1. Introduction
Ever since the concept of posttraumatic growth (PTG:
Tedeschi & Calhoun, 1996) appeared in the field, debates have existed as to how it may differ from resilience, because both include some positive outcomes after experiencing some negative events. Specifically, PTG refers to “positive psychological change experienced as a result of the struggle with highly challenging life circumstances” (
Tedeschi & Calhoun, 2004, p. 1). Throughout the process initiated by highly challenging life circumstances, an individual may experience psychological struggle, which includes reexamining one’s core values, ruminating on the event, and coping with the challenges and distress, according to the PTG theoretical model (
Tedeschi et al., 2018). Following this process, individuals may then gain a greater appreciation for life, an increased sense of personal strength, realize new possibilities, experience a spiritual and existential change, or relate to others more, which can be conceptualized as the five domains of PTG (
Tedeschi & Calhoun, 1996). On the other hand, resilience, although it has various definitions, typically refers to the emergence of favorable adjustment in the face of chronically aversive circumstances and also shows a healthy trajectory even after experiencing acute stressful life events (
Bonanno & Diminich, 2013), demonstrating the “ability to bounce back or recover from stress” (
Smith et al., 2008, p. 195). With these definitions, the two constructs are different, as “resilience refers to maintaining or returning to normal functioning without exhibiting elevated pathological outcomes, while growth entails a change for the better following adversity” (
Chen & Wu, 2017, p. 23). Conceptually, it is more likely for people to have more resilient tendencies when they experience PTG than for people to experience PTG because they had more resilient tendencies, as “resilient outcomes may provide little need or opportunity for posttraumatic growth” (
Westphal & Bonanno, 2007, p. 425).
With these conceptual and empirical differences, one would expect PTG and resilience to have distinct features and thus should show different patterns of associations with other psychological constructs, such as optimism. And yet, their respective relationships with optimism have been consistently positive (
Schaefer et al., 2018;
Zlotnick & Manor-Lavon, 2023). Moreover, because pessimism is conceptually the opposite of optimism, one would expect the similar patterns of associations that PTG and resilience may have with pessimism, namely, consistently negative. However, that is not the case. For example, a study focusing on the psychological changes in outlook after the COVID-19 pandemic (
Jurišová et al., 2023) revealed that, even though perceived positive changes were positively associated with optimism, and optimism was negatively associated with pessimism, positive changes showed no association with pessimism. Similar findings have been obtained in meta-analytical results (
Turner et al., 2017) which strengthen the argument that optimism and pessimism are not always opposites. And yet, resilience was consistently negatively associated with pessimism (
Oh et al., 2024), except in one study that identified pessimism as a significant “positive” predictor of resilience (
Shaheen et al., 2023), which overall obscures how PTG and resilience may conceptually differ in relation to optimism and pessimism.
One possibility is that all studies that were reviewed above conceptualized optimism and pessimism as personality or dispositional traits rather than cognitive expectancies of positive or negative life events to be happening in the future. This is important because, even though optimism and pessimism are conceptually the opposite, if one would feel that bad things could happen any time, it may suppress resilience but may not be relevant to PTG as realization of personal growth includes acceptance of the new reality that is not always positive (
Tedeschi et al., 2018). Furthermore, the fact that the number of articles that discuss the relationships between optimism and PTG or resilience is higher than those discussing the relationships between pessimism and PTG or resilience may demonstrate that more researchers consider experiencing personal growth or becoming more resilient and becoming more optimistic to be synonymous or at least optimism to be more relevant than pessimism. Even clinical suggestions are made such that “interventions aimed at increasing optimism, social support, and specific coping strategies may promote positive changes in the aftermath of trauma” (
Prati & Pietrantoni, 2009, p. 379), without mentioning if intervention to be less pessimistic might be necessary, being argued decades ago (
Robinson-Whelen et al., 1997). In sum, the current literature does not provide comprehensive understanding of the role of optimism/pessimism in PTG and resilience in not only theoretical perspectives but applied practice.
To address this issue, we designed the current study to understand the conceptual differences between PTG and resilience by investigating their distinctive associations with optimism and pessimism as cognitive patterns, in addition to personality dispositional traits. Examining optimism and pessimism as cognitive patterns conceptualizes them on a continuum in relation to certain life events rather than fixed, dispositional traits (
Hecht, 2013). Traditionally, “optimists are people who tend to hold positive expectancies for their future; pessimists are people who tend to hold more negative expectations for the future” (
Scheier et al., 1994, p. 1063). In other words, people with optimistic tendencies should anticipate positive events are likely to happen to them and negative events are less likely to happen to them in the future. Similarly, people with pessimistic tendencies should anticipate positive events are less likely to happen to them and more negative events are likely to happen to them in the future.
The aforementioned conceptualization of optimism and pessimism as cognitive patterns should shed light onto their respective roles as a factor in explaining distinctions between PTG and resilience, because it measures cognitive aspect that is different from self-image, that is, dispositional personality traits (i.e., the degree to which they believe themselves to be optimistic or pessimistic). We, thus, hypothesize that people who anticipate that positive events are more likely to happen to them would report higher PTG and resilience, because if one can hold such positive cognitive expectancies, they are also more likely to show resilient tendencies and recognize how much they changed in a positive way after experiencing a highly stressful life event, known as PTG. On the other hand, people who believe negative events are less likely to happen to them would show higher resilient tendencies. However, we are unable to formulate specific hypotheses regarding the role of cognitive expectancies of future negative life events in PTG, because such expectancies may indicate acceptance of reality (i.e., coexistence of positive and negative) but may also indicate a pessimistic worldview; thus, possibly canceling each other out.
In addition, just because one assumes positive events are likely to happen to them, it does not mean if they also believe the positive events are likely to happen to other people as well. This kind of cognitive contrast or cognitive bias is called comparative optimism, which refers to the tendency to believe that positive events are more likely to happen to them compared to others, whereas negative events are more likely to happen to others compared to themselves (
Otten & van Der Pligt, 1996). Conversely, comparative pessimisms refers to the opposite (i.e., negative events are more likely to happen to oneself compared to others, and positive events are more likely to happen to others compared to oneself). We hypothesize that people who show comparative optimism are more likely to show resilient tendencies, because resilience is closely related to social competence (
Garcia & Berzenski, 2023) and is positively associated with sense of confidence (
Howell et al., 2021). However, comparative optimism may or may not be associated with PTG because comparative optimism requires social comparisons between oneself and others, but such mental comparisons may be irrelevant to PTG. This hypothesis is exploratory, as there are no previous studies.
Finally, if one is able to update and adjust their beliefs (e.g., anticipated likelihood of positive events or negative events happening to them in the future) when they obtain novel information about the average likelihood, especially if their original estimations were different from the average, they may show more resilient tendencies, because individuals with highly resilient tendencies are expected to be flexible (
Koole et al., 2015). A question then arises, if people choose not to update their beliefs even when they realize that their original estimation was “incorrect”, do they show PTG? Previous studies indicate that there are always some people who show no sign of updating (
Karnick et al., 2024;
Sauvayre, 2017), but because the purpose of most studies using belief updates is to identify people who “updated”, less attention has been given to those who show no change. We, therefore, hypothesize that individuals who show changes in their cognitive expectancies are likely to report resilient tendencies due to their flexible mindset. However, it is possible that, depending on the event they expect (e.g., having a successful career), people who show no change may report a high level of resilience due to their confidence (
He et al., 2013) rather than less flexible or biased attitudes. On the other hand, whether people update their beliefs or not may have no impact on PTG; however, due to the lack of past studies examining this phenomenon, it is difficult to propose a set of concrete hypotheses.
In sum, the current study investigates how optimism and pessimism are associated with PTG and resilience, depending on whether optimism and pessimism reflect personality dispositional traits or cognitive expectancies (i.e., events that are likely to happen to themselves, themselves compared to others, and belief updates when they obtain novel information regarding potential future life event occurrences among average people). We present the following hypotheses, which are exploratory in nature, due to the lack of enough evidence in the literature, which in turn may show the originality of the current study. As such, demonstrating how optimism and pessimism may be associated with PTG and resilience, depending on how they are conceptualized as personality trait or cognitive expectancies, may contribute to our knowledge of the distinction between PTG and resilience:
Hypothesis 1. Dispositional optimism would be positively correlated with PTG and resilience, whereas dispositional pessimism would be negatively correlated with resilience but may or may not be correlated with PTG. Cognitively, on the other hand, people who believe positive events are likely to happen to them would show higher PTG and resilience, whereas people who believe negative events are less likely to happen to them would show higher resilience but may or may not show a higher tendency in reporting PTG.
Hypothesis 2. People who show comparative optimism would show resilient tendencies but may or may not be associated with PTG.
Hypothesis 3. People who update their beliefs when they obtain novel information may show resilient tendencies due to their flexibility; however, depending on the event, people who “stick to” their beliefs may also show resilient tendencies due to their competence as well as sense of confidence. Further, updating of beliefs may or may not be associated with PTG.