The Waiting-Servant Motif in a Late Antique Textile in Chicago: Iconography, Visuality, and Materiality
Abstract
:1. Introduction
2. Overview of the Chicago Hanging
2.1. Physical and Technical Description
2.2. Function and Context
3. The Waiting-Servant Motif
4. The Waiting-Servant Motif in Late Antique Furnishing Textiles: Enhanced Iconography of “The Good Life”
4.1. Woven Images of Waiting Servants
4.2. Additional Elements: The Architectural Setting and Floral Motifs
4.3. Formal Parallels: Personifications of Abundance and Orant Figures
5. Earlier Traditions of Artifice and Reality and the Late Antique Jeweled Style
6. Conclusions: Function and Materiality in the Domestic Context
Funding
Acknowledgments
Conflicts of Interest
1 | To date, the Art Institute of Chicago’s holdings in Late Antique textiles from Egypt, which are housed in the museum’s Textiles Department, remain largely unpublished and relatively unknown in the scholarly community. Brief references to the collection are made in (Mayer Thurman 1984, p. 54) and (Mayer Thurman 1992, pp. 11–13). However, parts of the collection were included in the “Census of Byzantine Textiles in North America”, a subproject of the “Byzantine Object Census” started in 1938 and largely concluded by 1943, which is currently held in the Image and Field Work Archives of Dumbarton Oaks in Washington, DC. Special thanks to Elizabeth Dospěl Williams and Stephanie Caruso for informing me of this resource. |
2 | Generally, the period identified as “Late Antiquity”, which covers both the later Roman empire and the early Byzantine empire, is defined as extending from the third to seventh century CE. See (Weitzmann 1979; Stauffer 1995, pp. 6–7; Thomas 2016a, p. 11). Some scholars suggest that the period had a shorter duration; for example, for a range of c. 200–500 CE, see (Stephenson 2014, p. 3); for a range of 300–500 CE, see (Elsner 2004, p. 271). However, others suggest it covers a broader timeframe; see (Bowersock et al. 1999, p. ix) for a range of 250–800 CE. For a succinct summary of the degree of overlap between the terms Late Antique, late Roman, and early Byzantine as well as the implications of such terminology, see (Trilling 1982, pp. 11–13). On the arbitrary nature of such terminology, see (Cameron 1993, pp. 7–8). |
3 | On the discovery of Late Antique clothing and furnishing textiles in burials in Egypt, see (Thompson 1971, p. 1; Thomas 1990, pp. 1–2; Bühl 2019, p. 15). |
4 | Fragment of a Hanging, 5th–6th century CE. Byzantine; Egypt. Linen and wool, plain weave with weft uncut pile and embroidered linen pile formed by variations in back and stem stitches; 136.5 × 88.3 cm (53 3/4 × 34 3/4 in.). The Art Institute of Chicago, Grace R. Smith Textile Endowment, 1982.1578. |
5 | See (Art Institute of Chicago 1983, p. 18; 2009, p. 318; Mayer Thurman 1984, p. 54; 1992, p. 11; Hali Magazine 1985). In recent years, the figure has no longer been identified explicitly as a warrior. See Manchester for a more general identification of the figure as a “man” (Manchester 2012, p. 102). |
6 | To the current author’s knowledge, the first reference to the Chicago figure as an image of a servant appears in (Dospěl Williams 2015, pp. 14–15). See also (Thomas 2016b, pp. 22, 24, 34; Rooijakkers 2018, p. 47; Dospěl Williams 2019b, pp. 38, 60, cat. 23). Rutschowscaya identifies a similar figure in a textile in the Musée du Louvre as a “person (a priest?)”; see (Rutschowscaya 1990, p. 52). See also Section 4 below for further discussion of the hanging in the Louvre. |
7 | For Dunbabin’s pioneering article on the motif of the waiting servant, see (Dunbabin 2003b). For a brief summary of the issues addressed in this article, see (Dunbabin 2003a, pp. 150–56). |
8 | The hanging was purchased on the art market in 1982 from the Merrin Gallery (then known as the Edward H. Merrin Gallery) in New York. Curatorial object file, Textiles Department, Art Institute of Chicago. |
9 | For further discussion, see Section 3 below. |
10 | For the suggestion that the weaver very carefully depicted the details of the male figure’s tunic, see (Dospěl Williams 2019b, p. 60). For a useful diagram illustrating the placement of the different types of decorative elements on the basic Late Antique tunic, see (Thomas 2016b, p. 44, Figure 1–1.3). |
11 | Upon close observation of the textile, the topmost band of each column does not fully encircle the column itself, as it ends abruptly upon reaching the vertical green band at the interior. Additionally, on the right column, the lowermost ring has a green rectangle on the left and a blue rectangle on the right. The reasoning behind these design decisions is unclear, but it does not appear to be related to any technical considerations associated with its construction. In the case of the blue rectangle in particular, one wonders whether the weaver intentionally introduced an element of variety with the use of a different colored yarn or if this was instead due to practical matters, e.g., a lack of green yarn to complete the composition. Rare examples of gilded bronze appliques incorporating gemstones, which likely served as architectural attachments, were found in the Horti Lamiani in Rome. See (Zink 2019, Figure 26). |
12 | On the construction of the hanging, see (Mayer Thurman 1984, p. 54; 1992, p. 11). |
13 | The hanging is permanently stitched to fabric that wraps around a wood stretcher, meaning it is not possible to view the back. Special thanks to Melinda Watt for her insight into the construction of the hanging and the likely appearance of the back, which she suggests would have resembled a “worn-down rug”. |
14 | On the uses of weft-loop pile in both furnishings and clothing, see (Colburn 2019). |
15 | On the difficulty of achieving this three-dimensional effect in weaving, see (Mayer Thurman 1984, p. 54; 1992, p. 11). |
16 | One also wonders whether the brown upper part of each of the blue shoes was intended to represent a light source shining on the tops of the figure’s feet, or if the brown elements should instead be identified as part of his footwear. |
17 | On the use of the weft-loop pile technique to create three-dimensional effects, see (Kondoleon 2016, p. 88). |
18 | For the identification of the Chicago textile as a curtain or a hanging, see (Mayer Thurman 1984, p. 54). There is considerable scholarly debate about the proper nomenclature to use when identifying furnishing textiles (Schrenk 2009; Stephenson 2014, pp. 12–18). See also (Schrenk 2004, pp. 23–145) for the identification of various types of furnishing textiles in the collection of the Abegg-Stiftung, Riggisberg, based on technical and iconographic analyses. On the ancient vocabulary used to describe furnishing textiles, see (Clarysse and Geens 2009, pp. 39–41). |
19 | On the role of the scale (both in terms of the textile itself as well as that of its motifs) in helping distinguish between garments and furnishings, see (Dospěl Williams 2018, p. 33). |
20 | See Section 6 below. |
21 | On the depiction of curtains in this mosaic, see (De Moor and Fluck 2009, p. 9; Stephenson 2014, p. 21). |
22 | On this hanging, see (Salmon 1969, p. 146; Maguire 1999, p. 244; De Moor and Fluck 2009, p. 11; Kondoleon 2016, p. 88; Bühl 2019, p. 20). |
23 | The remains of fittings to hang furnishing textiles including rods, hooks, and hoops, have been found in earlier Roman and Late Antique domestic contexts as well as in sacred spaces, for example in Santa Maria Maggiore in Rome and Hagia Sophia in Istanbul. See (Stephenson 2014, especially pp. 12–13, 18–21; Bühl 2019, p. 16). |
24 | It is important to recognize that textiles found in Egypt were not necessarily fabricated there (Trilling 1982, p. 17) as examples of Roman and Late Antique textiles have also been discovered in Syria, the Middle East, and the coastal area of the Black Sea; see (Stauffer 1995, pp. 7–8). Textiles found in Egypt and elsewhere may also have been imported, as reflected in their materials, weaving techniques, ornamentation, or in the case of garments, the style of clothing. See especially (Thomas 2017). |
25 | Most recently, see (Bühl et al. 2019, p. 11). |
26 | For recent perspectives on the collecting of Late Antique textiles from Egypt in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, with a particular focus on major collections in the United States, see the essays in Part 2 of (Thomas 2016a). See also (Thomas 2007, pp. 137–45). |
27 | See n. 8 above for provenance information. |
28 | For an overview of the occupations, responsibilities, and treatment of slaves at Roman banquets, see (D’Arms 1991). |
29 | In De Re Rustica (1.17.1), Varro identifies slaves as “speaking tools” in the context of discussing the three types of instruments necessary for the management of the Roman estate: alii [dividunt] in tres partes, instrumenti genus vocale et semivocale et mutum, vocale, in quo sunt servi, semivocale, in quo sunt boves, mutum, in quo sunt plaustra (“Others divide them into three categories: the articulate sort of tool, the inarticulate, and the mute; the articulate includes slaves, the inarticulate cattle, and the mute wagons”), as translated in (Lenski 2013, p. 148, n. 5). |
30 | On this restriction of movement as a “geography of containment”, one aspects of which is the “choreography of slave movement”, see (Joshel and Petersen 2014, pp. 8–13). |
31 | For references to specific literary passages, see (Joshel and Petersen 2014, p. 9, n. 33). |
32 | For a discussion of anthropomorphized functional objects, such as candelabra and incense burners, which likely depict slaves, see (Lenski 2013). Such objects blurred the lines bewteen slaves as tools and tools as slaves, in turn providing a model of obedient slave labor as an expression of beauty. |
33 | To the current author’s knowledge, no scholar has previously assessed the frequency with which depictions of male slaves occur relative to that of female slaves. However, images of female slaves appear to occur less commonly than male slaves, although they are not necessarily rare. For examples, see (Dunbabin 2003b). |
34 | See Pollini for a more detailed discussion of the literary and artistic evidence of the hairstyles of pueri delicati (Pollini 2002, pp. 53–57). See also Rooijakkers on the use of different terms used in ancient literary source to describe the hairstyles worn by such youths (Rooijakkers 2018, pp. 49–51). |
35 | For further discussion see (Dunbabin 2003b, pp. 454–58). For marble portraits dated to the mid to late first century CE that may depict delicati, see (Fless 1995; Pollini 2002, pp. 53–62). As Dunbabin notes (Dunbabin 2003b, p. 456, n. 48), if the identification of the subjects of these portraits as delicati is accurate, it reflects the existence of the iconographic type of the long-haired slave boy well before it was used specifically to depict banquet servants. |
36 | Dunbabin repeatedly notes the use of simple panels to frame the figures but does not explore this feature in detail, although she suggests that it may find its origins in the more ceremonious formulaic art of the imperial court. See (Dunbabin 2003b, p. 463). |
37 | See especially (Dunbabin 2003a, p. 151; 2003b). On representations of “the good life” in the artworks of the Late Antique domestic sphere, see (Maguire 1999; Török 2005, pp. 217–36; Thomas 2016b, p. 22; Dospěl Williams 2019b, p. 37). |
38 | On the food and tableware associated with elite dining contexts, see especially (Dunbabin 2003a, pp. 156–164). More generally, see (Raff 2011). For a mosaic pavement that illustrates all of the elements of a banquet including the guests, furniture, servants, tableware, and even the lavish meal, the remains of which covers the floor in the manner of an asàrotos òikos (unswept floor) mosaic, see (Dospěl Williams 2019b, p. 36, Figure 4). |
39 | On this group of eight mosaic panels, see (Raff 2017). These panels reflect the use of xenia motifs in mosaics in the second century CE, but later examples are attested. For example, see the fourth-century mosaic pavements from Toragnola on the Via Prenestina in Rome, now in the Sala degli Animali of the Musei Vaticani (45007 and 45008). On these mosaics, see (Raff 2017, para. 18, Figures 146–153.17, 146–153.18), with additional bibliography. |
40 | For a discussion of the relevant examples from domestic contexts, see (Dunbabin 2003a, pp. 151–53; 2003b, pp. 446–49). Among these domestic examples one should also consider the paintings from the Schola Praeconum (headquarters of the public heralds) in Rome, where a room off the courtyard featured mid third-century CE paintings depicting life-size male servants. Standing at regular intervals before a fictive architectural setting, these attendants direct their actions into the space and the actual viewer, rather than engaging with each other. They hold various objects, a garland, a napkin or towel, a box of perfumes or ointments, conveying a message of both status and hospitality. On these paintings, see (Mielsch 2001, pp. 121–22, 173; Ling 2014, p. 406). See also (Dunbabin 2003a, pp. 100–2; 2003b, pp. 446–47). |
41 | On these paintings, see (Strocka 1995, pp. 82–89; Zimmermann and Ladstätter 2011, pp. 168–69). The remains of the simple rectangular panels that frame each of the servants are only partially visible in Figure 5 and Figure 6 of the current article as well as the images published in (Zimmermann and Ladstätter 2011, p. 168, Figures 349 and 350), but they are more easily discerned in (Strocka 1995, p. 84, Figures 10 and 11). |
42 | D’Arms indicates that it was a sign of status and conspicuous consumption to have differentiated slaves within one’s household (D’Arms 1991, p. 177). An example of such differentiation is presumably seen in the varied appearances of the painted servants at Ephesos, as well as in a mosaic from a house at Thugga (Dougga) in Africa Proconsularis depicting servants of different ages and body types wearing different forms of clothing and engaging in varying activities, including carrying, pouring, and receiving wine in a bowl. On this mosaic, see (Dunbabin 1978, p. 123; 2003b, pp. 448, 457). |
43 | See D’Arms on the literary evidence for the three main types of household slaves in Roman banquets, including “supervisory duties, gate keeping, and guest control; the various food services; and the duties of the wine staff” (D’Arms 1991, pp. 172–73). |
44 | For examples of comparable images, see (Dunbabin 2003b, pp. 449–54, 461–62). |
45 | On these paintings, see (Wilpert 1903, p. 477; Deckers et al. 1987, pp. 209–10, no. 10; Zimmermann 2002, pp. 177–78; Dunbabin 2003b, p. 452). |
46 | On this point, see (Dunbabin 2003a, pp. 185–86). |
47 | The Projecta Casket is one of the over sixty silver objects belonging to the Esquiline Treasure, so-named for its discovery on the Esquiline Hill in Rome in the late eighteenth century. See (Shelton 1981, 1985; Buckton 1994, pp. 33–34, cat. 10). On the interpretation of its iconography, see (Elsner 2003). Interestingly, Elsner notes that many of the objects belonging to the Esquiline Treasure appear to be carried by the servants on The Projecta Casket (Elsner 2003, p. 28). On the depiction of the procession of servants on the casket, see also (Dunbabin 2003b, pp. 458–59). |
48 | Dunbabin notes that by the turn of the fourth to fifth century CE, funerary images of banqueting scenes largely disappear, likely due in part to the church authorities’ disapproval of the practice of funerary banqueting as well as its clear associations with material things and luxury. Additionally, secular banqueting scenes also begin to disappear at this point in time, although the reason behind this is less clear given the literary and archaeological evidence of the persistence of banqueting customs into the sixth century, albeit primarily in the eastern part of the empire. See (Dunbabin 2003a, pp. 191–93). |
49 | See n. 33 above on the seemingly less-common depiction of female servants relative to that of male servants. |
50 | I am tremendously grateful to Vanessa Rousseau for informing me of this image of a female servant, the first known example of a human figure in monumental painting found at Sardis, and also for sharing with me the following publications that reference it: (Greenewalt et al. 1995, pp. 483–84; Rousseau 2010, pp. 88–91). |
51 | One wonders whether there is any possibility that this fragmentary female figure could instead depict an attractive, androgynous male youth of the pueri delicati type, given the figure’s smooth skin and longer hair. Unfortunately, much of the proper right side of the figure’s face and body from the waist down do not survive, thereby complicating the interpretation of the figure. An example of the re-identification of figures previously identified as female as is offered by Fless, who reinterprets a mosaic depicting thought to depict a choir or perhaps a group of girls as a group of male youths; see (Fless 1995, p. 60). See also (Dunbabin 2003b, pp. 455–56). |
52 | As Rousseau notes, the figure’s gesture points not toward the adjacent triclinium (room D), but rather toward the interior of the arch, leading to the question of what (if anything) she was intentionally drawing the viewer’s attention toward, perhaps books, sculpture, or other objects of display; see (Rousseau 2010, p. 89). |
53 | Fragment of a curtain, 4th–6th century CE. Late Roman. Linen plain weave with polychromy wool weft pile loops; 97.5 × 131 cm (38 3/8 × 51 9/16 in.). Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Charles Potter Kling Fund, 49.313. On this hanging, see (Du Bourguet 1964, pp. 157–59, cat. 165; Salmon 1969, p. 148; Török 2005, p. 219; Kondoleon 2016, p. 88). |
54 | Hanging, 420–570 CE. Byzantine; Egypt. Loop weaving in wool and linen; 75 × 69 cm (29 1/2 × 27 1/8 in.). Musée du Louvre, E 10530. On this hanging, see (Rutschowscaya 1990, p. 52; Török 2005, p. 219). |
55 | Curtain, 5th–6th century CE. Byzantine; Egypt. Weft-loop pile in wool on plain-weave linen ground; 85 × 88 cm (33 1/2 × 34 5/8 in.). Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Skulpturensammlung und Museum für Byzantinische Kunst (formerly in the Kaiser-Friedrich-Museum, lost in World War II), 9223. I am grateful to Cäcilia Fluck for confirming that the Berlin hanging was unfortunately lost in the second World War. Email correspondence with Cäcilia Fluck, 16 July 2021, object file, Textiles Department, Art Institute of Chicago. Fortunately, the hanging was documented in a color plate when it was published in 1926; see (Wulff and Volbach 1926, pp. 2, 6). Many thanks to Elizabeth Dospěl Williams for her insight into this hanging, including her thoughts on the technique used in its construction. |
56 | More specifically, the Chicago hanging is dated to the 5th–6th century CE, the Boston hanging is dated to the 4th–6th century CE, the Paris hanging is dated to 420–570 CE, and the Berlin hanging was dated prior to its destruction to the 5th–6th century CE. It is important to acknowledge that the Paris hanging was carbon-14 dated, lending some scientific support for the roughly comparable date ranges of the other hangings, which presumably were dated based on stylistic, iconographic, compositional, and technical considerations, as is the case for the Chicago hanging. I am grateful to Elizabeth Dospěl Williams for her guidance on the matter of dating Late Antique textiles and also for pointing me to the Universität Bonn’s database on textile dates, with a focus on examples that have been radiocarbon dated and historically dated (i.e., dated based on inscriptions): http://www.textile-dates.uni-bonn.de/ (accessed on 7 September 2021). See (Colburn 2019) for a recent study of a Late Antique hanging in the collection of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, which illustrates how the study of weaving techniques in conjunction with technical analyses, including carbon-14 dating and dye analysis, can assist scholars in identifying groups of textiles from the same era that share common characteristics. |
57 | See notes 53–55 above for information pertaining to the three hangings’ respective dimensions, materials, and methods of construction. To the current author’s knowledge, the first instance in which the Chicago hanging was compared with any of the other hangings, specifically that in Paris, appears in (Rutschowscaya 1990, p. 52). However, the first instance in which the four hangings were considered together appears in (Rooijakkers 2018, p. 47). |
58 | The entry for the Boston hanging in the online database of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston does not currently make any explicit reference to its presumed Egyptian provenience, although this generally seems to be accepted in its earlier publication history: https://collections.mfa.org/objects/49902 (accessed on 7 September 2021). For a recent publication addressing aspects of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston’s collection of textiles from Late Antique and early Byzantine Egypt (including this hanging), see (Kondoleon 2016). |
59 | It is also possible that multiple weavers worked on a single hanging at a time, which also might have introduced further variety among those being produced in the same workshop. I thank Jennifer Moldenhauer for this observation. For a recent study on the use of papyrus drawings as cartoons or models for the production of Roman and Late Antique textiles, see (Elsner 2020). See also (Stauffer 1996). |
60 | However, the Chicago figure is the only one with dark hair and wearing a green tunic. |
61 | Thomas suggests that the figures on hangings and curtains “might invite entry by turning, thus leading the mind’s eye into the depicted space”; see (Thomas 2016b, p. 22). |
62 | Special thanks to Steve Andrekus for suggesting this as an alternative reading of the figures’ pose. On the idea of banquet servants as “human props”, who were required to stand in silence throughout the dinner, see (D’Arms 1991, pp. 171, 177). |
63 | Rooijakkers suggests that the underside of a candlestick may be visible in the right hand, but I did not observe this in my in-person examination of the hanging; see (Rooijakkers 2018, p. 47). However, near the Chicago figure’s proper left hand there is a small rectangular element that is red on top and green on its underside. It is the only one of the rectangular motifs in the background that is a single color, leading to the question of whether this feature can be identified as the traces of a now-missing attribute. I thank Katherine Andereck for her close observation of this feature. |
64 | On this hanging, see n. 22 above. |
65 | Kondoleon notes the similarities between the Boston ostiarius and the “barbarian guards” represented in the mosaics at San Vitale in Ravenna, see (Kondoleon 2016, p. 88). |
66 | Special thanks to Lora Holland Goldthwaite for informing me of this passage. |
67 | For occurrences of the word “green”(prasinos, πράσινος) in ancient Greek and Byzantine literary sources, see (James 1996, pp. 50, 54–57, 60, 74–75, 78, 87, 94–95, 113, 121). To be sure, prasinos is only one specific term that may refer to the color green. Color terminology is a complex topic, and the translation of such terms is by no means straightforward. An actual green tunic would likely have been fabricated of wool, rather than linen, as the former takes dyes better than the latter, although dyed linen textiles survive in the archaeological record. Both linen and wool were commonly used in tunics of the period, but wool was cheaper and also thicker, warmer, and to some extent waterproof. That said, the use of wool in the construction of a tunic was not necessarily indicative of its artistic value, which would have been reflected in the complexity of its production, design, and overall materials; see (Thomas 1990, pp. 4–5; 2016c; Krody 2019). For an example of a tunic woven with a plain-weave ground of green wool, see Child’s Tunic with Hood, 600–900, Metropolitan Museum of Art, 27.239. On this tunic, see most recently (Thomas 2016a, pp. 54–55, 58–59, 130–32, 145, no. 17, ill. Figs. 1–2.1, 1–2.5, 2–5.3). Alternatively, it is possible that a green tunic could have been fabricated of cotton, which similarly takes dyes well and was used in textiles of the period. While cotton was imported from India into Egypt, there is also evidence that it was grown and worked in Egypt (Thomas 2007, p. 156). An example of a resist-dyed cotton hanging, which may have been woven and dyed in Egypt or in India, belongs to the collection of the Harvard Art Museums: Hanging Decorated with Crosses and Floral Motifs, 5th–7th century CE. Byzantine. Cotton, indigo and red pigment, plain weave, Z spun; H. 270 × W. 131 cm (106 5/16 × 51 9/16 in.). Harvard Art Museums/Arthur M. Sackler Museum, Cambridge, MA, Gift of The Hagop Kevorkian Foundation in memory of Hagop Kevorkian, 1975.41.31. Accessible online: https://hvrd.art/o/288791 (accessed on 26 May 2022). |
68 | Looking more closely at the columns represented in all four hangings, one observes that red columns with golden (and sometimes bejeweled) bands are found in all except the Boston hanging, where green columns with both golden and red bands are used. Only the Chicago and Paris hangings appear to have bejeweled bands, as those in the Boston and Berlin hangings are plain. |
69 | The capitals in the Boston hanging appear to resemble Corinthian capitals, whereas those in the Berlin hanging seem somewhat more simplified; see (Wulff and Volbach 1926, p. 6) for the identification of the latter as calyx capitals. A gable is clearly depicted in the Boston hanging, whereas the Berlin hanging only preserves traces of the horizontal geison. The Paris hanging preserves neither an arch nor a gable. |
70 | One wonders whether the depiction of both gables and arches in this group of hangings reflects an interest in introducing an element of visual variety in the types of structures used to frame servants within such hangings, as previously seen in the depiction of alternating gables and arcades in the framing devices used on the body of The Projecta Casket, as addressed above. On the Late Antique interest in such visual variety, see Section 5 below. |
71 | See n. 11 above. |
72 | On the role of textiles in conveying the iconography of “the good life”, see also (Maguire 1999, pp. 239–40, 243). On the depiction of jeweled motifs in the architectural elements of furnishing textiles, see (Dospěl Williams 2018, pp. 33–37). |
73 | In the Chicago hanging the heart-shaped motifs alternate the direction in which they are oriented, with the point at the bottom of the heart facing either up or down. In the other three hangings, the heart-shaped motifs are all oriented with their points facing upward. However, it is important to acknowledge that the Paris hanging only preserves two of such motifs. |
74 | Artistic, archaeological, and literary evidence attests to the popularity of roses in the Roman world, which were also cultivated for use in perfumes and garlands as well as for decorative use in gardens. See (Farrar 2000, especially pp. 130–59). On the cultivation of roses in Pompeii and the Bay of Naples area specifically, see (Jashemski 1979, 1993). |
75 | On the tradition of scattering rose petals at a banquet or festival celebration, see (Kondoleon 2016, p. 88). On the association of scattered rose petals with hospitality, see (Maguire 2020, pp. 167–68, 184, n. 17). Such scattered or “freefield” flowers are also found in wall paintings, particularly in domestic contexts in painted lararia, household niches, and small cubicula, as well as in tomb contexts, namely hypogea, arcosolia, and other niches in catacombs. For an overview of the use and meaning of the freefield floral style in a group of fourth-century CE hypogea at Sardis, with a consideration of the parallels between use of the motif in paintings and textile patterning, see (Rousseau 2019, pp. 16–19). With regard to the cultivation of roses in Egypt, one finds some literary support in a passage in Athenaeus’s Deipnosophistae (V.196), in which the author reiterates an account provided by Callixenus of Rhodes of an extravagant banquet arranged in Alexandria by Ptolemy Philadelphus. At this banquet, a variety of flowers cultivated in Egypt, including roses, were fashioned into wreaths for the guests and scattered on the floor of a pavilion. See (Farrar 2000, p. 142, n. 64). |
76 | |
77 | On this mosaic, see (Alexander 2012, p. 33). For another Byzantine mosaic in the Art Institute of Chicago’s collection that depicts stylized flowers, albeit with the flower petals forming a diamond shape rather than a heart, see Mosaic Fragment with Grazing Camel, 5th century CE, Art Institute of Chicago, 1970.1065, in (Sewell 1971, p. 3). |
78 | On the associations of such allegorical images with the theme of “the good life”, see (Maguire 1999, pp. 239–40, 243–44; Török 2005, pp. 219–20; Thomas 2016b, pp. 22, 35; Dospěl Williams 2019a). |
79 | On this hanging at Dumbarton Oaks, see (Maguire 1999, pp. 239–40, 243–44; Török 2005, pp. 219–20, 247; Evans and Ratliff 2012, pp. 167–68; Dospěl Williams 2019a, 2019b, pp. 58–59, cat. 22). |
80 | On the figures’ clothing and attributes, see (Evans and Ratliff 2012, p. 168, cat. 109; Dospěl Williams 2019a; 2019b, p. 59, cat. 22). For an identification of the flask held by the leftmost figure as a vessel used for sprinkling perfume on banqueters’ hands, see (Maguire 1999, p. 244; Török 2005, p. 220). |
81 | Additional textiles that belong to the same group as the example in Dumbarton Oaks can be found in the following collections: Brooklyn Museum, Brooklyn, 46.128a-b; Abegg-Stiftung, Riggisberg, inv. 1638; Coptic Museum, Cairo, inv. 8454; Musée de Cluny, Paris, Cl. 22068. For additional bibliography on these textiles, see (Evans and Ratliff 2012, p. 164, n. 4; Dospěl Williams 2019a). |
82 | On this textile, see (Du Bourguet 1964, pp. 163–65; Granger-Taylor 2005, pp. 5–52). For a textile depicting multiple praying figures in an arcaded setting in the collection of the Abegg-Stiftung, Riggisberg, inv. Nr. 8 a, b, see (Schrenk 2004, pp. 51–53, cat. 8). Figures in a comparable pose are also found on limestone stelai from Egypt produced in the same period; see (Shepherd 1974, pp. 333–36). |
83 | On the paintings from Lullingstone, see (Meates 1987, pp. 5–46). |
84 | On the unusual nature of the Lullingstone figures’ clothing, see (Wild 1987). |
85 | On the repetition and alteration of the rose motif in Byzantine art in both sacred and secular contexts, see (Maguire 2020). On the multivalency of freefield floral motifs, see (Rousseau 2019, pp. 16–19). |
86 | Vanessa Rousseau and the current author plan to investigate this topic more fully in a future publication. |
87 | The scholarship on ancient polychromy (both architectural and sculptural) has expanded vastly in the last several decades. On architectural polychromy, see especially (Zink 2014, 2019, 2021). See also (Zink and Grosser, forthcoming). For recent discussions of sculptural polychromy, see (Abbe 2015; Brinkmann et al. 2017; Østergaard 2018). |
88 | Examples include the remains of the columns embellished with painted plaster in peristyle of the House of the Gilded Cupids at Pompeii (Reg. IV, Ins. 16, 7, 38) as well as those of the atrium of the House of the Relief of Telephus at Herculaneum (Ins ol, 2–3). |
89 | For example, lavishly decorated mosaic columns that belonged to a pergola in front of an equally elaborate and nymphaeum adorned with mosaics were found in the Villa of Mosaic Columns (also known as the Villa of the Figured Capitals), Pompeii, located outside the city walls. The columns are currently in the Museo Archeologico Nazionale, Naples, inv. 9995, 9996, 10000, and 10001; see (Bolman 2016c, p. 121 n. 14). See also the mosaic-adorned nymphaeum in the House of Neptune and Amphitrite at Herculaneum (Ins. V, 6–7), which also includes the eponymous mosaic depicting Neptune and Amphitrite that incorporates pumice and shells into its decoration (Clarke 1991, pp. 255–57; Dunbabin 1999, p. 244). In terms of the use of colored marbles, the Forum of Augustus, inaugurated in 2 BCE, is thought to have been the first building in Rome to have been decorated extensively with such materials. See (Platner 1965, pp. 220–23; Ungaro 2002; Jones 2003; Bolman 2016c, p. 121). One can still catch a glimpse of this type of color and variety in the Orthodox Baptistery in Ravenna, where the combination of opus sectile, stucco, and mosaic decoration remains in a state close to that when it was completed in the late fifth century CE. See (Bolman 2016c, p. 124). |
90 | The asàrotos òikos mosaic is said to have originally been created by Sosos at Pergamon in the second century BCE (Pliny, Natural History 36.184). On the Hellenistic mosaic created by Sosos, as well as the Roman example illustrated here, see (Dunbabin 1999, pp. 26–27, 270–271; Kondoleon 2016, p. 92). On the asàrotos òikos theme specifically, see (Fathy 2017). |
91 | For recent discussions of wall paintings in the four Pompeian styles and beyond, see (Bragantini 2014; Ling 2014), with additional bibliography. See also (Ling 1991). |
92 | On the paintings from the Villa of Publius Fannius Synistor in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, see (Bergmann et al. 2010, especially pp. 28–32 on the cubiculum; Zanker 2020, pp. 96–101). |
93 | For example, in the later Roman empire, imitations of opus sectile panels are known in both wall paintings and mosaics. On opus sectile paintings, see (Rousseau and O’Connell, forthcoming, this issue). On mosaics depicting opus sectile, some of which were created from tesserae created from the stones that the artists sought to imitate, see (Dennis 2021). |
94 | See especially (Roberts 1989, pp. 66–121). Similar effects are also found in Late Antique portraiture and polychrome sculptures. See (Liverani 2014). |
95 | For the most up-to-date study on the history of the Red Monastery church, its program of paintings, and their conservation, see (Bolman 2016a). See also (Bolman 2016b, p. xxx, Table 1) for a chart outlining the date ranges, characteristics, and supports associated with the different phases of painting. On the second-phase paintings, which are dated to c. 500–525 CE, see (Lyster 2016; Bolman 2010, 2016c). Lyster describes these paintings of the second phase as “ornamental”; see (Lyster 2016, with an explanation of the rationale for the use of this term at p. 97, n. 1). Additional surviving Late Antique interiors that reflect the jeweled style include Hagia Sophia in Istanbul, San Vitale and the Orthodox Baptistery at Ravenna, and the rotunda of St. George in Thessaloniki; see (Bolman 2010, p. 127; 2016c, pp. 123–24). For an earlier stage of the polychromatic effects seen at Sohag, see the late Roman frescoes in Luxor Temple, Egypt (McFadden 2015). |
96 | On the dates of the painting phases, see n. 95 above. Generally, the vegetal and geometric motifs were retained within the triconch during this third phase of painting, suggesting their value to their audience (Bolman 2016c, p. 119). |
97 | On the ways in which the paintings of the Red Monastery church at Sohag reflect the characteristics of the jeweled style, see (Bolman 2010, p. 133; 2016c, p. 123). |
98 | On issues pertaining to light and color in Byzantine art, see (James 1996). |
99 | As Bolman notes, “the major contrast between the Macedonian and Pompeian exempla and the Red Monastery church interior is the density and variety of coverage” (Bolman 2016c, p. 124). |
100 | James addresses the topic of rainbows, their colors, and their meaning in Byzantine art, as outlined in ancient Greek and Byzantine literary accounts as well as in artistic representations of rainbows. She distinguishes between naturalistic rainbows (those with at least two colors in the expected rainbow colors) and non-naturalistic rainbows (those with a single or double band of one basic color depicted in an arc shape). While the former type was associated with physical phenomena, the latter was identified as an image of the glory of God; see (James 1996, pp. 91–109). |
101 | However, unlike mosaics, which were fixed in place, such textiles could be shifted depending on the patron’s needs and preferences. On the relationship between weft-loop pile textiles and polychrome mosaics, see (Kondoleon 2016, p. 89; Colburn 2019). |
102 | The decorative arrangement of the second register of the south lobe is quite similar to that of the north lobe, and both differ from that of the east lobe, where curtains occupy the niches, rather than images of saints. See (Lyster 2016). |
103 | On textiles as a medium of transfer, see also (Blessing 2018). |
104 | Kondoleon suggests that textiles should be considered on par with floor mosaics and wall paintings, see (Kondoleon 2016, p. 88). See also Section 6 below. |
105 | As Dospěl Williams notes, it is clear that textiles “were prized as material objects as much as visual onces, appreciated for their artistic mimicry and transformative subversion of medium” (Dospěl Williams 2018, p. 34). |
106 | Recent, critical publications include (De Moor and Fluck 2009; Stephenson 2014; Bühl and Dospěl Williams 2019b; Ball 2019; Colburn 2019; Maguire 2019). |
107 | Foundational studies on the use of wall paintings, mosaics, and sculpture in domestic settings to convey messages of self-identity while also structuring movement and social relations within the house include (Gazda 1991; Clarke 1991; Wallace-Hadrill 1994; Laurence and Wallace-Hadrill 1997). See also (Hales 2003; Stewart 2008). |
108 | For further discussion of the physical and environmental functions of furnishing textiles, see (Stephenson 2014, pp. 5–6; Thomas 2016b, pp. 22, 28; Bühl 2019, pp. 16–17). |
109 | On this point, see (Blessing 2018, p. 14). |
110 | For recent studies on sensorial experiences in antiquity, see (Butler and Purves 2013; Bradley 2015; Squire 2015; Purves 2017; Rudolph 2018; Butler and Nooter 2019). |
111 | See n. 108 above. |
112 | See especially (Stephenson 2014; Bühl 2019, p. 19). Ellis argued that the increasing rigidity of antique society led to the development of a more autocratic form of patronage, which in turn required the creation of different types of reception/dining spaces within the Late Antique home that were intended for receiving friends and clients on different points on the social spectrum (Ellis 1991, 1997). For a critique of Ellis’s argument and a counterargument that the reception/dining spaces of Late Antique homes were not restricted to specific types of functions and guests but rather were multifunctional in nature, much like the spaces of earlier Roman houses, see (Bowes 2010). |
113 | This hanging belongs to a group of at least four other hangings, suggesting that they were hung together in an arcade or peristyle. See (Stauffer 1995, p. 20; Evans and Ratliff 2012, pp. 80–81, cat. 50). |
114 | As noted by Bühl, “textiles played an active and changing role in relationship to architecture and to the people’s activities within that architecture” (Bühl 2019, p. 16). |
115 | As succinctly and aptly put by (Maguire 2019), “Both aspects of curtains, the practical or mechanical and the affective or meaningful, were experienced by people occupying or passing through spaces where curtains were to be seen, and can better be understood by examining material evidence in conjunction with depictions and texts that help us visualize the curtains in use. Their usefulness for mundane as well as more esoteric functions depended almost entirely on sensory experiences of perception. Curtains could be almost static place-markers, with pleated folds, held in place by the ties that restrained them against a wall, a column, or a jamb; or they could gently fill with air like tethered sails; they could merely suggest or effectively complete the division of an open space; they could hide or display areas or things or persons; and they could be pushed or pulled informally or ceremonially, and gathered up or dropped to give or deny access.” See also (Thomas 2002, p. 44), on the idea of textiles moving in the breeze. |
116 | See especially (Weddigen 2013, 2014) as well as (Dospěl Williams 2018, p. 34) for an overview of the relevance of Weddigen’s argument to the study of Late Antique textiles. |
117 | For a similar observation, see (Kondoleon 2016, p. 88). |
118 | For a concise overview of Late Antique dining practices, see (Dunbabin 2003a, pp. 141–74, 191–202). See also (Rossiter 1991; Ellis 1997). |
119 | For a brief overview, see (Dospěl Williams 2019b). |
120 | As outlined by Dunbabin, the forms of entertainment could include different types of music (singing and instruments such as the lyre, flute, and water-organ), dancing, poetry, and storytelling, as well as acrobats, mime, pantomime, dramatic performances, and occasionally even gladiatorial combat (Dunbabin 1996, pp. 66–67). |
121 | Dunbabin notes a new preference in Late Antiquity for silver bowls, plates, platters, and trays, as well as engraved or cut glassware. See (Dunbabin 2003a, pp. 161–64). |
122 | On contemporary literary sources, including the accounts of Sidonius Apollinaris, written around the mid-460s CE, and an episode documented by Macrobius in the Saturnalia, written in the first half of the fifth century CE, see (Rossiter 1991). For artworks depicting banqueting scenes as well as food, tableware, furniture, and other furnishings, see (Dunbabin 2003a, pp. 141–202). On the relationship of the archaeological evidence of tableware to such scenes, see (Vroom 2007). |
123 | For an argument in favor of the multifunctional use of space in Late Antique houses, see (Bowes 2010, especially pp. 35–60). On the difficulty in securely identifying dining rooms, see (Dunbabin 1996, p. 74). |
124 | See (Dunbabin 1991, pp. 135–36; 1996, pp. 78–79; Rossiter 1991, p. 203). An illustration of this arrangement, albeit depicting a biblical subject from the Old Testament rather than a contemporary banquet, is seen in the miniature depicting Pharaoh’s feast in folio 17v of the Vienna Genesis, first half of 6th century CE, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Cod. Theol. gr. 31. For a color illustration, see (Hofmann 2020, p. 322, Figure 34). See also (Dunbabin 1996, p. 78). |
125 | Ellis describes this space as “a theatrical stage to display the profligacy of the host.” See (Ellis 1997, p. 50). |
126 | On the effects of lamplight and breezes in the experience of textiles, see (Thomas 2002, p. 45). I thank Lisa Ayla Çakmak for independently making a similar observation about the potential movement of the Chicago hanging if displayed in or near an outdoor space. |
127 | For crowds of actual slaves, see Section 3 above. |
128 | See (Dospěl Williams 2018, p. 35) on stacking of imagery and the resulting amplification of the message. |
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Raff, K.A. The Waiting-Servant Motif in a Late Antique Textile in Chicago: Iconography, Visuality, and Materiality. Arts 2022, 11, 64. https://doi.org/10.3390/arts11030064
Raff KA. The Waiting-Servant Motif in a Late Antique Textile in Chicago: Iconography, Visuality, and Materiality. Arts. 2022; 11(3):64. https://doi.org/10.3390/arts11030064
Chicago/Turabian StyleRaff, Katharine A. 2022. "The Waiting-Servant Motif in a Late Antique Textile in Chicago: Iconography, Visuality, and Materiality" Arts 11, no. 3: 64. https://doi.org/10.3390/arts11030064
APA StyleRaff, K. A. (2022). The Waiting-Servant Motif in a Late Antique Textile in Chicago: Iconography, Visuality, and Materiality. Arts, 11(3), 64. https://doi.org/10.3390/arts11030064