The Culture of Romance as a Factor Associated with Gender Violence in Adolescence

Abstract

Despite extensive prevention strategies in Spain since the 1980s, gender-based violence, including among adolescents, remains prevalent, as observed in the Romance SUCC-ED Project (R&D&I Operating Programme ERDF Andalusia 2014–2020). This research study investigates the dimensions, meanings, relationships, and practices shaping the culture of romance in digital Andalusian adolescence (12–16 years) and its potential impact on school trajectories in Compulsory Secondary Education. Based on the premise that equality-focused relationship education is key to preventing gender violence, the study employs an ethnographic methodology with 12 Andalusian school case studies (4 out of them are located in rural areas) and 220 in-depth interviews (126 girls, 57.3%; 94 boys, 42.7%). This article aims to empirically explain gender violence in early adolescence by analysing the culture of romance as an explanatory factor. Findings reveal an interconnected model where dimensions (love, couple, sexuality, pornography, social networks, and cultural references), meanings (constructed by adolescents within each of them), relationships (partner), and practices (control and jealousy) reinforce romanticised femininity and dominant masculinity, thus explaining the high incidence of gender-based violence among students in the study.

1. Introduction

In 2024 alone, forty-eight deaths resulting from gender-based violence were recorded in Spain. Since the establishment of the first national accounting system in 2003, there was an initial decrease in reported fatalities. However, from 2011 to the present, the figures have remained relatively constant, indicating that despite the implementation of institutional prevention strategies in Spain, there has been no substantial improvement. Moreover, the number of reports of gender-based violence has increased in recent years, with a daily average of 546 reports registered in 2023. This trend is further evidenced by the time-series data from the State Observatory on Violence against Women.1

In recent years, there has been a rise in violence against women, as demonstrated by the growing number of complaints filed and the increased use of institutional support resources. Such scenario highlights ongoing challenges that require a comprehensive and coordinated response, both in the immediate and longer term. Among these challenges is the need to educate and train young people, families, and professionals on the issue of gender-based violence.

Within this framework, Spanish Law 7/2018, of July 30, which amends Law 13/2007, of November 26, on measures for the prevention and comprehensive protection against gender-based violence2 (Spain 2018) offers a new legal definition of gender-based violence:

The enduring nature of gender-based violence as the primary violation of women’s human rights compel public authorities to persistently advance the recognition of rights and the development of public policies aimed at eradicating this sexist violence in all its forms. The global feminist movement, as the principal driving force behind this social change, has historically generated successive waves of democratic progress with positive effects on the construction of a more egalitarian society. Particularly since the 1995 Beijing Conference, it has successfully placed the struggle against discrimination and gender-based violence on the international public agenda. The conceptualization of violence against women as an extreme manifestation of gender inequalities and as a violation of human rights has led to the enactment of legislation which, in the cases of Spain and Andalusia, has represented an undeniable step forward by reducing impunity in intimate partner and former partner relationships, as well as by bringing to light other forms of male violence encompassed within the evolving definition of gender-based violence. Nevertheless, these legislative advances remain insufficient, as underscored by the feminist movement, which has placed on the political agend not only the prioritization of victim protection, but also the need for a deeper examination into the structural causes of violence and those who perpetrate it.

(Spain 2018, p. 84908)

This article seeks to address the persistent issue of gender-based violence among adolescents. It draws on data and discourses generated by the ROMANCE SUCC-ED project,3 the objective of which aligns with the proposition of Law 7/2018 to “delve into the structural causes of violence.” The research project under discussion here posits that the concept of the adolescent culture of romance (ARC) occupies a central position within adolescent school culture. By employing an ethnographic methodology, this article focuses exclusively on those findings of the project pertaining to gender-based violence within the framework of the ARC, understanding the ARC as a factor associated with the genesis of gender-based violence.

To achieve this objective, the article adopts a three-step approach. First, it outlines the theoretical underpinnings of the culture of romance and the various dimensions identified within it. Second, it details the methodology employed in the research process. Third, it presents the principal findings, highlighting the existing relationship between the different dimensions of the culture of romance and their potential impact on gender-based violence, as well as their interrelations with the existing literature. The article concludes by summarising the main findings.

2. Theoretical Framework: The Culture of Romance

The origins of cultural studies can be traced to the Birmingham School in the United Kingdom during the 1970s, where youth subcultures became a primary object of study. Within this theoretical framework, the culture of romance emerges as a central theme in adolescence. As postulated by resistance theorists, there is a correlation between girls’ lower investment in their studies and higher investment in their romantic relationships (Cowie and Lees 1981; Griffin 1982; McRobbie 1978; McRobbie and Garber [1977] 2006). This correlation was later confirmed by practice theorists (Holland and Eisenhart 1990; Gilmartin 2005, 2006, 2007) and, more recently, by posthumanist feminism and new feminist materialism (Ringrose and Renold 2012).

The early body of feminist scholarship on romance sought to elucidate the relationship between romance and the culture of adolescent, white, working-class femininity (Cowie and Lees 1981; Griffin 1982; McRobbie 1978; McRobbie and Garber [1977] 2006). This scholarship revealed that due to the interplay between class and gender, girls often found themselves in a paradoxical situation: simultaneously protected by and compelled into the feminine culture that was pertinent to their social stratum. McRobbie (1978) observed that the subjects of her research experienced sexuality only to a limited extent within a context of pronounced sexism, where contraception was uncommon outside established partnerships, as it was perceived to diminish romantic intensity and suggest premeditation.

Subsequently, Holland and Eisenhart (1990) investigated the pivotal role of romance in the selection and progression of university studies. This line of enquiry was further developed by Gilmartin (2005, 2006, 2007), who evaluated the relationship between romance culture and academic culture, incorporating male perspectives. Consistent with Glenn and Marquardt (2001), Gilmartin (2006) identified an increasing number of female college students unhappily embedded in a romance culture characterised by non-committal courtship, forcing women to navigate between “hooking up” (casual sexual encounters) and “being joined at the hip” (prematurely stable relationships).

Building on more recent theoretical frameworks, including posthumanist feminism and new feminist materialism, Ringrose and Renold (2012) examined working-class girls’ engagement with romance. Their analysis indicated that while many of these girls rejected the “getting married” discourse as their primary life trajectory, there were also instances where girls used their bodies for economic advancement as a strategy to transcend their current dependent status. This occurred within a context of perceived academic and social “failure” in school, echoing the findings of seminal works from the 1970s (Cowie and Lees 1981; Griffin 1982; McRobbie 1978; McRobbie and Garber [1977] 2006), albeit without the romanticised expectation of finding a “prince” (Ringrose and Renold 2012).

Holland and Eisenhart (1990) define the culture of romance as “an interpretive structure, a system of meaning, not a set of prescriptive rules” (p. 95) in which attractiveness plays a central role in heterosexual relationships, especially in terms of status within the peer group. Having a partner confers a sense of prestige and attractiveness on girls. They describe “hegemonic attractiveness” (p. 102), whereby women’s attractiveness comes from the attention they receive from men. However, men’s attractiveness, in addition to attention from women, comes from success in school politics, sports, and other spaces from which women are more excluded and which, consequently, do not shape their academic trajectories. The culture of romance constitutes a form of pervasive pressure generated within peer groups.

Drawing on the existing literature and the findings of the ROMANCE SUCC-ED project, the present study conceptualises the ARC as a domain of cultural production that is intricately woven into the experience of adolescence. This conceptualisation is based on a series of interrelated dimensions pertaining to romance, imbued with meanings that are generationally configured. These meanings, in turn, shape individuals’ everyday lives and are closely tied to a range of relationships and practices. The notion of romance is inextricably linked to the concept of affective sexuality. Therefore, the values, relationships, and practices that constitute this subcultural space are characterised as affective and sexual in nature. The paradigm of affective and sexual relations occupies a central position within the cultural framework of romance, conferring significance upon its constituent dimensions (Venegas 2018).

2.1. Dimensions of Adolescent Romance

In the following discussion, the various dimensions that constitute the culture of adolescent romance (ARC) are analysed individually, drawing on findings from the ROMANCE SUCC-ED project and prior research (Venegas 2018; Venegas and Paniza 2020). Although these dimensions are presented separately for analytical clarity, they form an interconnected whole that requires a holistic approach for full understanding (see Figure 1). The identified dimensions include generational belonging, love, partner, sexuality, pornography, peer group, social networks, and cultural references.

Generational belonging is a key factor that shapes the phenomenological experience of the other ARC dimensions, marking significant milestones in this stage of life. The participants, aged 13 to 18, construct meaning in the ARC through intersecting influences such as age, family, school, peer relationships, and digital networks. Additional elements—such as pornography, cultural references (e.g., musicals), and early sexual experiences—also play a crucial role. Despite their youth, these adolescents display a keen awareness of their social environment and the internal dynamics of the ARC, which they experience with notable intensity.

Before analysing the specific dimensions that constitute the adolescent romance culture (ARC), it is essential to clarify the concepts of gender roles and gender stereotypes, as these provide the structural framework through which adolescent experiences and relationships are understood.

Gender roles are socially constructed expectations that define appropriate behaviours, attitudes, and responsibilities for individuals based on their perceived gender (West and Zimmerman 1987; Connell and Messerschmidt 2005; Eagly and Wood 2012). These roles are not innate, but are shaped and maintained through ongoing socialisation processes across family, school, peer groups, and the media. Closely linked to these roles, gender stereotypes are widely held, oversimplified beliefs about the attributes and behaviours that are considered typical or desirable for women and men (Heilman 2012; Bem 1981; Ridgeway and Correll 2004). Such stereotypes reinforce binary and hierarchical understandings of gender, legitimise unequal power relations, and restrict individual agency.

A robust body of research demonstrates that the adherence to traditional gender roles and stereotypes perpetuates patriarchal structures, increasing the risk of gender-based violence and the normalisation of unequal dynamics within affective–sexual relationships, especially during adolescence (Connell [1995] 2005; Díaz-Aguado et al. 2010; Venegas 2018, 2022, 2024b). It is within this conceptual framework that the following analysis of the dimensions identified within the ARC are situated.

2.1.1. Love

As a dimension of the ARC, love appears to be predominantly shaped by the structures of romantic love. These structures reproduce gender inequalities and dynamics of control within intimate relationships (Bisquert-Bover et al. 2019; Ferrer and Bosch 2013; Bonilla-Algovia et al. 2021; Illouz 2012; Reyes et al. 2024). In line with this, Ferrer et al. (2006) highlight how differential socialisation perpetuates romantic myths such as idealised sacrifice and viewing jealousy as proof of love. Such myths legitimise symbolic violence and emotional dependence.

Building on this, Illouz (2012) analyses how these patriarchal structures are intertwined with capitalist logic, resulting in the commodification of love and a “market of desire” that reinforces gender hierarchies. This creates particular pressure on women to conform to often unattainable standards of desirability. During adolescence, romantic love functions as a tool of socialisation, normalizing female subordination and fostering imbalanced relationships (Ferrer et al. 2006).

Internalizing these discourses from an early age has been linked to subtle forms of violence, particularly emotional and social control (Reyes et al. 2024), as well as the justification of gender inequality and domination in romantic relationships (Bonilla-Algovia et al. 2021).

2.1.2. Partner

Regarding manifestations of gender-based violence within romantic partnerships, the literature has categorised the primary types as psychological, physical, and sexual violence (Díaz-Aguado et al. 2010; Ferrer and Bosch 2013; Jaldo 2022; Jiménez and López 2022; Reyes et al. 2024; Sardinha et al. 2024). More recently, digital violence has also been recognised (Javier-Juárez et al. 2023; Jiménez and López 2022; Rincón 2023; Valls et al. 2008; Donoso et al. 2018; Villar et al. 2021). These studies broadly agree on several key elements: psychological violence includes control, jealousy, devaluation, and isolation of the partner; physical violence is expressed through direct aggression and threats of harm; and sexual violence involves coercion and control over sexuality. In recent decades, digital violence has emerged as an extension of these other forms, manifesting as cyberbullying, device surveillance, and the dissemination of intimate content without consent (Jaldo 2022; Javier-Juárez et al. 2023; Rincón 2023; Valls et al. 2008).

Adherence to traditional gender roles remains a significant risk factor, increasing the likelihood of experiencing or perpetrating violence (Díaz-Aguado et al. 2010; Javier-Juárez et al. 2023). In relationships, jealousy and poor communication are frequent issues, often mistakenly perceived as “proof of love” rather than indicators of abuse. Additionally, social factors such as peer pressure, the normalisation of violence in the media, and its prevalence in the broader environment reinforce these dynamics. Nevertheless, adolescents often fail to recognise when they are in a context of gender-based violence, making it difficult to break these cycles.

2.1.3. Sexuality

Sexuality, when considered a fundamental aspect of this sociocultural setting, appears to operate within a range of diverse and non-linear tensions. On the one hand, there are the prevalence and reproduction of traditional patriarchal structures that sustain cisheteronormative gender norms based on logics of domination–submission and inequality (Adán 2019; Connell [1995] 2005; Connell and Messerschmidt 2005; Fine and McClelland 2006; Rodríguez-García-de-Cortázar et al. 2024). On the other hand, discourses and practices of resistance to these structures demonstrate greater openness towards sexual diversity and the emergence of alternative sexual, bodily, and gender identities (Arruzza et al. 2019; Butler [1990] 2007; Platero 2012).

Various authors agree that gender-based violence operates as a mechanism for controlling and disciplining bodies, thereby maintaining power hierarchies within patriarchal societies (Adán 2019; Arruzza et al. 2019; Butler [1990] 2007; Connell [1995] 2005; Connell and Messerschmidt 2005; Fine and McClelland 2006; Platero 2012; Rodríguez-García-de-Cortázar et al. 2024). These scholars do not view gender-based violence as a disruption of the established order but rather as a fundamental condition of the system itself. In short, it functions as a social device that ensures the stability of gender roles within a binary and hierarchical framework, in which the cisgender overlaps with the transgender, the masculine with the feminine, and the heterosexual with the homosexual (Butler [1990] 2007).

In this context, recent research underscores the importance of transformative educational strategies for combating the persistence of discrimination and violence against sexual and gender diversity (Reisner et al. 2020). As Barragán-Medero and Pérez-Jorge (2020) demonstrate, implementing critical–emancipatory action research in educational settings can significantly reduce homophobic, lesbophobic, biphobic, and transphobic violence while empowering both students and teachers to foster more inclusive, respectful environments. Incorporating such approaches within the culture of adolescent romance is essential to dismantling binary and hierarchical frameworks and preventing gender-based violence rooted in cisheteronormativity (McBride and Schubotz 2017).

2.1.4. Pornography

The exponential growth of internet access and mobile devices has led to a sharp increase in the consumption of mainstream pornography, typically shaped by a male gaze where violence and domination are central. This practice has become normalised among adolescents, with early exposure being more common among boys (Ballester et al. 2022; Save the Children 2020).

From a psychosocial perspective, pornography consumption can significantly influence adolescents’ behaviours and attitudes (Save the Children 2020; Vélez 2022; Venegas 2024a). In the absence of comprehensive sex education, it often functions as a de facto educational tool, reinforcing notions of desire and power. Its frequent use can entrench gender stereotypes (Peter and Valkenburg 2016; Gallego and Fernández-González 2019; Vélez 2022; Navarro-Mantas and Sáez-Lumbreras 2025), promote the objectification of women (Ballester et al. 2023; Muñoz 2024), and distort sexual realities through dominant masculinity models (Bauer 2019).

Research also links pornography consumption to increased violent behaviour in adolescent boys (Malamuth et al. 2000; Stanley et al. 2018). Exposure to aggressive content tends to normalise violence and diminish empathy toward victims (Wright et al. 2016) while shaping problematic views of consent and reciprocity (Alonso et al. 2022; Stanley et al. 2018; Vasquez et al. 2024). As Muñoz (2024) notes, pornography acts as “an invisible mediating factor” in the adoption of violent behaviour.

Nonetheless, pro-sex feminist scholars contend that pornography is not inherently harmful; its effects depend on the context and the presence of critical sex education (Bright 1992; Dyer 2002; Garaizábal 2021; Rubin 1984; Vance 1984). The issue lies not in its consumption but in the lack of interpretive tools. Non-violent pornography, argue Gallego and Fernández-González (2019), can support sexual learning, pleasure, and the development of more egalitarian attitudes. In this vein, Tristan Taormino et al. (2012) have advocated for productions centred on consent, pleasure, and a clear distinction of fantasy from reality.

Aligned with this perspective, scholars such as Parra (2021) and Ringrose et al. (2012) caution against moralistic and adult-centric views, urging the recognition of youth as active agents in sexual discourse. Subject formation, as Venegas (2017) reminds us, is non-linear and shaped by ongoing negotiations with moral and heteronormative boundaries (Renold and Ringrose 2011). In this context, pornography may simultaneously represent risk and a site for autonomy, pleasure, and sexual exploration (Garaizábal 2021).

2.1.5. Peer Group

The peer group is a key dimension of adolescent socialisation, shaping how affective–sexual relationships are formed. While its role in subject formation is well established (Venegas 2017, 2020), its influence as a factor in gender-based violence within these relationships has received less attention in the literature.

Drawing on Bandura’s (1977) social learning theory, peer groups serve as powerful role models, transmitting norms and attitudes that can shape the perception and justification of violence, including gender-based violence (Arriaga and Foshee 2004). When sexist stereotypes are reinforced and asymmetrical dynamics—characterised by control, aggression, or tolerance of abuse—are normalised, a context emerges in which intimate partner violence becomes acceptable and replicable (Edwards 2015; Sanday 1990).

The pursuit of group acceptance and status further intensifies these dynamics. In many contexts, hegemonic masculinity is associated with dominance and control over one’s partner, leading adolescents to reproduce such behaviours to gain recognition from their peers (Amurrio et al. 2010; Giordano et al. 2010). Social pressure can recast control, jealousy, or violence as signs of strength or commitment (Ellis et al. 2012; Illouz 2012), contributing to their normalisation over time.

Research confirms that exposure to violence within peer groups consistently correlates with the perpetration and justification of intimate partner violence (Ellis et al. 2012). Some findings suggest that this peer influence may even outweigh that of domestic violence exposure (Leen et al. 2013). Thus, patterns of violence among friends often mirror and reinforce those found in affective–sexual relationships (Swahn et al. 2008).

Nevertheless, peer groups can also serve as spaces for transformation. Initiatives that promote alternative masculinities, gender equality education, and conflict resolution skills have been shown to reduce tolerance for violence (Casey and Lindhorst 2009; Flood 2011). Friendships can provide safe environments for mutual support, challenging sexist attitudes and fostering equitable relationships based on empathy and respect (Díaz-Aguado 2005).

2.1.6. Cultural References

Music is among the most influential cultural references during adolescence. As Hormigos-Ruiz (2023) notes, it plays a key role in shaping young people’s behaviours and thinking, serving multiple functions in their socialisation. Music operates as a powerful means of communication, fostering social interaction through activities such as partying and dancing, which affirm youth identity. On a more individual level, music accompanies daily routines such as commuting, studying, or exercising.

Several studies (Díez-Gutiérrez et al. 2023; Malamuth and Check 1981; van Oosten et al. 2015) point to a link between youth cultural references— especially those embedded in the culture of romance—and attitudes or behaviours related to violence against women. Popular genres like hip-hop, rap, reggaeton, and trap often reinforce sexist norms and gender stereotypes, significantly shaping the beliefs and attitudes of young men (Hormigos-Ruiz 2023). Music videos in these genres frequently depict women in stereotypical roles and promote sexual objectification.

However, drawing a direct causal link between youth cultural consumption and gender-based violence requires caution. While some studies reveal statistically significant associations between media content and attitudes toward sexual and dating violence (van Oosten et al. 2015), there is no scholarly consensus on direct effects, as moderating variables likely mediate these influences.

2.1.7. Social Networks

While not a primary cause, social networks and digital communities play a significant role in the manifestation, amplification, and perpetuation of gender-based violence in adolescence (United Nations Commission on the Status of Women 2023).

These platforms have become key arenas for the dissemination of hate speech, misogyny, and anti-feminist rhetoric. Certain digital communities legitimise and promote pro-violence attitudes, and intensive social media use has been linked to greater acceptance of violent and illegal acts, as well as extremist discourses against women (Aran-Ramspott et al. 2024). In Spanish secondary schools, frequent use of social networks correlates with pro-violence attitudes, though not necessarily with extremist ideologies (Rodríguez et al. 2024).

Emerging forms of digital violence—such as mockery, rumours, hoaxes, and the non-consensual sharing of images—disproportionately affect adolescent girls, often resulting in more severe consequences. These behaviours are increasingly normalised in online spaces (Frezzotti and Tarullo 2024), which also reinforce sexist norms and gender stereotypes while marginalizing non-normative gender expressions (Larrañaga et al. 2022).

Digital control within adolescent relationships—including monitoring messages, demanding passwords, or tracking online activity—is widespread. Although young people frequently use the term “toxic” to describe these practices, this label tends to minimise the seriousness of what are in fact abusive and coercive behaviours. Such dynamics persist, primarily affecting girls through harassment, extortion, and image-based abuse (Frezzotti 2024; Frezzotti and Tarullo 2024).

Such behaviours negatively impact mental health, generating fear, anxiety, and isolation (Tarriño and García-Carpintero 2014), and are often justified by romantic myths, such as the belief that jealousy is a sign of love (García et al. 2022).

In sum, social media use is not incidental to adolescent gender-based violence—it acts as a catalyst that amplifies and reinforces gender inequalities. Addressing this issue through targeted educational interventions is, therefore, essential.

3. Materials and Methods

To address the research objectives, an ethnographic methodology (Hammersley and Atkinson 2004) was employed to facilitate immersion in the daily lives of the research participants. This approach does not aims for universal generalisability but rather seeks a nuanced understanding of the participants’ discourses and practices within their everyday contexts. Twelve school ethnographies were conducted, representing twelve case studies across Andalusia, including four located in rural areas. These cases enabled the “systematic collection of information about (…) specific social situations” (Berg 2001, p. 225).

The principal method for data collection was the use of semi-structured, individual, in-depth interviews, selected for their effectiveness in exploring participants’ motivations and perspectives as expressed in their own narratives (Jones 1985, p. 46; Taylor and Bogdan 1986; Kawulich 2005). These interviews were conducted in private rooms provided by the participating schools. The selection criteria included adolescents enrolled in compulsory secondary education (ages 13–18), ensuring representation across gender, urban and rural location, and diverse socio-economic backgrounds. Two schools were randomly selected from each province in the Andalusian region. Within each school, two class groups were randomly chosen from among those in the second to fourth years of compulsory secondary education (ESO). In each group, only students whose consent was obtained participated in the study. Each adolescent in each class group was interviewed to gain insights into their educational trajectory within the framework of adolescent romance culture. In total, 220 in-depth interviews were completed across all provinces of Andalusia, subsequently transcribed verbatim to preserve the integrity of the participants’ speech.

Qualitative data analysis was performed using NVivo 13 software, enabling the segmentation, coding, and interrelation of themes and nodes. This software tool facilitated the organisation and retrieval of qualitative data by identifying sources (analysed materials and associated ideas), nodes (thematic groupings), and codes (attributes and characteristics of the information). Both semantic analysis (content and form of discourse) and pragmatic analysis (motivations and context of enunciation) were considered. To analyse sociodemographic information, a brief questionnaire was administered at the commencement of each interview. The resulting data were statistically analysed using SPSS (version 25), which allowed for the systematisation and correlation of data, thereby facilitating the characterisation of the discourses.

The analysis of the interview data was structured according to the following categorisation and subcategories, derived from participants’ discourses referencing the various dimensions of adolescent romance culture and its connection to gender-based violence.

Gender-Based Violence and the Culture of Adolescent Romance (ARC)

• Romantic Partner:
  • Psychological violence: control, jealousy, devaluation, and partner isolation.
  • Physical violence: direct aggression and threats of harm.
  • Sexual violence: coercion and control over the partner’s sexuality.
  • Digital violence: cyberbullying, surveillance of personal devices, and non-consensual sharing of intimate content.
  • Abusive relationship dynamics (commonly referred to as “toxic relationships” by adolescents): emotional dependence, manipulation, and instability.
• Sexuality:
  • Homophobia and transphobia.
  • Machismo and the reinforcement of patriarchal norms.
  • Gender-differentiated socialisation processes that shape expectations and behaviours.
• Love:
  • Idealisation of romantic love.
  • Confusion between love and control, often expressed through possessive gestures.
  • Abusive dynamics rooted in emotional manipulation.
  • Emphasis on physical attractiveness aligned with dominant beauty standards.
• Peer Group:
  • Central role of friendships in adolescents’ lives.
  • Social pressure and peer influence, especially around sexual behaviour.
  • Bullying and intra-group conflicts.
  • Functioning as a support network during difficult experiences.
• Pornography:
  • Age of first exposure.
  • Uses, including practices like sexting.
  • Discourses around its influence—ranging from denial to acknowledgment.
  • Distortion of sexual reality and creation of unrealistic expectations.
  • Reproduction of behaviours seen in pornographic content.
  • Issues of consent.
  • Recognition of potential positive effects when consumed critically.
• Cultural References:
  • Types of media consumed: music, series, films, etc.
  • Popular musical genres among youth.
  • Lyrical content that often includes misogyny, machismo, and violence.
  • Idealisation of love and reinforcement of traditional gender roles and stereotypes.
• Social Media:
  • Daily usage time.
  • Most frequently used platforms.
  • Purposes of use: flirting, socialisation, harassment, etc.
  • Predominant types of content: sexual, entertaining, and humorous, among others.

This research study adhered to ethical and social commitments consistent with scientific rigor, in accordance with three fundamental criteria (Mason 1996): validity (the extent to which the research study measures what it intends to measure), reliability (the consistency and accuracy of the methods and techniques employed), and extrapolation (the scope of the conclusions, acknowledged as context-dependent within case-based ethnography). To ensure informational consistency and mitigate bias, triangulation of results was implemented by combining participant observation, interviews, surveys, and a review of the scientific literature.

Ethical considerations were central throughout the research process. To safeguard the well-being of participants, this study was conducted in accordance with bioethical principles, ensuring the participants’ autonomy and voluntariness within a framework of human rights and diversity. Families and participants provided signed informed consent forms and received comprehensive information regarding the research procedures. Confidentiality was protected through the use of anonymity codes, thereby preventing risks and the collection of data extraneous to the study’s objectives.

4. Results and Discussion

To address the objectives of this article, in line with the provisions of Law 7/2018 to “delve into the structural causes of violence”, this section presents the research findings related to gender-based violence in the ARC, considering the ARC a factor related to gender-based violence in adolescence.

According to the data recorded in the personal information forms completed by interviewees at the end of the interview, women are in the majority in the study (126 girls, 57.3%; 94 boys, 42.7%). Sexual, bodily, and gender diversity are represented by 1.3 out of 10 people. Participants aged 15 and 16 comprised almost half of the total, with just over half being enrolled in the third year of compulsory secondary education (ESO). Nearly 1/3 of the 220 participants have repeated a grade at least once, mostly men. However, in a few cases, only female participants had repeated a grade twice.

To present the main results of the interview analysis in a structured manner, the following discussion is organised according to the different dimensions (see Figure 1) that constitute the ARC and the relationships identified between these dimensions and gender-based violence. It is important to note that the experience of being an adolescent shape and defines what we understand here as the “adolescent romance culture” (ARC). In other words, ARC is conceptualised specifically in relation to the generational context of adolescence.

4.1. Love Dimension

Hereby the correlation between gender-based violence and conceptualisations of love is examined, positing that the former can be a contributing factor to the latter. The data reveal three models of love: romantic, passionate, and egalitarian. Gender-based violence is more evident in contexts where the romanticised model prevails—aligning with Ferrer et al. (2006), who associate this model to the normalisation of subordinate femininity, dominant masculinity, and the emergence of asymmetrical relationships, which, in extreme cases, may escalate to physical violence.

The majority of interviewees—with the exception of a small number of girls—conceive love through a romanticised lens, characterised by jealousy, control, and symbolic violence, often with deep emotional consequences. Notably, none of the 220 interviewees explicitly identified these dynamics as forms of gender-based violence. Recurring themes in interviews with girls include male control, female emotional dependence, and discomfort resulting from these imbalances. This is further evidenced by widespread agreement with statements such as “true love conquers all” (39.4%), “boys should control who their girlfriends associate with” (26.6%), and “jealousy is a test of love” (20.7%).

The data also point to an emerging commodification of love (see Illouz 2012), wherein meeting certain standards of desirability becomes essential not only to forming romantic relationships but also to achieving acceptance within peer groups.

ESEPUUHHE10: My prototype, my perfect prototype is blonde with blue eyes, but…

Researcher: Wow, you’re sure about that! But what?

3ESEPUUHHE10: But right now… They’re not kind, or they don’t have empathy and stuff, so honestly, no.

3ESEPUUHHE5: That they’re pretty.

Researcher: Pretty. What else?

3ESEPUUHHE5: That’s it. What do you need more for?

Illouz (2012) expands on this view by analysing how patriarchal structures intersect with capitalist logic, resulting in the commodification of love and the emergence of a “market of desire”. This market serves to reinforce gender hierarchies and places considerable pressure on women to conform to often unattainable standards of beauty and desirability. The early internalisation of these discourses has been associated with subtle forms of violence—particularly emotional and social control (Reyes et al. 2024)—as well as with the legitimisation of gender inequality and domination in romantic relationships (Bisquert-Bover et al. 2019; Bonilla-Algovia et al. 2021).

4.2. Sexuality Dimension

Sexuality is found to be primarily shaped by the prevalence of traditional structures and cisheteronormative norms. Several participants expressed a binary understanding of sex and its expression, and in some cases, a lack of awareness or clear definition of sexuality beyond its biological dimension:

FPGMCO1PURHHE1: For sexuality, well… man and woman, basically gender, what a person is. I’m a man and there are… men and women, that’s it.

FPGMCO1PURMHE11: Sexuality, well, what defines us as men and women, (…) or the relationship between men and women, right?

3ECAPUUHHE7: Well, that stuff about gender identity and all that doesn’t really sit right with me, because I’m… Christian, so it would be like… God only made two sexes. Man and woman. But the world has gone… [in a different direction].

It was also observed that people who do not align with societal norms, whether due to sex, gender, or sexual orientation, perceive themselves as “outside the norm”.

4EHPURHHO1: What’s politically correct is to be straight. What happens is, of course, since you have to fit into society somehow, you look for your own little things, right?

However, they also show awareness of their role as potential agents of change:

4EHPURHHO1: You know what the thing is? That we, my class, me… I’m gay. A classmate, she’s a lesbian… So she and I are giving visibility to this world in my class. That we’re not outsiders, we’re here, in this society. And every time we give a talk… well, not a talk, every time we do a presentation… (…) I’ve always done a presentation on homophobia, and she’s always done one on transphobia. Because it’s not just about giving visibility to gays and lesbians, no. (…) There are queers, there are people…

The importance of understanding one’s own sexuality and of addressing these issues more openly was recognised by participants. Some acknowledged the existence of “different types of sex”. There was also an acknowledgement of same-sex attraction, although this was not always fully understood or articulated. Additionally, several participants emphasised the importance of accepting individuals as they are.

3ECAPUUMHE6: Right, isn’t it? Because you have to be clear about what you like, who you are, because if you’re not clear, you go through life blind, right? You don’t even know yourself, and you think you do, but you really don’t.

Young people encounter multiple tensions and contradictions in their romantic and sexual relationships. Girls’ narratives often fluctuate between asserting their right to pleasure and experiencing self-blame—sometimes alongside coercion or manipulation by partners. At the same time, these accounts also highlight efforts to challenge shame, resist aesthetic norms, and claim sexual equality.

The data indicate that sexual violence is distinctly gendered. As Rodríguez-García-de-Cortázar et al. (2024) observe, girls navigate this inequality by accepting, negotiating, or resisting various forms of violence within intimate relationships. While the first love is often romanticised, the interviews reveal frequent instances of boys pressuring girls into non-consensual sex, as well as explicit accounts of sexual violence against women.

FPGMMCAPUUMHE4: I had a partner who, when I didn’t want to… do it, he’d hit me (…) He was fifteen and I was sixteen. And… I didn’t want to, and that went on for five or six months. And I got fed up, I told my mother and my sister and they really went for him. Anyway, when I broke up with this guy, I talked to him. Because I thought I had changed, but no way, in the end…

3ESEPUUMHE1: Like, the thing is, me, I haven’t… I haven’t done it, but once a boy was, we were in a parking lot and he forced me to… to suck him off.

Girls frequently report feeling pressured during sexual encounters, ranging from a kiss to intercourse. While 4.7% admit to having engaged in sex due to partner pressure, 15.1% say they either did not consent or were unsure about consenting during their first sexual experience. Nevertheless, 42.8% describe love as the primary motivation for their first sexual encounter.

Some girls also express awareness of a rape culture influencing their perceptions of sexuality—another dimension of the ARC. This awareness is heightened when assaults occur in their local environment, generating feelings of fear and vulnerability. Notably, such concerns do not arise in interviews with boys, underscoring the structural and gendered nature of this violence, which is directed exclusively at women. The data, therefore, support the thesis that violence in this context is fundamentally gendered.

4.3. Couple Dimension

Interviewees frequently used the term “toxic” to describe dynamics within their romantic relationships. In their narratives, “toxic” refers to relationships characterised by control, jealousy, and a lack of respect. However, the widespread use of this term tends to obscure or minimise the seriousness of these dynamics, which often constitute forms of psychological or emotional violence. By labelling such behaviours as merely “toxic,” their true nature as manifestations of abuse and gender-based violence is frequently overlooked:

4EMA2PUUHHO1: Well, a toxic relationship, a partner who controls you, controls your passwords, controls where you go, controls who you go with…

Despite expressing autonomy and independence in their relationships, many adolescents demonstrate a persistent need to control their partners. The data reveal an emotional landscape marked by jealousy, infidelity, and distrust— often exacerbated by emotional immaturity and communication difficulties characteristic of this age group. In extreme cases, such distress emotional turmoil has resulted in suicide attempts. Nevertheless, starting a family remains the most common aspiration.

From the third year of secondary school onwards, having a partner becomes normative. Although casual, low-commitment relationships are frequent, there is clear social value placed on commitment. When asked which type of relationship best represents them, 61.2% of respondents chose a stable relationship, 17.4% indicated sporadic relationships, and 3.4% reported being involved in several casual relationships simultaneously. Nearly two out of ten reported no interest in romantic relationships.

No significant gender differences appear in the preferred relationship type. However, regarding the current relationship status, a non-significant trend was observed (p = 0.06): girls are slightly more inclined toward both stable relationships (by nearly 7 percentage points) and non-stable relationships (5 points), while boys are more likely to prefer not having a partner (12 points more). Relationship distress is not limited to girls. According to the survey, average satisfaction with a partner (6.5 on a 0–10 scale) is lower than with friends (8.2), family (8.1), and classmates (7.1).

The first romantic relationships coexist alongside those within the friendship group, with both contexts involving significant shared time and space. Friendship groups often intervene in couple dynamics, acting as agents of control. Social networks also play a crucial role in this regard: a total of 46.1% of respondents reported using social media to monitor the activities of the person they like or their partner:

2EGR1PUUMHE6: He controlled absolutely everything. Where are you going, what are you doing, send me a photo of who you’re with, your WhatsApp conversations, your Instagram conversations, give me your password. (…) We lasted nine months. (…) Well, even so, I was, I don’t know, I was okay. (…) My mother is the one who saved me, honestly, from that. If not, he’d still be telling me he’s going to hit me.

The negative influence of partners is recognised because it causes mental instability and reduces the time devoted to oneself or one’s studies. This distraction is more prevalent among girls than boys: a total of 64.2% of girls admitted to using social media to keep in touch with their partner.

Having a partner exerts a greater influence on girls than on boys, which also helps to explain the prevalence of gender-based violence. Many girls reported experiences of sexual violence in the interviews, and episodes of gender-based violence were particularly notable among the female participants. The romantic partner becomes a source of distraction, an obsession, diverting attention from academic studies toward the relationship. In fact, gender-based violence was cited by several girls in our study as one of the reasons for having repeated a school year:

3EAL1PUUMHE1: I start looking at the book and I don’t read… It’s that I miss a lot of class because I’ve also been mentally awful because of my boyfriend (…) Ugh, he messes everything up (…) That person takes so much away from me.

2EGR1PUUMHE1: I met a boy who ruined my life (…) he was my first love. But I don’t know if it was love, if it was obsession or something… emotional instability. (…) I had a really bad time (…) I didn’t go to school [I repeated a year] (…) what’s the point of going to school if it’s no use to me (…) I said: I prefer to stay like this [maintain the abusive relationship] rather than [be without him].

4.4. Cultural References Dimension

Cultural references (music, movies, series, video games, etc.) constitute another dimension of the ARC. Romantic love continues to be idealised through narratives that emphasise trust, good communication, and mutual respect within couples.

3EAL2PUUHBI1: I’ve been very much in love, and to me, love seems… I’m super thoughtful with details, I love things that are, like, passionate, I love romance movies and I like the concept of love, they paint it so beautifully.

While romantic love is idealised as a pursuit of affection, understanding, and positive connections, the interviews also reveal how unequal power dynamics and media representations can contribute to gender-based violence. Narratives in music, series, and movies frequently reinforce stereotypical gender roles and portray violent situations, which can shape the understanding of relationships within young people.

3ECAPUUHHE2: For example, Pablo Escobar grabs the woman he wants, screws her over, and then shoots her and kills her.

FPGMCAPUUHHE19: It could be, yeah, in Toy Boy there’s quite a bit of machismo, to be honest. They hit women and all that.

Music stands out as one of the most influential cultural references: young Andalusians spend an average of more than two hours per day listening to music. The most popular musical genre is reggaeton (50.1%), followed by trap-drill (14.2%). The lyrics of songs in these genres can promote violence against women. Some adolescents believe that these messages influence attitudes and behaviours, particularly among boys who listen to them. They acknowledge that these lyrics are often sexist (“…it’s almost always reggaeton, so… those lyrics have… machismo (3EAL1PUUHBI1)”) and that they denigrate and belittle women (“it’s always about I don’t know what with women and that’s it, that’s what they talk about” (3EAL1PUUHHE6)). However, many of them continue to listen to it because of the melody and catchy rhythms: “It’s not that they’re right, but it’s because of the melody and stuff like that… (3EAL1PUUHHE1).” There is a non-significant trend suggesting that reggaeton is particularly popular among the youngest adolescents (13 years old), which could contribute to shaping their perceptions of women from an early age.

4.5. Pornography Dimension

Sexual coercion, as reported by many of the girls interviewed, is rooted in an absence of consent—an aspect reflected in the pornography that is widely consumed during adolescence (Alonso et al. 2022; Ballester et al. 2023; Save the Children 2020). As one participant stated, “Tell me who has not seen pornography in their life” (2EGRA1PUUHHE3). Adolescent boys are the principal consumers, with many reporting early exposure:

“It might be at 9 years old.”

(2EGRA1PUUHHE3)

“When I was 12 years old I was taught it on a cell phone.”

(3EGR3PRRHHE5)

“12 years old or so. So I kind of talked about it with my friends when I was older, this year, and we all talked about it because I thought about it and said ‘mother, I was too little’. And all my environment too…”

(4EGR2PUUMHE7)

Despite its varied uses, a significant number of individuals (34%) reported having learned about sex and romantic relationships through pornography. This underscores its role as a primary educational source in these areas (Ballester et al. 2023), positioning pornography as a key agent in the transmission of sexual knowledge (Venegas and Paniza 2020).

Sexting emerges as a digital extension of pornography, shaped by social media. The data highlight that coercion and lack of consent are key indicators of gender-based violence in these contexts:

4ECO2PUUHHE6: “I’d say it’d be like… the videos that people record, so to speak, for other people to see.”

2EGR1PUUMHE12: “I’ve been told that, for example, one person sent a photo to another person, and that person then took it and sent it to everyone, and from that person, from other people, it went to even more people. But that didn’t happen to me. Come on, if they did that to me, I’d directly block them and say: don’t talk to me.”

A polarisation of discourses has also been identified in which some adolescents maintain an uncritical attitude towards the content they consume, seeing it as a faithful representation of reality and not as a construct that can influence their view of sexuality:

3EJ1PURMHE12: “…well, I don’t know. I’d say… That I also don’t see it as influencing… Something negative, for example, watching videos of two people having sexual relations. Especially because it’s typical now for teenagers who have their hormones going crazy, so normally they always try to satisfy their hunger in some way, so to speak. So I also don’t see it as something negative to watch those things. It is true that it may have affected someone, in one way or another.”

While other people adopt a more critical stance, acknowledging its influence on others, if not themselves:

2EGR1PUUHHE1: “Of course, well, it depends on the person. For example, it doesn’t influence me at all, like… Me… I can watch and I know perfectly well that maybe it’s not like that (…) they do that for themselves, to earn money first (…) sexual relations aren’t like that. But many people, it’s normal, it’s the most normal thing in the world, for them to think it’s like that. Because if you see something, that’s how it is, you see it and… Well, it’s normal to think it’s like that.”

3EAL1PUUHHE3: “It definitely affects some, because they see it and they think… They want to do the same as in the videos.”

Finally, it is acknowledged that these factors also influence adolescents’ own perceptions of sexuality and romantic relationships:

3ECAPUUMHE2: “Yes, because maybe you watch a video and you can get ideas from that video. For example, for… for doing things, you can look at the videos and then do it in real life.”

3ECAPUUHHE2: “Well, actually yes, because the first time you see that is going to be in porn. So you take a reference from that and you say: damn, so that’s how I have to do it. But really that can, it can… you know? It can confuse you.”

In any case, the results indicate that pornography influences how adolescents perceive sexuality, gender inequality, and ultimately, sexual violence. A fundamental aspect that emerges from the testimonies is the constant representation of women as passive figures, subordinate to men, and of idealised and violent sex scenes:

3EAL1PUUMHE8: “There’s a power dynamic, I think. Normally, I think the man kind of dominates the woman.”

3AJ1PURMHE2: “Of course, it’s that they think, they think that porn is sex education, but no, it’s not sex education, mmm, and it doesn’t teach you anything, basically, uh… What they teach you is how to do it, how to devalue a woman, how not to take women into account in sexual relations, and most porn scenes are rape, because at no point is the woman or the treatment of the woman taken into account.”

2EGR1PUUHBI1: “I don’t think so, because I don’t know, it’s like women are always going to be on the bottom, because in pornography I’ve always seen women treated as if they were a sack with holes […].”

For some of the adolescents interviewed, pornography also creates unrealistic expectations about sex, by showing perfect bodies and scenes that do not correspond to reality: “Imagine, the woman in the video was in better physical shape than your partner, so… (…) it kind of takes away your interest” (2EGRA1PUUHHE3).

Several testimonies reveal that some people try to reproduce what they see in pornographic videos, believing that couple relationships should conform to what they see. This type of imitation can lead to the creation of power dynamics and inequality in relationships:

2GR1PUUMHE13: “For me, it’s really bad for kids. For me, it’s… something that shouldn’t exist, I’m telling you like this because… my god, you see… Things have happened to me… kids have even written to me saying: I’d get you on all fours, I want to hit you, I don’t know what. No, man, because… because they’ve seen that. And I think that’s wrong, because for me porn is a lot of violence, it’s… I think women have a bad time, women and… and maybe men, well, men… so-so, but… it’s just bang, bang, bang all the time, so for me it’s… something that shouldn’t, why? Because kids learn it, so they see that in terms of… of… when they go to do… the thing about sexuality and that, they’re going to want to do what… what they’ve seen, so really bad, why? Because it hurts girls and everything and it’s like… no. The same thing too, I don’t know. It depends on tastes.”

Girls, in particular, in their interventions stress the importance of recognizing consent as a fundamental aspect of sexual relations:

“That’s very important because…I don’t…I don’t see well if they tell you no, is that no, and no…you don’t have to force anyone or anything.”

(2EGR1PUUHHE4)

“If you didn’t see that you would treat your partner better and not force her to do things she doesn’t want to do.”

(2EGR1PUUHHE7)

However, not all pornography should be viewed negatively. Alternative content, especially that which diverges from mainstream representations, can portray more equitable sexual dynamics. For instance, gay pornography (Dyer 2002) often depicts more balanced relationships (Bright 1992; Garaizábal 2021; Rubin 1984; Vance 1984). When consumed critically and consciously, pornography can serve as a valid means of sexual exploration and identity formation—particularly when other sources, such as family or school, fail to provide adequate guidance (Garaizábal 2021). As one young woman states,

2EGR1PUUMBI1: “If they need that, it’s because they need some answers. (…) I think that because in those families they don’t talk about it, it’s not… normalized. Well… I mean, there are parents who find it more logical that (…) their children see people killing each other, for example (…) than suddenly a series comes out that’s more sexual or whatever, right? So because it’s not discussed, because it’s still a very taboo subject.”

This issue is also illustrated in the testimony of this homosexual boy, where pornography serves, in addition to defining his own identity, to understand sexuality in a more complete and diverse way:

4EHPURHHO1: “I didn’t know how to hook up, and I also didn’t know what two guys did as a couple because I had no idea, so to find out. To find out what happens, how they do it, what you have to do, so… (…) I looked it up. Exactly, if my parents haven’t taught me…”

4.6. Social Networks Dimension

Digital consumption plays a central role in adolescents’ leisure time, particularly through the use of the internet, apps, free social media, and audiovisual platforms for music, films, series, and video games. Mobile phone use remains high even during academic periods and weekends. The most frequently used platforms are TikTok, Instagram, YouTube, and WhatsApp. On average, users spend just over five hours per day on social media, with 25% exceeding six hours. Boys tend to engage with these platforms in more sexualised and gendered ways—using them to flirt, seek partners, share sexual images with partners or peers, and follow live-streaming content on platforms like Twitch.

2ESEPUUMHE6: “I stop spending time with my family because of social media, I stop doing my homework because of social media… (…) Come on, the other day it popped up on my phone, because I have an iPhone too, and it said: your number of I don’t know what has increased by nine hours.”

In the digital age, social media functions as the primary relational space within the ARC, facilitating interactions with friends and partners. For the study’s participants, the boundary between analogue and digital realms appears blurred. Interview accounts suggest a link between social media use—including internet access and exposure to content like pornography—and the reinforcement of unequal gender norms. Notions of male dominance and female objectification were identified, potentially fostering attitudes that tolerate or perpetuate violence and harassment against women.

3ESEPUUMBI1: “No, not on the internet. You… women are usually seen as inferior, so to speak.”

FPGMSEPUUMHE7: “Yes, it depends, because… maybe, yes, there are more women who are submissive, so to speak, it’s always, almost always men. Also, obviously, well, there are dominant women, but… it’s not as common as the other way around.”

The colonisation of daily life by social media and mobile phones has disrupted face-to-face communication. While users seek greater sociability and romantic interaction, flirting has become a central activity on these platforms. It often involves body language and sexuality as expressions of erotic capital—especially among women—to attract desired partners. However, online courtship can take on anonymous forms. Some participants report using up to four different Instagram accounts, which, according to testimonies, facilitates unethical behaviour. Anonymity lowers inhibitions, enabling insults—such as attacks on sexual orientation—that would be unlikely in person and may even lead to harassment.

FPGMHPURHHE1: “Man, let’s see, before the village idiot stayed in the village, now the village idiot has Instagram and talks to anyone, and I, for example, see it especially with girls that I talk to and stuff, that there are some who, there are certain people who end up harassing them while trying to flirt or who are net fishing, just randomly starting things…”

In summary, the people interviewed suggest that social networks can contribute to violence, fights and harassment through anonymity, the alteration in relationship dynamics, and the possibility of inappropriate behaviour in the context of online interaction, since, as they comment, social networks are “like a knife, you can use the knife to cut ham or to stab someone. In other words, Instagram can be used to bully a person, to intimidate a person; or it can also be used to make a friendship. So, I think it’s good to talk to the girls, because when you are at home and you can’t be with them, you can talk to them” (3ECAPUUHHE2).

4.7. Peer Group Dimension

Although friendship groups are a key component of the ARC, no direct correlation was found between peer dynamics and gender-based or sexual violence. However, the data reveal patterns that given their relevance to processes of socialisation and subjectivation (Venegas 2017), this warrant close attention.

Friendships hold a central place in adolescents’ lives, often contributing more to emotional well-being than romantic relationships. This is reflected in statements such as “always…” and in high levels of satisfaction with peer and family relationships (3EAL1PUUHHE6). A preference for interacting with those with whom they share affinity is also evident (4EMA2PUUMHE3).

In this context, peer groups serve as important spaces for exchanging experiences and views—particularly around sexuality and affective–sexual relationships:

3ECAPUUMHE1: “Because, well, always… my cousin, for example, my cousin who’s in my class too… has been with her boyfriend for over a year, me… everything, I mean, when she started with her boyfriend, I had never been with any boy or anything, and… that’s when… she would tell me everything and I’d find out.”

3EAL2PUUHHE3: “We’re always talking about, well, this girl is hot or this girl is hot… anyway, yeah, we do talk about it from time to time.”

Discussions about sexuality and relationships emerge organically within friendship groups, which function as both sources of information and informal learning spaces. However, these same groups can also exert pressure. For example, one young woman recalled her friend’s anxiety about her first sexual encounter: “Yes, yes, in fact, my best friend […] is genuinely fearful because she is engaging in sexual relations with multiple partners, and she says: I don’t know when the time will come and I want to be ready and I’m scared and embarrassed” (3ECAPUUMHE1).

Among boys, social status within the group often correlates with romantic success. As one boy puts it, “They tell me sincerely to be like them, they say ‘if you do this’ because, let’s put ourselves on a social scale right now, it doesn’t exist, but the more you flirt, the more you are valued. […] If you behave in this manner, you will be held in higher esteem” (4ECO2VPUUHHE1). These accounts illustrate how peer groups can reinforce hegemonic masculinity and dynamics of control in intimate relationships, as also noted in previous research (Amurrio et al. 2010; Giordano et al. 2010).

At the same time, friendship groups can serve as emotional refuges and safe spaces for collective learning (Venegas and Paniza 2020). Many adolescents rely on friends for support during difficult relationships, as shown by testimonies such as the following: “I feel more confident… and I can be more myself” (2EGR1PUUMHE3) or “they have always supported me in everything. When they have seen me in a state of distress, they have assisted me” (2EGR1PUUMHE1).

However, not all friendships are positive. Some groups exhibit toxic dynamics—envy, betrayal, and conflict—which can harm adolescents’ self-esteem. This is particularly evident when romantic or sexual relationships intersect with peer dynamics, generating tension. One girl, for example, shared the following: “Well, lately they’ve been really fake, to be honest… My friend formed a liaison with my boyfriend” (3EAL2PUUMHE2). As indicated by the following testimony,

2EGR1PUUMHE1: “And I started hanging out with people I shouldn’t have. People who were a bad influence on me. Who messed with my head or… I had my typical group of friends, who I got along with, I wasn’t going down a bad path or anything, and after everything I went through, I started hanging out with people like that. I also got into a lot of things that messed me up badly too. I met a boy who ruined my life, so to speak, because he was my first love, so to speak. But I don’t know if it was love, if it was obsession or something… emotional instability. And… well, I… I had a very bad time, uh… I didn’t know what to do, what not to do. I didn’t want to; I didn’t go to school…”

In addition, some adolescents perceive other negative attitudes in their groups, such as hypocrisy, which generates distrust and makes it difficult to build solid friendships: “They are very hypocritical among themselves. For example, one is crying, ‘ay auntie, why are you crying,’ but then she walks away and is saying ‘what a shame’“ (2EGR1PUUMHE2).

The presence of bullying is also a relevant aspect. It is directed especially towards those who are perceived as different from the group for reasons of physique, sexual orientation, culture, etc. This is evidenced by testimonies such as the following: “They picked on me because of my height, because of the way I am, because of my body…” (3EAL1PUUHHE5) and “At first, when they called me fat. They picked on me, they called me fat” (3EAL1PUUHHE8). This, in some cases, can lead to isolation, low self-esteem, and even suicidal thoughts.

Although some studies have been able to find a relationship, albeit weak, between socialisation in peer groups and gender or sexual violence (Arriaga and Foshee 2004; Swahn et al. 2008), the results obtained in this analysis do not allow us to conclude in isolation that belonging to a friendship group has a direct impact on this. It is observed that the peer group influences gender socialisation and the way in which adolescents construct their affective–sexual relationships (Venegas 2018; Willis 1977; McRobbie 1978), but this influence is ambivalent. On the one hand, it can reinforce gender stereotypes and pressure dynamics; on the other hand, it can act as a space for support and prevention in the face of situations of violence (Díaz-Aguado 2005).

5. Conclusions

This article has examined the adolescent culture of romance (ARC) as a significant factor associated with gender violence in adolescence. The analysed data corroborate the assertion set forth in Spanish Law 7/2018, which defines violence against women as an extreme manifestation of gender inequalities and a violation of human rights. Our findings reveal a profound gender asymmetry between male and female participants within the ARC framework, a fundamental inequality that underpins the sexual and gender-based violence documented in this research study. This asymmetry is deeply rooted in the persistence of traditional gender roles and stereotypes, which shape expectations and power dynamics in adolescent relationships. These norms increase the vulnerability of girls to different forms of gender-based violence, as they legitimise control, jealousy, and emotional dependence within romantic contexts.

Within this cultural context, romance serves both as a site for adolescent experimentation and resistance to perceived daily mundanity and simultaneously as a source of pressure exerted primarily by peer groups (another constitutive dimension of the ARC) and adolescent cultural references. This observation is consistent with prior scholarship (Cowie and Lees 1981; Glenn and Marquardt 2001; Gilmartin 2005, 2006, 2007; Griffin 1982; McRobbie 1978; McRobbie and Garber [1977] 2006; Ringrose and Renold 2012). However, the digitalised context of contemporary Andalusian society introduces novel analytical parameters.

The results delineate a theoretical model in which the culture of romance encompasses a constellation of explanatory factors for gender-based violence in adolescence: dimensions (generational belonging, love, partner, sexuality, pornography, social networks, cultural references, and friendship group), meanings (adolescent constructions of these dimensions), relationships (the partner), and practices (primarily control and jealousy). These interconnected elements collectively produce and reinforce both a romanticised femininity and a dominant masculinity, accounting for the high incidence of gender-based violence experienced by female participants—violence which often remains invisible to them (see Figure 2 for a visual representation of this model).

The dimension of love is predominantly structured around romantic love ideologies, which perpetuates gender inequalities and dynamics of control. Differential socialisation disseminates romantic myths, such as sacrifice and jealousy as indicators of love, thereby legitimizing symbolic violence and emotional dependence. Our analysis confirms the prevalence of this romanticised love model among interviewees, particularly female participants, characterised by jealousy, control, and symbolic violence with significant emotional consequences. This model correlates with an increase in asymmetrical relationships, potentially leading to physical violence despite describing experiences of control and emotional dependence that negatively affect their lives—including academic performance; female participants did not recognise these dynamics as gender-based violence. This underscores the internalisation of myths that normalise female subordination and justify inequality (e.g., acceptance of “jealousy as proof of love” or male control over female social interactions). These dynamics are reinforced by pervasive gender stereotypes and the ongoing socialisation into unequal gender roles, which continue to frame girls as passive, self-sacrificing, and primarily responsible for maintaining the relationship—even when this involves tolerating or justifying abusive behaviours. Furthermore, we observe features of the commodification of love, wherein meeting criteria of desirability becomes perceived as necessary for social and romantic acceptance.

The partner dimension emerges as a critical factor influencing study outcomes and educational trajectories. The existing literature identifies various manifestations of gender-based intimate partner violence, including psychological, physical, sexual, and digital forms. Our findings substantiate the presence of these forms, specifically highlighting control, jealousy, and disrespect as common characteristics of relationships described as “toxic.” Yet, framing such behaviours under the vague term “toxic” often dilutes the recognition of their gravity, masking the underlying psychological and emotional abuse they represent. This linguistic minimisation may inadvertently contribute to the normalisation of harmful patterns that align with established definitions of gender-based violence. Adherence to traditional gender roles remains a salient risk factor. A key finding is the significantly greater impact of having a partner on female students’ educational trajectories compared with their male counterparts. While negative impacts for males are primarily associated with distraction, for females, they are linked to mental distress, apathy, absenteeism, and heightened emotional dependence. Gender-based intimate partner violence is a primary explanatory cause of grade repetition among the female participants. The use of social networks to exert partner control is a widespread practice.

Our research demonstrates that social networks and digital platforms have become central to young people’s daily lives, consuming substantial amounts of free time and decisively shaping their socialisation processes. The intensive use of mobile phones illustrates the integration of the digital and analogue environments, transforming both familial and peer relationships. This shift towards virtual interaction fosters aggressive behavioural dynamics and harassment, often facilitated by anonymity. Furthermore, social networks appear to amplify the potential for inter-partner control, operating as spaces for the legitimisation and reproduction of inequalities, including the objectification of women and tolerant attitudes toward violence. As one interviewee remarked, social networks act as “a double-edged sword” capable of fostering positive connections or exacerbating inequalities depending how they are used.

The sexuality dimension operates in tension between enduring patriarchal structures sustaining cisheteronormativity and dominance–submission dynamics, and emergent discourses and practices of resistance advocating for the visibility of diversity. Our analysis confirms the prevalence of a binary understanding of sexuality and gender among participants. Individuals deviating from traditional norms often perceive themselves as “out of the ordinary,” yet also recognise their agency in promoting change and the visibility of diversity. There is a growing awareness of the importance of understanding one’s sexuality and the necessity for more open dialogue on these issues.

Violence within the sexual sphere is strongly gendered: gender violence was referenced only in interviews with female participants discussing their romantic relationships. Such violence is closely linked to the persistence of “rape culture,” which generates fear predominantly among girls. This finding reinforces the thesis that violence in this context is both structural and gendered, disproportionately affecting women.

The analysis of adolescent testimonies reveals how early and extensive pornography consumption (pornography dimension), particularly among males, shapes their perceptions of sexuality, consent, and affective–sexual relationships. Many participants report first accessing such content as early as 8 or 9 years old, often in the absence of adequate sex education. Pornography, frequently depicting violence and the subordination of women, help to generate unrealistic expectations and even reinforce the replication of power and coercion dynamics. While some individuals engage with pornography uncritically, others develop a more reflective stance, acknowledging its influence on both their relationships and self-perception. At the same time, sexting emerges as a related practice, similarly characterised by issues of consent and social pressure.

Furthermore, within the ARC, gender-based violence is primarily mentioned in relation to pornography in the interviews with female participants. In the ARC observed in this study, pornography appears as the primary source of information regarding sexuality and sexual relationships within couples, offering a model of sexuality based on violent practices against women. Consequently, female participants in the study attempt to distance themselves from this distorted image of sexuality, with some reporting experiences of being treated as if in pornographic film, lacking respect, emotions, or the affective dimension of sexual relationships, and devoid of dignity.

The peer group plays an ambivalent role, influencing gender socialisation and the experience of relationships. Friendships can function both as spaces of pressure and the reproduction of stereotypes and as sources of emotional support and collective learning. Conflict dynamics also emerge, such as toxicity, betrayals, and bullying, affecting emotional well-being and self-esteem, indicating that peer group influence can be both protective and detrimental depending on internal dynamics.

The idealisation of romantic love is highly prevalent among young people, who value trust, communication, and respect as central elements in relationships. Music, series, movies, and video games serve as mirrors of this imaginary, reinforcing expectations of passionate and elaborate relationships that fuel young people’s desire for deep and intense affective bonds. However, these same cultural references transmit narratives of inequality and gender violence. Musical genres such as reggaeton, alongside machismo portrayals in series and movies, normalise stereotyped roles and aggressive behaviour towards women. This dual dynamic between the exaltation of romanticism and the reproduction of macho attitudes necessitates a critical examination of cultural content to promote more egalitarian representations and prevent the internalisation of control and domination patterns among young people.

As demonstrated, the ARC is configured as a factor associated with gender violence in adolescence due to its foundation in the gender inequality identified in the analysed data and discourses. This underscores the necessity for a commitment to Comprehensive Sexuality Education (CSE) (Venegas 2022, 2024b). CSE adopts a gender-sensitive approach across all its proposals, constructing a sexuality based on equality, consent, and respect, where pleasure is also valued, free from violence, and where the agency of individuals is fundamental, restoring dignity.

Adult orientations play a central role in shaping adolescent relationships. Discourses reinforcing domination and submission act as risk factors, while those based on equality and respect function as protective elements. This highlights the importance of involving families in prevention efforts while also strengthening the school as a space of resistance and support for vulnerable students.

This imperative has been emphasised by numerous international organisations (European Expert Group on Sexuality Education 2016; UNESCO 2021; European Parliament et al. 2022; World Health Organization 2022), as well as regional authorities (García et al. 2023). This educational and social commitment—more comprehensive sexual education to combat sexual and gender-based violence from adolescence—is the concluding point of this research and this work. The analysed data justify it. The pain experienced by the girls demands it.