (referred to as TDLCYM)11 vol.2, it is said that Aqiuceng 阿丘曾, the daughter of Wang Fudu 王福度, climbed the wall to see the Daoist perfected and made a vow to enter the cycle of life and death as soon as possible and transform into a male body, in the hope of ascending to immortality after ten thousand Kalpa; later, she was hindered by the demon king and resolutely plunged into the fire; then her body jumped into the air as it were, and in a moment it was seen that her female body transformed into a man and came directly to the Dao (DZ.352:6.194b–c). This story is derived from Zhi Qian’s translation of the Sūtra of the Dragon-Generosity Girl (T.557:14.909c6–910a24; Bokenkamp 1983, pp. 474–75). The major discrepancies between the two stories are mainly in two places. Firstly, the reason for the demon king’s obstruction: in the Sūtra of the Dragon-Generosity Girl, it is “five obstacles for women”, while in TDLCYM, it is the father’s order for his daughter to get married; secondly, the way of transforming the body: in the Sūtra of the Dragon-Generosity Girl, it is throwing oneself downstairs, while in TDLCYM, it is burning the body. In the story of Aqiuceng, the demon king represents the bondage of women to the Confucian gender ethics that advocates “three kinds of obedience”, i.e., obeying the father before marriage, obeying the husband after marriage, and obeying the son after the husband’s death (Ruan 2009, p. 2394). However, Aqiuceng did not succumb to her fate as a woman, nor was she deluded by the demon king. Her perception of her femininity is that she was unfortunate in her previous lives and did not have sufficient conditions and merits, which resulted in her becoming a woman (DZ.352:6.194c). Therefore, she hoped to seize the opportunity of meeting Yuanshi Tianzun to begin her journey of Daoist cultivation and to free herself from the constraints of her gender identity by accumulating individual merits.

In addition, it is also briefly mentioned in TDLCYM that Nanji Zunshen 南極尊神 (Worthy Deity of Southern Extremities), whom Aqiuceng once studied under, was also a woman in the past and transformed into a male body during the Fire Kalpa (DZ.352:6.195a).

The stories of “transforming a female into a male” later developed into a type of scripture on the past actions of deities, and provided guidance for women in Daoist cultivation, in the Taishang dongxuan lingbao zhenwen duren benxing miaojing 太上洞玄靈寶真文度人本行妙經 (referred to as TDLZDBM)12. The story of Aqiuceng has been changed to the past actions of Chiming Tiandi 赤明天帝 (Red Bright Celestial Emperor, DZ.1138:25.32c–33b, DZ.1032:22.692c–693b). And the story of Nanji Zunshen has been further detailed: in the past, Nanji Zunshen was born as Huang Duming 皇度明, the daughter of King Wan of the Kingdom Yanfuli 閻浮黎國宛王, but her quest for the immortals was restricted by the palace; after her father building a high platform for her to perch on, she touched the heavens and then entered into the womb of Primal Sovereign; after a single Kalpa, she was reborn as a male, and eventually became the supreme spirit of Southern Extremities (DZ.1138:25.32b–c, DZ.1032:22.693b–c).

Additionally, the stories of Qingling Shilaojun 青靈始老君 (Original Ancient Lord of the Green Numina) and Haoling Huanglaojun 皓靈皇老君 (Illustrious Ancient Lord of the White Numina) also include the transformation of a woman into a man in the cultivated process of previous lives. In the past, Qingling Shilaojun was born as a girl, Hong Natai 洪那臺, because of the lust for beauty, and lamented the fact that a woman confined to the secluded room could not attain the Dao; when climbed the wall and looked around, she saw the Yuanshi Tianzun descending with many deities, wished for nirvana to become a man, and plunged from the wall into the sea; then she was caught by the five-coloured flying dragon, transformed into a man in the air, flew to the front of the Dao and eventually became the supreme deity after the Fire Kalpa (DZ.1138:25.30a–c, DZ.1032:22.687b–c). In the past, Haoling Huanglaojun was named Huang Fei 皇妃, the daughter of the numinous phoenix and the princess of the Kingdom Weiluo 衛羅國; after seeing the Yuanshi Tianzun descending through a mirror-like sun, she climbed the sunlit platform, but suffered from the constraints of the palace; then she was lifted by the divine phoenix to the Yuanshi Tianzun and studied with the Jintai Wangmu 金臺王母 (Queen Mother of Golden Tower); after three hundred years, she entered into the womb of a woman surnamed Li 李氏 and was reborn as a male named Shangjin Richang 上金日昌 (DZ.1138:25.31b–32a, DZ.1032:22.688b–689a).

By way of comparison, the stories of “transforming a female into a male” in TDLZDBM have a similar narrative structure:

Firstly, the special opportunity for transforming a female into a male is to ascend to a high place and see the deities descend, which is derived from the seven-floor building that was illuminated by the light radiating from a white tuft of hair between the Buddha’s eyebrows in the Sūtra of the Dragon-Generosity Girl (T.557:14.909c11–12).

Secondly, the dilemmas faced by the female body are all the result of the social gender system of “differences between men and women”, which dictates female behaviour, including the ethical norms of obedience to the father and husband, and the restriction of space for women to perform their domestic duties (Tsuzuki 2010, p. 117).

Thirdly, the prior wishes combine the transformation of a woman into a man with becoming transcendental immortality, which is derived from the Buddhist doctrine of transforming the female body to become a Buddha.

Fourthly, the method of transforming a female into a male is to be reborn after death, including two specific ways, which show the bravery and determination of women sacrificing their lives in their quest for the Dao. One is to destroy the existing body by burning oneself or throwing oneself from a high place and transforming it into a new body in the air; the other is to be reborn by the cycle of life and death. These two methods of “transforming a female into a male” are also derived from Buddhism. The method of changing genders in the air is found in the Sūtra of the Dragon-Generosity Girl (T.557:14.910a9–10), the Sūtra of Seven Girls (translated by Zhi Qian, T.556:14.909a22–23), and the Compendium on the Six Perfections (T.152:3.38c26–28), etc., while the method of changing genders in the reincarnation is found in the Large Perfection of Wisdom Sūtra (translated by Zhi Qian, T.225:8.497a26–27), the Sūtra of Heart Light (translated by Dharmarakṣa [239–316 C.E.], T.569:14.942c19–20) and the Sūtra of the Sea Dragon King (translated by Dharmarakṣa, T.598:15.153a16), etc. In fact, the “air” where transforming the female body may be a figurative metaphor for the state of “intermediate existence” (antarābhava) between death and rebirth (Gu 1987).

Fifthly, the result of transforming a female into a male is not only liberation from gender bondage, but also the eventual granting of a divine name to the supreme perfected deity, which is similar to the Buddhist prophecy (vyākaraṇa).

It is clear from this narrative structure that “transforming a female into a male” in the early Lingbao scriptures is not female discrimination, but rather a breakthrough in the social gender system of “differences between men and women”, which teaches women to break away from all obstacles through their own cultivation and to be free to pursue the Dao and eventually attain transcendental immortality. In contrast, the writings of Tianshi and Shangqing movements in the Six dynasties seldom mention “transforming a female into a male”, except for Tao Hongjing’s 陶弘景 (456–536 C.E.) Zhen gao 真誥 (Declarations of the Perfected), which quoted the “eight difficult situations” (DZ.1016:20.523b). It shows the distinctiveness of the frequent discussion of gender transformation in the early Lingbao scriptures, which explored gender trouble by borrowing the Buddhist concept of individualized gender. While the Shangqing movement provided the group organization and practice methods for women’s self-cultivation (Despeux and Kohn 2003, pp. 110–18), the early Lingbao scriptures conceptually provided instructions for women’s independent personal self-cultivation in a gendered way, which echoed distantly in the religious practices of Daoist priestesses since the Tang dynasty and the “women’s inner alchemy” of the Ming and Qing Dynasties.

4. Dao beyond the Gender

The different discourses on gender in the early Lingbao scriptures illustrate the complex struggle between discrimination and equality in the gender trouble, where the plurality of discourses is not a haphazard patchwork, but implies an attempt to communicate and integrate. These two concepts, the correlative gender of “differences between men and women” and the individualized gender of “transforming a female into a male”, originate from different cultural contexts, represent different ways of thinking, and focus on different theories of life. However, they are not distinctly separate, but share the problem of gender perception and the trouble of gender justice, and therefore have the potential to communicate with each other. From the perspective of the Dao, the early Lingbao scriptures unify the contradictions between the individual and society, faith and ethics, and the self and the other, which result in the combination of individual male and female and gender relations to explore possible ways to gender equality. It is like the saying in the “Equality of Things” of Zhuangzi, “The Dao identifies them all as one”.

4.1. Equal Transmitters of the Dao

According to the salvation of all beings in the early Lingbao scriptures, men and women are equal in the transmission of the Dao. In TDLZZSDJ, the Chinese words “shan nanzi shan nüren 善男子善女人” (good men and good women, DZ.457:6.889a), “qingxin shinü 清信士女” (pure faithful men and women, DZ.457:6.887c), “baixing zi nannüren 百姓子男女人” (people’s men and women, DZ.457:6.888c), “baixing nannü 百姓男女” (people’s men and women, DZ.457:6.888c) appear repeatedly and are also found in other early Lingbao scriptures. In fact, all these words are borrowed from Buddhist literature. The words “good men” (kulaputra) and “good women” (kuladuhitṛ) are the most common terms used in Buddhist texts for the disciples of the Buddha. The “qingxin shinü” is an early Chinese translation of the Sanskrit words “upāsaka” (laymen) and “upāsikā” (laywomen).13 The words “baixing zi nannüren” and “baixing nannü” are derived from the Chinese words “zuxing nannü 族姓男女” (men and women of the clans)14 and “zuxing zi zuxing nü 族姓子族姓女” (men of the clans and women of the clans)15, which are another early Chinese translation of the Sanskrit words “kulaputra” and “kuladuhitṛ”.

Just as there is no gender in Chinese nouns, the canonical texts from the pre-Qin period are not in conversation with the gender of the speakers and the objects of the discourses. Under the idea that “men are in charge of external affairs and women are in charge of internal affairs”, men were far more educated than women in ancient Chinese society, and men were the default listeners and readers of most of the canonical texts, while women’s education was specifically addressed in works such as Ban Zhao’s Commandments to Women. With the introduction of the Buddhist texts into China, the gendered nature of Indo-European nouns also triggered gender self-consciousness among book authors and readers. The Buddhist texts often use pairs of words such as bhikkhus and bhikkhunis, laymen and laywomen, good men and good women, and so on (Skilling 2001). Influenced by this, the gender-specific nature of the target audiences of the preaching was also noted and men and women were treated equally as believers and transmitters of the Dao in the early Lingbao scriptures.

It is said in the Taishang dongxuan lingbao zhihui benyuan dajie shangpin jing 太上洞玄靈寶智慧本願大戒上品經 (referred to as TDLZBDSJ)16 that at that time, the men and women of the secular families, who respected and enjoyed the great teachings, were impressed by that the Daoist priests had endured hunger and recited the scriptures, and set lunch for them day after day, and sometimes went to hear them; impressed by their respect and devotion, the Daoist priests preached to the men and women, teaching them the incantation, which they each recited ten thousand times (DZ.344:6.159a). Here, the idea of equality between men and women, which is originally implied in the Dao of all things, is clearly expressed: both men and women are respectful, willing, and faithful followers of the Dao, and both are the objects of the words, teachings, and transmission of the Daoist scriptures.

In the ritual of imparting the records of the disciples of the immortal sages, the transmitter of the scriptures faces south, with male disciples prostrating on the left and female disciples on the right, in STYYB (DZ.425:6.642c). This tradition of placing men and women on the left and right was originally a Confucian rite. It states that men walk on the right and women on the left when walking on the road in the “System of Emperor” and “Internal Rules” of the Book of Rites and the “Happiness of Success” of Mr. Lü’s Annals of the Spring and Autumn Period. Daoism also agrees that men and women should not intermingle. For example, it was considered to be the clear rule laid down by the sage that men walk on the left side of the road and women on the right in Ge Hong’s 葛洪 (284–344 C.E.) External Chapter of The Master who Embraces Simplicity (Ge 1991, p. 614); it is said that when chanting scriptures in the north direction, men should be in the east and women in the west in the Taizhen yudi siji mingke jing 太真玉帝四極明科經17; it is emphasized that men and women should not be mixed so that the dignity will be in accordance with the heavenly code in the Taiji zhenren fu lingbao zhaijie weiyi zhujing yaojue 太極真人敷靈寶齋戒威儀諸經要訣18. Although the ritual separation of the genders is accepted in STYYB, there is no hierarchical distinction between men and women, but at the same time, men and women are treated as equal subjects for the transmission of scriptures. It is the Dao’s transcendence of the gender differences between men and women.

4.2. Transcendental Choice of Gender

Those who are liberated through Daoist cultivation are free to choose their gender in the early Lingbao scriptures. For the common people, gender is determined at birth, whether it is explained by the deities singing of respect or acceptance, or by actions and merits in previous lives. However, the immortal sages, who are one with the Dao, transcend all differences and the bondage that comes from gender, and thus the question of gender is given free choice. In TDLZBDSJ, those who endure hardship and poverty, repent of their past, cultivate their future, seek and believe in the Daoist teachings in order to liberate themselves, and obtain many kinds of meritorious rewards of rebirth as a human being in the next life, including the will for becoming a man or a woman, which is determined by their own wishes (DZ.344:6.159b). In other words, the liberated person can choose his or her own gender as he or she wishes at the time of the cycle of life and death, rather than being determined, distinguished, and bound.

Of course, freedom of gender is only possible through the accumulation of conditions and merits in previous lives. Ge Xiangong once described his experience in previous lives in the Taishang dongxuan lingbao benxing yinyuan jing 太上洞玄靈寶本行因緣經19 as follows: at that time he thought to himself that he would not attain the Dao in this life and that he was not as good as a woman, who was solemnly silent, had nothing to do and could be relaxed and happy; then he was reborn as a woman at the end of his life, with good looks, excellent powers of thought, and a good tongue; at that time she practiced the rituals of purification, studied the scriptures and then wished to become a man (DZ.1115:24.672b–c). In Ge Xiangong’s journey to immortality, gender was a matter of his own will, and after his death, he was reborn as he wishes; whether he was born as a woman or a man was a meritorious reward, with a beautiful body, outstanding talent and a heart that aspired to the Dao, which also accumulated merits for further cultivation in the next life. For the Daoist practitioners, gender is not only not an obstacle but also a special opportunity for attaining transcendental immortality.

4.3. Daoist Wife

The images of the wise and virtuous wife, as portrayed in the early Lingbao scriptures, express the possibility of individual transcendence within the dominant gender ethics of society, and reaffirm the wisdom of the Daoist tradition of honoring softness and keeping femininity.

In the story of past actions of TDLZDTJ, Le Jingxin 樂淨信, who was a certain past life of Yuanshi Tianzun, asked his wife about the way to provide offerings for the Daoist priests, and his wife replied, “The Dao is revealed from the heart, and where can the Dao be found? Is it not a reward to the Dao that just what the Daoist priests do not have should be offered, and that the Daoist priests practice the rituals of purification and raise up the manifestation of the Dao after receiving the offerings?” When Le Jingxin wanted to support a Daoist priest in the south of the mountain, he received the affirmation and encouragement of his wife: “If you can do it, it is really a good idea. On the day when you close your eyes, you will still have something to rely on. If you do not, there is nothing to pray for when the body dies and the spirit is extinguished.” (DZ.325:5.890c–891a) The wife of Le Jingxin is similar to the wise wife in the Biographies of Exemplary Women written by Liu Xiang 劉向 (78–9 B.C.E.), who is responsible for assisting her husband and upbringing her children; the difference is that while the secular wise wife only helps her husband in his individual achievements of career, Le Jingxin’s wife is like a religious teacher of Daoist cultivation, with deep insight and experience in her own religious practice. In TDLZDTJ, it is said that the title given to the wife of Le Jingxin after she became a deity is the “Dowager Lady of Zhonghou 中候太夫人” (DZ.325:5.893a).

The wife of Fajie 法解, the son of Le Jingxin, was also wise and virtuous. When Fajie wanted to sell his son to provide offerings for the Daoist priests, his wife, although initially reluctant to part with her son, finally agreed to do so in view of the deathbed teachings of Le Jingxin and his wife, who had accumulated the good fortune by providing offerings for the Daoist priests. This story has been proven to have its Buddhist origins in the Viśvantara-jātaka (T.152:3.9a27–11a8; Zürcher 1980; Bokenkamp 2006). However, unlike Viśvantara’s wife, who was reluctant to give up her children, Fajie’s wife was eventually willing to sell her son and provide offerings for the Daoist priests together with her husband. She had the loving nature of a mother and the suppleness of a wife, reflecting the dominant gender norms of society, while at the same time she transcended family ethics and accumulated individual merits by practicing Daoist cultivation. Afterward, Fajie and his wife became deities together, and Yuanshi Tianzun revealed that Fajie was actually the previous life of Zuoxuan Zhenren 左玄真人 (Perfected of the Left Mystery) and Fajie’s wife was actually the previous life of Youxuan Zhenren 右玄真人(Perfected of the Right Mystery) in TDLZDTJ (DZ.325:5.892c).

A wise and virtuous wife can serve not only as a good companion of Daoist cultivation but also redeem the husband who does not believe in the Daoist teachings. There is a story in TDLZBDSJ about a wife who became immortal and saved her husband from hell. Once upon a time, a woman studied and recited the Lingbao scriptures, and even though her husband was often angry about it, she never retreated from her determination to Daoist cultivation; as a result, the woman ascended to immortality in the daytime, and her husband died and entered hell, where he was punished for years and years; the woman flew to see her husband and persuaded him to read the Daode jing 道德經, and that he should be saved (DZ.344:6.158c). In this story, the woman represents the Daoist laywoman who practices cultivation at home, taking care of the household chores as a wife and reciting the scriptures to become immortal as a devotee. Her Daoist approach to helping her husband also echoes the common theme of saving all beings in the doctrines of Lingbao scriptures.

Without undermining the dominant gender norms of society, women can also achieve cultivated achievements beyond those of men, and the principle of softness and femininity they represent overcomes the crises caused by rigidity, strength, and anger, and even provides a model and guide for men. It is clear from this that the Dao can accommodate gender differences and the gender norms derived from them, but it can also transcend them and enable men and women to realize the pursuit of individual freedom and immortality on an equal footing.

5. Conclusions

From the above analysis, the early Lingbao scriptures incorporate pluralistic gender discourses from Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism itself, showing the complex and contradictory gender trouble between discrimination and equality, while exploring possible ways to transcend it.

Firstly, the early Lingbao scriptures accept the gender system of the ritual proprieties of the Zhou dynasty, with the “differences between men and women” as the decision of all deities by singing of respect or acceptance, and reinforced the sanctity of gender norms, while in the Daoist discipline incorporating the female virtue of “chastity” advocated by Confucian rites. The inevitable correlative sexism is reflected in the auspiciousness of giving birth to a boy and the masculine perspective of the Daoist discipline.

Secondly, the early Lingbao scriptures actively borrow from the Buddhist concept of individualized gender, especially the term “transforming a female into a male” as a Buddhist method of liberation, and take it as one of the “eight difficult situations” and the merit of worshipping the Daoist scriptures for women. The cultivated journey of women’s liberation from the constraints of the gender system and their quest for transcendental immortality is illustrated in the stories of past actions in order to overcome the limitations of correlative sexism. The focus of later Daoism on female practitioners and their gendered cultivated journeys can also be regarded as a further extension of the concept of individualized gender in Daoist practice.

Finally, in the context of the Dao, the early Lingbao scriptures unify the Confucian concept of correlative gender, which advocates “differences between men and women”, and the Buddhist concept of individualized gender, which advocates “transforming a female into a male”. It is emphasized that men and women are equal in the transmission of the Dao and that the perfected persons are free to choose their gender. The images of the wise Daoist wife embody the integration of family ethics and individual transcendence and echo the principle of softness and femininity espoused by the Daoist tradition. In short, it is the salvation of all beings in the early Lingbao scriptures.

Although the correlative sexism that existed in ancient Chinese society was not fundamentally addressed, the early Lingbao scriptures use gender as a special opportunity for Daoist cultivation, explore possible ways to resolve gender trouble and pursue freedom from the perspective of Daoist practice and provide insightful inspiration for contemporary thinking about gender justice.