Wisdom: A Cultural Demand on Older Adults in Rural and Urban Areas

Abstract

Culture encompasses, among other things, the ways of living, feeling, and thinking of a social group and is transmitted from one generation to the next. In part, this transmission is accomplished by older adults. Generative cultural demand refers to the perception that older adults have of what society and their families expect them to contribute to the benefit of younger generations and the communities in which they live. This phenomenological study explores generative cultural demand. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 20 older adults between the ages of 61 and 89 from urban and rural areas in Mexico. The interviews were transcribed and analyzed through content analysis using the MAXQDA program. The results show that the main category of cultural demand was wisdom, conceived as the transmission of experiences, knowledge, behavior, traditions, and values, which varied by sex and by type of urban or rural area. In rural areas, women emphasized the transmission of experiences about daily life, while men focused on matters of labor; in urban areas, both men and women highlighted the transmission of personal experiences. Participants considered themselves to be appreciated, still capable of contributing to society, and as a reservoir of knowledge, traditions, values, and principles useful to future generations.

1. Introduction

There is no doubt that, for many years, older adults have contributed to society in various ways and that their contributions aim to benefit others and themselves [1]. These contributions may vary depending on the cultural and social context, the personal resources they have, and the historical moment they live in.

In this constantly changing liquid modernity, increasingly characterized by individualization and digitalization, the inclusion of older people necessarily involves intergenerational dialog and the development of community life in order not to lose the culture that characterizes and distinguishes different communities.

The preservation of cultural heritage is contingent on the transmission of its spirit, which encompasses its values, convictions, codes, and narratives, from one generation to the next. It can be hypothesized that generativity plays a pivotal role in motivating the corresponding behavior. Consequently, it may be hypothesized that generativity will be found to be cherished in all cultures [2]. Accordingly, the McAdams and de St. Aubin generativity model [3] considers cultural demand as a motivational source of generativity. It should be noted that individuals are expected to adopt a generative behavioral pattern that is culturally appropriate at a specific point in their lives.

The cultural aspect, on the one hand, will allow for the patterns and dynamics of a particular society to be known [4], and on the other hand, it can be considered as part of the personal experience [5].

The notion of culture has generated abundant and contradictory works in the social sciences. This term encompasses, among other things, the ways of living, feeling, and thinking that are specific to a social group. Each culture, time, and historical moment configure patterns or models of aging [6]; for example, in Eastern cultures, older adults are revered and treated with greater respect, considered as people with more experience and wisdom, but the leading role of the older adult has been disappearing as the process of modernization advances [7]. Nowadays, it is inevitable to observe that in all cultures, there are changes in family, social, and work structures. Changes in today’s society promote the creation of new forms of behavior and expectations about what older women and men should do, and such expectations will be determined by time and culture [6].

The aging process is experienced differently by different populations because it is influenced by environmental and individual characteristics. To better understand this process, it is necessary to consider it in different territorial contexts, for example, rural versus urban areas [8]. Treviño et al. [9] support this idea, mentioning that the way in which people age and the meaning of this process are socially constructed characteristics that vary from one culture to another. According to Osorio [6], approaching and understanding the experiences of old age implies the need for territorial and sociocultural contextualization linked to geographical and cultural spaces where aging is lived. The contributions that older adults make may vary depending on cultural and social contexts, the personal resources they have, and the historical moment they live in. Thus, for example, in Mexico, roles, norms, local customs, or societal expectations are different than those in any other part of the world; what is expected of older adults today is very different from what was expected of them several years ago, and what is expected of them in one specific space and context is different from what is expected of them in another.

There is a clear inequality between older adults in urban and rural areas. In rural areas, this can be seen in illiteracy, poverty, problems with access to social and health services, having a minimum pension or not having one, chronic diseases, food precariousness, and physical deficiencies [10,11,12]; despite all of this, the rural older population has greater autonomy and a better predisposition for social and community participation than urban older adults [13].

From a life course approach referring to the age-structured sequence of roles, opportunities, and experiences, and influenced by both macro-structural forces and human action, different researchers have been interested in understanding the processes through which lives are transformed over time. Among them are the theories of Erikson.

The concept of generativity is derived from Erikson’s theory of psychosocial development [14]. According to Erikson, the human life cycle can be differentiated into eight hierarchically organized stages from infancy to old age, in which the influences of culture and the social environment must be considered [15]. Each of the stages presents a personality crisis, which has to be resolved for adequate development of the self. The crisis, according to Erikson [14], comprises the passage from one stage to another, as a progressive process of change in the operational structures, or a process of stagnation in the same stage. From the positive resolution of a crisis emerges a strength, virtue, or potentiality, and from its non-resolution emerges a specific pathology or fragility. The stages are as follows: trust versus distrust, autonomy versus shame and doubt, initiative versus guilt, industriousness versus inferiority, identity versus role confusion, intimacy versus isolation, generativity versus stagnation, and integrity versus despair.

The seventh stage of development is ‘generativity vs. stagnation’, which occurs in midlife and precedes the last stage, ‘wholeness vs. despair’ [14]. Regarding the seventh stage, Erikson defines generativity as “the preoccupation with establishing and guiding the next generation” [14]. It is in the midlife stage that people are most concerned with leaving a legacy and become more aware of the importance of feeling needed. Generativity consists of people’s ability to teach their experiences to others, to give advice, to care for others, and to generate products and ideas in which to leave a mark, establishing a link with other generations. Those who are unable or unwilling to assume these responsibilities fall into egocentrism and may stagnate [16]. From its favorable resolution comes the virtue of caring, that is, a commitment to care for people but also for the products and ideas one has generated [16]. Generativity extends to old age since in older adults, the concern and the need to help younger generations continues to be present. As stated by Erikson et al. [17], older adults continue to participate and support other generations as grandparents, friends, mentors, or in volunteering and associationism, and at the same time, they express interest in perpetuating their values in future generations. Erikson [18] emphasized that “Older adults can and do maintain a large generative function” (p. 63).

McAdams and de St. Aubin [3], taking up Erikson’s work, propose a model of generativity, defined as a multifaceted personality construct that aims to promote the well-being of younger people. This model includes seven characteristics, which are oriented around the overall goal of providing help and support to the next generation, contributing to the well-being, survival, and development of life in future generations [19].

The present research is based on the model of McAdams and de St. Aubin [3] and focuses on one of its elements, cultural demand. According to McAdams [20], cultural demand is the source of external motivation that can cause the subject to feel called to be generative. It involves social expectations about what people should do according to their age and how people can and should begin to assume responsibility for the next generation.

For McAdams and de St. Aubin [3], culture plays an important role in cultural demand as it influences the timing of different generative expressions. Cultures establish different patterns for the generative inclinations of their members. According to the authors cited above [21], cultures specify which generative behaviors are appropriate and the age at which they are supposed to be displayed. Generativity is further expressed in a given cultural context, and in this sense, culture has a decisive influence on how people act toward the next generation [22]. But in addition to the cultural context, one must also consider the ideological, economic, and occupational frameworks that also shape the way in which generativity can be expressed. Thus, individuals may assume certain generative roles as parents, teachers, mentors, advocates, leaders, organizers, activists, and citizens [19,22]. In summary, the characteristic of cultural demand includes the numerous and diverse occupational, ideological, and lifestyle opportunities and resources, as well as the constraints, that a particular society offers the adult to form and motivate their generative inclination.

Despite its great importance in the daily lives of people in their communities, the issue of cultural demand from generativity has been little studied. The research conducted by Hofer et al. [23] focused on internalized cultural demand, considering interest and generative action as transcendence values of individuals. The results show that cultural demand influences generative action indirectly through generative interest, and this in turn is related to the satisfaction of needs for relatedness, competence, and autonomy.

McAdams [24] showed evidence associating generativity with different types of behaviors related to human virtues, such as helping others, showing compassion, passing on wisdom to the next generation, leadership in groups, community volunteerism, and political and religious participation (p. 264). With respect to wisdom, Ehlman and Ligon [25] mentioned that the key to cultural demand is found in the moment when young people are willing to accept the wisdom of adults and, in turn, older generations are willing to offer wisdom.

Returning to Erikson’s theory of psychosocial development [16], it is in old age, the last stage of development, when the virtue to be developed is wisdom, which emerges from the positive resolution of the eighth crisis, integrity vs. despair. A person who achieves integrity is characterized by accepting what experiences they have lived, including both the positive and the negative, knowing that their time is finite and accepting with serenity the idea of their own death. People are able to reflect on and integrate past events in a mature way, achieving wisdom [17]. Erickson’s is one of the first theoretical approaches to the relationship between wisdom and aging. Nowadays, several studies have been carried out to assess this relationship more comprehensively, both theoretically and empirically. There are various definitions of wisdom, but one that is compatible with Erikson’s developmental theory is offered by Ardelt [26] based on the work by Clayton [27], which defines wisdom “as an integration of cognitive, reflective, and affective (compassionate) characteristics” (p. 282). The cognitive aspect refers to a person’s ability to understand the meaning of important life events and includes both positive and negative knowledge [28]. The reflective characteristic is defined as a person’s self-reflection about phenomena to perceive themselves from multiple perspectives [29]. The affective dimension alludes to sympathy, compassionate love, and concern for the well-being of others [26,30].

Webster [31] conceptualizes wisdom “as a multidimensional cohesion of five mutually interdependent factors” (p. 15). According to the author’s review of the literature, the factors or components of wisdom are experience, emotional regulation, reminiscence and reflexivity, openness to experience, and humor. And a factor of wisdom that is directly related to this research is experience. In this passage, Webster [31] explains that the development of wisdom is not possible in isolation. On the contrary, it emerges during the exigencies of life and the turmoil of everyday existence. The successful negotiation of critical transitions, the positive resolution of crucial problems, and the adaptive management of stressful environments serve as the crucible of wisdom. This may explain, in part, the association in people’s minds with wisdom and age; the older they are, the more experience they have acquired.

The act of remembering and transmitting is an active cultural process involving individual but also collective memory, which is part of a sociocultural context. As Aleida Assman said, although as human beings, we are individuals with our own memories, our belonging to different contexts and social groups provides us with social frameworks that implicitly structure shared concerns, values, experiences, and narratives [32]. This is a social memory, referring to the past as it is experienced and communicated (or repressed) within a given society, which is transgenerational.

On the other hand, wisdom would allow one to be aware of situations (problems) that could compromise the future of the next generations; in this sense, care of the environment is a topic of which there is limited knowledge but that older adults clearly begin to show concern for. This can also make clear how generativity can be expressed through the motivation to leave a legacy, which would allow older adults to engage in pro-environmental activities, thereby maintaining the preservation of natural resources for the benefit of future generations [33,34]. The study of generativity and its relationship to the environment has now been termed eco-generativity, which focuses specifically on concerns about the environment and the natural world [35].

Cultural demand, according to McAdams and de St Aubin [3], refers to the societal pressure and expectations placed on individuals to be generative, contributing to future generations. Eco-generativity expands this idea to include concern for the well-being of the planet and future generations in terms of environmental health and sustainability [35]. It extends the idea of generativity to the environment and the natural world and deals with passing the environment to subsequent generations, assisting the future of humankind [36]. The motivation to leave a legacy for future generations (generativity) is an important aspect of adult development, with social (care for people) and ecological (care for environment) generativity being prominent not only in midlife but in early and late adulthood as well [37]. Alisat et al. [38] explored relationships between generativity and individual responses to environmental issues, observing that generativity was positively associated with environmental identity, environmental narratives, and strong feelings of connection with nature.

All of the above provide important evidence on the topic of generativity, but there is still limited research on cultural demand. For this reason, the main objective of this research will be to make a first attempt to study cultural demand in the rural and urban contexts of the State of Veracruz, which will allow us to determine the different Mexican realities and identify the heterogeneity with which it is presented, in order to delve into a little studied concept within the topic of generativity and aging. The analysis will contribute to the knowledge of what is expected from older adults and how they conceive and express it in order to pave the way for further research that can delve into how this demand is related, feeds generative action, and finally, leads to the welfare of older adults.

Based on the scientific literature, we expect to find differences in how older adults refer to cultural demand and that these differences are related to the urban/rural environment in which they live and to gender (men/women).

2. Materials and Methods

2.1. Participants

Twenty older adults aged 61 to 89 years participated in this exploratory qualitative study. A total of 10 participants are inhabitants of the rural towns of Tepeapulco, Monte Obscuro, and Sierra de Agua, and 10 are inhabitants of the urban town of Xalapa (State of Veracruz, Mexico), with 5 women and 5 men in each case. The inclusion criteria were being 60 years of age or older (the age at which a person is considered an older adult in Mexico [39]), being originally from or having lived for the past 20 years in the locality where they were contacted, and not presenting cognitive impairment that would prevent them from participating in the interview. The latter was determined through the first contact with the people by verifying that they were able to maintain a coherent conversation with the researcher.

For the conformation of the group of participants, chain or snowball sampling was used [40]. The profile of the participants is shown in

Table 1. The sociodemographic characteristics of the participants (urban and rural *) interviewed at the time of the study.

Participant	Age	Marital Status	Main Activity	Location
Interviewee 1 w	61	married	retired	urban
Interviewee 2 w	71	single	retired	urban
Interviewee 3 w	71	married	pensioner	urban
Interviewee 4 w	76	single	housewife	urban
Interviewee 5 w	89	single	retired	urban
Interviewee 6 w	63	married	housewife	rural
Interviewee 7 w	63	single	housewife	rural
Interviewee 8 w	63	divorced	housewife	rural
Interviewee 9 w	68	married	housewife	rural
Interviewee 10 w	71	married	housewife	rural
Interviewee 11 m	67	married	pensioner	urban
Interviewee 12 m	69	single	retired	urban
Interviewee 13 m	71	married	retired	urban
Interviewee 14 m	71	married	pensioner	urban
Interviewee 15 m	78	married	pensioner	urban
Interviewee 16 m	61	married	farmer	rural
Interviewee 17 m	67	married	farmer	rural
Interviewee 18 m	69	married	pensioner	rural
Interviewee 19 m	72	married	farmer	rural
Interviewee 20 m	85	single	farmer	rural

* Includes the criteria of the Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Geografía (INEGI 2019) [41] to define urban locality as one where more than 2500 inhabitants live and rural locality as one where less than 2500 inhabitants live.

.

Sociocultural differences and access to educational, sanitary, commercial, communication, cultural, economic, and health infrastructure make these localities contrasting environments in terms of the lived experiences of older adults in relation to the phenomenon under study.

The localities selected for the study present contrasting characteristics in terms of the level of education of their inhabitants, the type of housing they have, basic public services, and economic activity or income. These characteristics will provide a plurality of visions and experiences of older adults about the phenomenon under study: cultural demand.

2.2. Procedure

The interviews were planned to be conducted in person (first semester, 2022). For participants in urban and rural locations, the interviews were conducted face-to-face once the older adults were vaccinated against COVID-19 and the mobility and social interaction restrictions put in place due to the health emergency were suspended.

One limitation of the study was that the situation surrounding the pandemic prevented face-to-face interviews with people in urban areas, which impacted communication between interviewers and interviewees.

The procedure for interviews began with a brief presentation, where the objective of the study was explained and the invitation to participate was extended. Informed consent was obtained from those who agreed to participate, as well as their authorization for the audio recording of the session.

Subsequently, sociodemographic information was collected from the participants through a brief questionnaire, followed by a series of 30 open-ended questions on aspects of cultural demand, defined as the perceptions of the participants regarding the expectations that society, their families, and their communities have in relation to the contributions of older adults for the benefit of younger generations and the common good of the environments in which they live and participate (authors’ own elaboration based on McAdams and de St. Aubin and others) [3,24,42,43,44]. The questionnaire asks about the following topics: perceptions of social, family, and community expectations, contributions, and requests. The present study only presents the analysis of the responses to the questions about the participants’ perceptions of the expectations that society and the younger generations have of what they can contribute to society and the new generations.

The ad hoc semi-structured interview guide was reviewed by two researchers with more than 10 years of experience in the field to validate the content, language, and wording of the questions. Prior to the start of the fieldwork, a pilot test was conducted with 2 older adults from a rural area and 2 older adults from an urban area to evaluate the comprehension and effectiveness in triggering responses related to the topics of interest, as well as to determine the time required for the interview. The resulting modifications were incorporated into the final version.

In the case of the telephone interviews with the participants from the urban locality, all of the people mentioned that they were at home during the interview since they were in confinement due to the pandemic. A professional audio recorder placed near the speaker of the cell phone from which the call was being made was used. The interviews were conducted individually in a single session lasting between 60 and 90 min. Recordings of the interviews were stored on the researcher’s personal computer with password protection for later analysis. All personal information was de-identified by removing the names of each interviewee and using labels such as interviewee 1, interviewee 2, etc., to ensure confidentiality.

The interviews in each of the rural localities were initiated by a first visit to the homes of potential participants previously arranged by the person known in the locality who introduced the principal investigator and facilitated the rapport. At the end of the visit, the dates and place for subsequent interviews were agreed upon with the older adults who agreed to participate in the study.

The interviews were conducted in the homes of the participants, who kindly offered a space that seemed quiet and away from the other people in their homes.

This research was conducted in accordance with the ethical principles for medical research involving human subjects outlined in the Declaration of Helsinki [45]. Likewise, the guidelines and principles of the regulations of the General Health Law on Health Research and the Official Mexican Standard NOM-012 [46] (which establish the criteria for carrying out health research projects involving human subjects) were followed.

According to the regulations of the General Health Law on Health Research [47], specifically Article 17, this research presented minimal risk, as during the interviews and/or the administration of the questionnaire, care was taken to ensure that the older adults did not experience discomfort when sharing information about their activities and life experiences. Participants were free to withdraw from the study at any time.

The information obtained was treated with strict confidentiality in accordance with the regulations of the General Health Law on Health Research [47], Chapter I, which addresses the ethical aspects of human research—specifically Articles 16, 20, 21, and 22—and in line with the general principles of the Declaration of Helsinki [45], particularly in the sections regarding privacy, confidentiality, and informed consent.

The research protocol was endorsed by the Ethics Committee of the Institute of Psychological Research of the Universidad Veracruzana accredited by CONBIOETICA, Mexico (30-CEI-006-20191210).

2.3. Analysis

A descriptive approach was used as it was considered appropriate to explore and learn about the phenomenon of cultural demand as lived and experienced by older adults in diverse contexts. For this purpose, a content analysis was conducted using the textual testimonies of the participants [48].

Each of the 20 interviews was manually transcribed by the principal investigator. Paragraphs were defined as units of analysis as they contained the complete answers to each of the questions included in the semi-structured interview guide. The transcripts were read and reread, and comments were written in the margins of each interview (pre-analysis), identifying possible themes for analysis. Themes were identified inductively and grouped by characteristics of similarity, generating codes (open coding) which were related to each other to generate categories based on information derived from the literature on the phenomena of study [49].

The first part of the procedure, from transcription to coding, was performed manually. Subsequently, all information was passed to the MAXQDA 2022 software to facilitate the organization of the analysis. The MAXQDA software was used to consolidate the definition of categories by grouping the statements into folders according to the generated codes and categories. The categories were organized in descending order based on their frequency of appearance, and differences were identified between older adults from urban and rural areas, as well as by gender.

To ensure reliability, two researchers with more than 10 years of experience coded the same information without finding significant differences; discrepancies were resolved through discussion between the researchers as the scientific literature suggests [50].

The content analysis generated one main category (wisdom) and three subcategories: teaching, guidance, and transmission (values and principles). Wisdom refers to the accumulated knowledge and experiences that older adults perceive as the main contribution expected by society. This category includes teaching, which is the transmission of this knowledge and experience through advice to the young and the transmission of culture and customs worthy of preservation and guidance, specifically in terms of the good behavior of the older adults, which will serve as a model to be followed by younger generations. Finally, it includes the transmission of values and principles which society expects from older adults for the benefit of younger generations.

3. Results

The cultural demands expressed by the older adults participating in this study focus on wisdom, manifested through teaching, guidance, and transmission. These elements differ according to rural/urban contexts and gender.

Wisdom as the main category generates the idea of the perception of older adults in different cultures as repositories and guardians of knowledge, where they are considered people with greater wisdom due to the knowledge and experiences accumulated during their life trajectories.

3.1. Teaching

Within this thematic category, teaching is conceptualized as the transmission or sharing of life experiences, whereby older adults offer advice to younger generations to support their decision-making processes. These experiences encompass both positive and negative events from the older adults’ lives, which they willingly share to benefit the youth. Participants consistently identify this role as central to the social expectations placed upon them (i.e., cultural demand). As one urban participant articulated, “… an older adult can give you a lot of things, especially experience, they can guide you, they can give you advice, don’t go this way, take this path better, in short” (I4, 76, U). Similarly, another participant emphasized the importance of focusing on the intergenerational exchange of knowledge: “Well, I think that there are many things that we as older adults should focus our experiences, our experiences with young people…” (I2, 71, U).

Irrespective of variations in gender, age, educational background, or place of residence, all interviewees converge on the notion that older adults are expected to share the wisdom accumulated throughout their lives. This expectation is evident in the frequent requests for advice, as observed by a participant from a rural area: “… but there are many who come up to you and ask you for advice…” (I16, 61, R). Another respondent reflected on the value of these shared experiences, both positive and negative, as foundational for informed decision-making: “That is what we can offer now, our own experiences, both positive and negative, so that they can make a decision” (I14, 71, U). Moreover, the accumulation of experiential knowledge is regarded as particularly significant for guiding youth, as one participant stated, “I believe that the experience not only of life, but of accumulated knowledge is important especially for young people…” (I11, 67, U).

These findings resonate strongly with theories of intergenerational learning, which emphasize the reciprocal and dynamic exchange of knowledge, values, and skills between different generations within a community. Through this process, older adults function not only as custodians of collective memory and lived experience but also as active mentors facilitating the socialization and development of younger individuals. This intergenerational transmission fosters continuity and adaptation within the cultural fabric of society. The testimonies further attest to the authority attributed to older adults, derived from their accumulated experience and knowledge, which legitimizes their advisory role toward younger individuals. One rural participant summarized this perception: “I think, giving them advice, as an adult, advising them, seeing what they are doing right, what they are doing wrong” (I6, 63, R). Another added, “Well, I think that maybe someday you need advice, like now, and you go and look for someone else, one of those people who have more wisdom…” (I9, 68, R). This underscores the cultural recognition of older adults as essential agents of intergenerational learning and mentorship within their communities.

3.2. Guidance

Guidance refers to knowledge and intergenerational transmission.

3.2.1. Advice from Women: Their Real-Life Experiences and Personal Lessons

-

It is very important to give people helpful advice.

While the narratives of women generally emphasize the sharing of lived experiences and personal lessons, a distinct concern emerges among women residing in rural areas regarding the transmission of specific advice aimed at guiding younger generations away from engaging in harmful behaviors such as alcohol and drug consumption. This concern is closely tied to their emphasis on the importance of education as a crucial pathway toward securing a better future—an opportunity they often perceived was limited or unavailable to themselves. As one rural participant articulated,

“I believe, to give them advice, that they should not get into drugs, that they should study, so that in the future they will have something to defend themselves with, so that when they form a home they will have something to support their family and their children…” (I6, 63, R).

Another participant echoed this sentiment, underscoring the preventive and aspirational nature of their guidance: “Advice, from what one has already experienced, for example, to young people not to take drugs, to study, so that they can have a good job, so that it doesn’t happen to them like it did to us, because we didn’t train ourselves” (I7, 63, R).

These testimonies reveal the intergenerational transmission of cautionary lessons intertwined with hopes for educational attainment, reflecting a proactive strategy aimed at enhancing youths’ life prospects and fostering social mobility within rural contexts.

-

The transmission of positive attributes should be accompanied with the assertion that the subject is unique.

The discourse of women residing in urban areas highlights the significance they attribute to sharing experiences rooted in individual uniqueness, recognizing that each person’s life trajectory encompasses distinct experiences and roles. As one participant expressed, the desire to transmit not only knowledge but also the essence of one’s personal growth and positive attributes to younger generations is central: “…I feel that it would be interesting to find a way to transcend in the children a little bit of the experiences and of what one has as a person, of the good things one has as a person” (I1, 61, U).

Another participant emphasized the diverse contributions that older adults can make, noting that “every older adult has things to offer, some in one way, others in another way, we do not all have the same experiences; some, for example, are retired teachers, they are already in their old age and they can help society a lot, they have a lot of experience with the children, because they have been there…” (I4, 76, U). This acknowledgment of singularity underscores a pluralistic understanding of intergenerational transmission.

-

The concept of an ancestral legacy is perpetuated across successive generations.

Furthermore, several women highlighted the intrinsic value of life experience itself, framing it as a form of ancestral knowledge passed down through generations. One participant remarked, “Well, I think that ancestral knowledge, so to speak, although we are not so old, but yes, the knowledge we have acquired through life, in some way has some value, don’t you? You guide them…” (I3, 71, U). Collectively, these perspectives reveal how urban women conceptualize their role in preserving and transmitting not only practical knowledge but also the cultural and personal legacies embedded within lived experience.

Another aspect in which the women in both contexts (urban and rural) coincide is giving advice with the aim of guiding young people but leaving them the freedom to follow it or not, thus giving them the opportunity to generate their own experiences based on their own decisions.

“To guide them, to give them, what can I tell you? nobody makes a fool out of another’s head, right? But at least try to teach them, that is, to inculcate them, good things. And if they don’t do it, well, that’s their problem, right? They have to pass it on, and say, oh, yes, you were right” (I8, 63, R).

The participants also spoke about the value of advice from those who have lived their lives and gained wisdom through experience: “…try to know how to guide them, where they can go, with advice; one gives advice and you take it or leave it, but the old man’s advice is always very well thought out, because he has already been through it or has seen some experience…” (I4, 76, U).

In addition, women in both areas reported that sharing experiences that they consider bad will provide young people with the opportunity to avoid or cope more effectively with similar situations. As one participant explained, “Well, give them advice, well, about what you experienced badly, right? So that they don’t have to live it, to make them see things…” (I10, 71, R).

One participant mentioned that life also has bad aspects but that great lessons and growth can be gained from them, such as coping strategies or resilience:

“We transmit experiences that we have had, because life is not only life and sweetness, we have many experiences, loss of loved ones such as your parents, sometimes even a brother, a very close friend, how to take those things, those sorrows, how to face them, to have the courage” (I4, 76, U).

3.2.2. Guidance from Men: Knowledge of Work and Experience of Public Life

In the case of men, particularly those from rural areas (and one from an urban setting), the participants’ testimonies reveal a primary focus on work-related knowledge and their perceived role as intermediaries or managers in relation to civil and governmental institutions. Notably, none of the women interviewed—including four urban women with paid work experience—emphasized their professional or public life experiences when discussing advice for younger generations in contrast to the men’s narratives.

-

A guide for living your life.

As one urban male participant articulated, societal expectations often position older men as advisors who can offer practical guidance based on their work experience and familiarity with institutional resources:

“Well, what society expects sometimes is guidance, talks that you can give advice to some people who need it… experience about work, about how to manage something they need, to guide them on how to find a job, how to manage some help from the municipal and state governments, mainly” (I13, 71, U).

-

Know-how and skills that are specific and technical.

Rural male participants further emphasized concrete knowledge transfer related to local economic activities, such as agricultural production and community leadership. One explained, “Well, it would be about the work of the town… to tell them more or less how they should do something they have, if they are representatives or something like that, to get ahead…” (I20, 85, R), highlighting the role of older men in mentoring emerging leaders.

Another participant specified the transmission of technical agricultural expertise: “Mainly the knowledge that I have, for example, let’s talk about plant production, what modalities I could use for the environment, that is what one would try to teach them more than anything else” (I17, 67, R).

Similarly, urban male respondents underscored their capacity to contribute to the development of younger generations through the sharing of vocational skills and practical wisdom. One carpenter reflected on this responsibility, stating the following: “In the sense of teaching, for example in my case I was a carpenter, and I could have taught or taught many young people what I know, what I learned from my experience that I have…” (I15, 78, U).

In this particular case, the participant mentioned passing on activities that they learned to perform for their own pleasure, which can be considered recreational and which are considered equally valuable and beneficial for young people:

“… in my case, we could say, that what I know, a recreational activity such as music… I think that I could share my knowledge or the little knowledge I have with people who know me and who like what I do, that I could share it with them and maybe in social gatherings or by teaching them. That is what they would expect, maybe more than what I know, what I have experienced…” (I12, 69, U).

3.3. Transmission of Values and Principles

3.3.1. Older People as Protectors of Cultural Heritage

This category refers to older people as protectors and transmitters of cultural heritage and as role models.

For some participants—particularly men and women from rural areas and men from urban settings—there is a perceived societal expectation that older adults act as transmitters of culture and tradition. These participants do not merely perceive themselves as passive bearers of memory but rather as active custodians of popular culture and heritage, responsible for transmitting the cultural practices and historical knowledge they have experienced to younger generations. As one rural participant explained, “I think that more than anything else, to learn a little of what we used to do here. Now almost no more, but before recently, they came to ask me questions about the history of here or about learning something…” (I18, 69, R). This indicates a recognized role as a source of historical and cultural knowledge within the community.

Older adults are thus regarded as custodians of local heritage, contributing to its continuity through intergenerational engagement. This includes the transmission of artisanal practices, folk music, and traditional methods of preparing seasonal, organic food—elements seen as vital components of a sustainable and culturally rooted way of life. One participant emphasized the importance of sustaining manual labor traditions as part of this legacy: “Well, maybe, let’s say our old customs, and try to, well, let’s say, for example, if we have manual work, let them continue to do it, so that they also have a little pointer or something like that, so that they can also work individually” (I8, 63, R). Another added, “I think that our culture, culture in general, I’m talking about, because if we talk in this case, in my case that is folk music…” (I12, 69, U), highlighting the role of specific cultural expressions as vehicles for identity and continuity.

These processes can be understood through the theoretical framework of cultural memory, which emphasizes the active role that communities and individuals play in preserving and transmitting collective knowledge, narratives, and practices across generations. Older adults embody living repositories of this memory, ensuring that cultural heritage remains a dynamic, embodied phenomenon rather than a static archive. Importantly, this cultural transmission is not only viewed as a means of preserving heritage but also as a counterbalance to the erosion of traditional knowledge amid rapid technological change. One participant captured this concern succinctly: “Fundamentally the cultural aspects that are being lost with the technological changes of modern society…” (I11, 67, U). These reflections point to an underlying tension between cultural continuity and modernization, where older adults seek to ensure that younger generations remain connected to pre-digital modes of life, valuing their meaning and relevance in an increasingly digitized and globalized world.

3.3.2. Role Models

This category highlights the perception of older adults as role models whose actions and values serve as reference points for younger generations. The role of older people as exemplars is evident in the widespread belief that their consistent adherence to shared values and socially accepted norms provides a behavioral standard that contributes to moral and civic formation in youths.

Both men and women across diverse contexts emphasize that the attitudes, conduct, and principles demonstrated by older adults are closely observed by families and society as a whole, functioning as implicit lessons for younger individuals.

As one participant stated, “A good example; we should give a good example to our children, so that the children can pass it on to their children” (I9, 68, R), reflecting a generational continuity grounded in behavioral modeling.

Others underscored this role through everyday observation and imitation, as illustrated in the following remark: “Well, maybe that they look at you the way you are, right? Well, that’s what I would let them do, to see how you behave” (I19, 72, R). Another participant emphasized specific moral traits that older adults are expected to embody: “A respectful person, as I just told you, people who are sincere, honest people; above all that, people who are a good example, in terms of behavior, work, honesty, all that” (I15, 78, U).

These narratives underscore the moral authority attributed to older adults and their perceived responsibility in shaping the ethical frameworks of subsequent generations through personal example rather than explicit instruction.

According to both male and female participants across contexts, the transmission of the values and principles instilled during their own upbringing is perceived as essential for fostering an environment of social harmony and respectful coexistence.

As one participant expressed, the goal is to “transmit to them how to behave well” (I6, 63, R), highlighting the perceived importance of passing on behavioral norms as a foundation for social cohesion.

This intergenerational responsibility is further emphasized by another participant who noted the following: “I think that we try to be good citizens and maybe encourage the children, in this case our grandchildren, to encourage values, to encourage them, let’s say, respect, honesty and, well, try to be good citizens” (I1, 61, U).

Such accounts illustrate how older adults view their own behaviors as not only personally meaningful but also instrumental in shaping the moral and civic development of younger generations.

One participant emphasized the importance of modeling appropriate behavior, noting the following: “Well, that we leave them, good examples… examples such as respect, good manners, principles, give them good examples…” (I5, 89, U). These reflections suggest a belief that personal behavior serves as a social template for younger generations, reinforcing norms of civility and mutual respect. Another participant highlighted the erosion of everyday courtesies and underscored the need to reinstate them as fundamental social practices: “… well let’s say values in this case, it is something very important in society, even a simple greeting, a ‘excuse me, excuse me, excuse me’ and that kind of things that have been lost…” (I12, 69, U).

These accounts align with the theoretical lens of symbolic interactionism, which emphasizes the ways in which meaning is constructed and negotiated through everyday social interactions. From this perspective, older adults engage in meaning-making practices that reaffirm social values through lived examples and interpersonal communication. Their behavior becomes a symbolic act through which younger generations interpret and internalize social norms. Moreover, this dynamic reflects processes of intergenerational transmission, whereby cultural and moral knowledge is passed down not through formal instruction but through repeated, observable patterns of conduct within familial and community settings. In this sense, older adults are not only participants in the present social order but also agents of continuity, actively contributing to the reproduction of societal values across generations.

Although addressed in the conclusion of this analysis, the issue of environmental awareness is by no means of lesser importance. On the contrary, its relevance is heightened by the current ecological crisis and the pressing need to preserve the planet amid the ongoing degradation caused by human activity. In this context, older adults—particularly those residing in rural areas—emerge as key figures in the stewardship of local ecosystems. They not only maintain a close and experiential relationship with the natural environment but also serve as vital transmitters of ecological knowledge, values, and practices to younger generations. Their lived experience embodies a legacy of respect for the land, forests, and natural resources—an ethical framework urgently needed to counter the accelerating environmental challenges of our time.

Several testimonies indicate that one of the responsibilities embraced by older adults is the protection and conservation of the environment. However, it is notable that some male participants living in rural areas explicitly mentioned environmental care in their statements. This may be due to the perception that society expects them to instill this concern in younger generations.

For example, one participant said, “…avoid deforestation of our forests as much as possible’ (I19, 72, R). Another expressed, …take care of the environment, more or less in my opinion, take care of our streams…” (I16, 61, R).

Additionally, an older man explained the importance of passing on these values:

“…we cultivate the forest; the forest is not just about cutting a tree and then bringing it home to burn it; it’s a whole process. We hope young people understand that it is a forest, so that in the future they will say, ‘No, we have to cultivate it.’ We want to pass this on to the youth, and for them to pass it on to others as well” (I17, 67, R).

In this way, older adults play a crucial role in keeping the environmental legacy alive—not only through their direct conservation efforts but also through teaching and setting an example so that future generations continue to care for the land and forests.

4. Discussion

In a society marked by instability and the weakening of traditional structures and relationships of cohesion and support, it is more necessary than ever to value the legacy of older generations and the development of social cohesion, and it is therefore necessary to develop societies in which older people are not only present, active, and healthy but also valued and included and feel useful in their contributions to the society in which they live. This active role of older adults in sharing their experiences and guiding younger generations aligns with the concept of productive aging, which emphasizes the continued contribution of older individuals to social, cultural, and familial spheres through purposeful activities and intergenerational engagement [51,52,53].

The information obtained through the discourses of the interviewees provided us with a first approach to the issue of cultural demand among Mexican older adults in two different contexts, rural and urban, which responds to the main objective of this study. By exploring the perceptions of older adults, we were able to learn about some of the manifestations and characteristics of cultural demand [54,55].

The scarce theoretical and empirical evidence on this specific characteristic of generativity limits our discussion; however, the findings will be discussed along two lines; the first is based on the importance of the results of this exploration on the topic of cultural demand, and the second considers cultural demand as an integral part of generativity, which will allow us to continue providing evidence on the relationship between generativity and wisdom.

4.1. Analysis of Cultural Demand

Along the first line, in the study of cultural demand, the main category obtained was named wisdom because the majority of older adults perceive that society sees older adults as an important and irreplaceable teaching resource for other generations. The intergenerational transmission of the experiences that older adults have acquired throughout their lives will allow them to continue participating and contributing to younger generations. This also demonstrates that older adults are perceived as useful and needed by society.

Wisdom is manifested through teaching, guidance, and transmission. It is clear that these elements differ according to rural/urban contexts and gender.

Firstly, teaching is clearly centered on the valuable insights that older adults can offer younger generations. This view is shared by all older adults; however, a difference can be noted in terms of gender and the context in which they live. On the one hand, women in rural and urban localities refer to the transmission of advice related to their daily experiences, while men in both contexts consider that what is expected by society is the transmission of their experiences related to the work activities they performed. This clearly shows that men place value on work as a central aspect of their lives above all other aspects.

A perception shared only by women in both localities is related to their contribution to the formation of young people. During the interviews it was observed that they are the ones who maintain better communication and greater closeness with young people so they feel more confident turning to their advice in cases of uncertainty, but they respect the autonomy of young people in making decisions. Society would also expect and value them to share their experiences of overcoming unpleasant situations. This was not mentioned by any of the men interviewed.

The contexts also establish differences. Women in the rural context express that what is expected by society is for them to share advice that serves as prevention and, thus, to help avoid behaviors that damage the health of young people. This seems to be their exclusive concern, which could be linked to traditional gender roles related to protection and care for others. According to Rodriguez [56], in the rural context, there is greater proximity among its inhabitants, and therefore, they have more frequent contact with family and neighbors; women continue with their domestic roles, while in the urban setting, women combine this domestic role with social, learning, and leisure activities [57]. For women in the urban context, expectations are aimed at being able to share personal experiences. The dynamics of the different contexts would mark what is expected in terms of women’s contributions; on the one hand, the closeness and unity maintained in rural localities and the gender roles still marked and established by society for them would explain why women are demanded to be involved in the care of others. In the urban context, women have undergone other experiences, being able to participate in different areas of work and leisure and having a wider circle of friends, but multiple activities leave little time for concern for the community and more for individuality (self-care, personal development, and self-realization); therefore, they perceive that what can be expected from older adults is what they have been able to acquire through their own experiences, which they value as something good.

In the case of men, it can be understood why society’s expectations of older adults in rural localities are focused on work experiences. With their work, commitment, and dedication, they have maintained the good functioning of their community, and their participation in the management of resources has been fundamental for the advancement of their communities (it can also be considered as a characteristic of the gender role); therefore, the community would expect this experience to be shared with the next generations who will be the ones to continue with these activities.

On the other hand, society’s expectations of older adults in the urban context (although not mentioned verbatim, but noted during the interview) is that men contribute by teaching recreational activities to young people, which they occupy their free time with, thus preventing young people from engaging in unproductive or unhealthy leisure activities. Monreal et al. [58] differentiate between activities in rural and urban environments. In the former, activities are more comprehensive, referring to the transmission of values, social utility, and the strengthening of social support networks, while in the latter, activities are more fragmented, aimed at helping children and satisfying survival needs, as well as for leisure and entertainment.

Some men and women from rural localities and only a few men from the urban locality mentioned that older adults are the ones who preserve the traditional customs that have been lost, even in the rural localities, where they would be expected to continue carrying out manual activities, participating in traditional festivities, etc. Intergenerational exchange is very important in rural areas as traditions and customs play a more significant role in people’s lives than in urban areas, and older adults are needed to pass on knowledge about the past and traditional practices [59]. Despite cultural changes, they perceive that society considers older adults as important people to continue and preserve the customs that are identifiable to each locality. In various cultures and communities, old age is traditionally seen as an important stage as older adults are considered as the wise, leaders, and advisors, and they are attributed the power of authority; additionally, they are in charge of teaching customs and traditions and are individuals to whom respect and obedience are due [60,61].

Regarding the subcategory of guidance, it refers specifically to what young people expect from older adults. What was perceived and expressed by all participants evidences the importance of the behaviors of older adults for young people. In this sense, the observation of their social and family behavior will be enough for young people to take them as a reference and guide for their personal development.

Collectively, these testimonies illustrate a gendered dimension in the ways older adults perceive their social roles, where men predominantly frame their contributions around work-related mentorship and the navigation of bureaucratic systems. This reflects a broader process of intergenerational transmission whereby experiential knowledge and social capital are conveyed from older to younger generations, thereby facilitating continuity within both occupational and civic domains. Women focus on imparting lessons learned through hardship, contributing to the resilience and preparedness of future generations.

Finally, regarding the transmission of values and principles, older adults perceive that they are considered as the main bearers of them, but one of their duties will also be to continue participating in society in accordance with those values and principles and, at the same time, to pass them on to younger generations. Participants conceptualize their role in later life as integral to the preservation of social cohesion, particularly through the transmission of values and principles that foster respectful family dynamics and harmonious community life. This moral responsibility is not seen as passive but rather as an active engagement in shaping the ethical and interpersonal fabric of society.

The narratives shared by the participants accentuate conspicuous gender-related disparities in the manner in which personal contributions and legacies are conveyed to posterity. The guidance provided to women by these organizations is often rooted in the lived experiences and personal reflections of the individuals providing it. The narratives emphasize emotional intelligence, resilience, and values that foster personal growth. In contrast to the promotion of detrimental behaviors or inflexible standards, women characteristically offer discerning counsel, emphasizing self-esteem, internal fortitude, and the significance of acknowledging individuality. This form of guidance reflects a profound ancestral legacy, transmitted across generations, that prioritizes emotional intelligence and moral integrity.

Conversely, the discourse of men is predominantly focused on their roles within the public sphere and their professional lives. It has been observed that such individuals tend to disseminate practical knowledge, frequently proffering step-by-step counsel that is firmly rooted in particular technical aptitudes and professional experiences. This form of legacy is characterized by its structured nature and orientation towards external achievement. Its primary objective is to equip future generations with the necessary tools to navigate career paths and societal expectations. The male perspective emphasizes functionality and tangible success, reflecting traditional views of male contribution as rooted in productivity and expertise.

This study serves to illustrate the manner in which gender influences the perception and dissemination of life lessons among individuals. A notable distinction emerges when analyzing the content of these narratives, with women’s narratives tending to emphasize emotional and relational guidance, while men’s narratives are more commonly characterized by pragmatism and a focus on achieving specific goals. Collectively, these elements offer a more comprehensive depiction of intergenerational wisdom, achieving a harmonious balance between the intrapersonal domains of values and identity and the extrapersonal domains of skills and action. The acknowledgement of these disparities fosters a more profound comprehension of the manner in which varied life experiences influence the development of subsequent generations.

4.2. Relationships Between Generativity and Wisdom

The discussion in the second line leads us to relate specific aspects of the results to the literature on generativity. Among the aspects that were obtained and that are specifically related to cultural demand are those mentioned on the participation of older adults in the transmission of culture and customs so that they continue to be preserved. In relation to this, McAdams et al. [19] stated that generativity refers to the maintenance, preservation, and transmission of what has been valued in a given social context, which points to the past. McAdams and Logan [22] also support this, mentioning that in traditional societies, generativity can be expressed through the transmission of eternal knowledge and wisdom of each era, which are rooted in some religious and civic traditions. Expectations about the continuity of the past are related to the well-being of future generations.

In the case of the discourses of the men in both contexts that highlight the sharing of experiences related to the work they performed, these expectations about sharing experiences that involve knowledge are related to the study of wisdom and the pragmatics of life since the accumulated knowledge related to the chosen occupations would provide an advantage in problem solving [58].

An additional element to consider is the transmission of principles and values that the interviewees consider necessary and important for coexistence, which is reaffirmed by McAdams et al. [19], who mention that “The continuity of a society’s traditions, values and practices depends on the participation of adults in activities that affirm or transmit those aspects of culture that are considered worthy of affirmation and transmission” (p. 15). Values (principles, norms, and ethics), which people have forged and shaped over a long time, are needed by young people, and these characteristics are important to build and maintain a social context in which the next generations can live meaningful lives [62].

In relation to the above, in some discourses, another element of cultural demand is addressed, which makes note of what the authors refer to as established times of cultural demand. Although generativity can link the past and the future, some demands, such as transmitting values, may be considered unsuitable for the future. Therefore, in the discourses analyzed, the idea of contributing advice but leaving the decision to others to leave it or take it stands out. Older adults can be generative through the transmission of values and traditions, but younger generations require guidance that is in line with future challenges [19]. Cultural changes may be a relevant factor for young people not to value the wisdom of older adults as it may be considered as being from a past time [22].

On the other hand, another characteristic of generativity can be analyzed, especially in some expressions of women, who mention sharing experiences that they consider as bad (negative) through which they have passed, which is related to the redemption that McAdams [22,63] found in generative narratives, and it is a discourse that shows the suffering or sacrifice to achieve a better future and transform the bad into something good. Similarly, this aspect is related to the wisdom that Webster [31,64] talks about and mainly to the component of experiences, which was already described in the introduction to this article, and to the three characteristics of wisdom described by Ardelt [28]. In several studies, wisdom has been related to generativity [29,31].

Another interesting aspect that emerges from the discourses is that personal well-being is often derived from a sense of growth and purpose in life, which is closely linked to passing on knowledge to future generations and supporting their growth and development. Positive relationships are a dimension of psychological well-being, and it is assumed that wise individuals will show compassion and empathy towards other generations, balancing the needs of the self with those of others [65,66,67,68,69].

The results obtained by Timilsina et al. suggest that rural areas have a higher proportion of prosocial people, which is related to greater generativity [70]. This suggests that, as societies become more urbanized and competitive in a capitalist sense, people tend to care less about each other and even about future generations. Generativity is expressed through everyday practices and human interactions, such as charity, mentoring, nursing, volunteering, teaching, religious practices, and political activities. These guide current and future generations, and this has been shown in different studies [71].

The results of this research contribute to the knowledge of the role of older people in social and community life, both urban and rural, in Mexico. In this sense, Montes de Oca and Gonzalez [69] argue that research on generativity in Mexico remains notably underdeveloped, with a significant lack of consideration given to the nation’s extensive social and cultural diversity. This is undoubtedly an interesting contribution in this regard.

Finally, a very interesting aspect that emerged during the interviews with people living in rural areas was the issue of caring for the environment. Regarding environmental care, some men from the rural area highlighted this issue as one of the activities expected by society; this expectation could reflect the interest in preserving and valuing knowledge related, on the one hand, to the community’s own work activities, and on the other hand, to the knowledge acquired through experience for the maintenance of the community. According to Timilsina et al. [67], “rural communities depend on nature and life is lived on the basis of local vegetation and fauna, so people’s lives depend on these resources. They state that cultural learning and vocational training are transmitted by family and neighbours, as the transfer of skills and knowledge must take place through close interaction in the local human network” (p. 11). This evidence also relates to Warburton and Gooch [68], who state that older people are more likely to relate their environmental actions to a lasting future and to express the need to leave a legacy for the next generation. In this sense, it is understood that for society, older adults still have important skills and resources that they can pass on for the common good.

5. Conclusions

In this research, wisdom was an aspect of cultural demand that was expressed most frequently by the majority of participants; at the same time, it is recognized that older adults are the repositories of a wealth of experience and knowledge which, today, are considered valuable resources and worthy of sharing with others. In addition, the figure of the older adult is highlighted as a connection with the past; through them, the history of the ancestors is known, and the customs and traditions of the places where they live are learned.

Likewise, this study revealed that the rural and urban contexts marked differences in the cultural demands perceived by older adults since the needs, activities, and lifestyles of the members in each community are different. Accordingly, gender was another factor that determined certain differences in the perceived demands since the roles developed by older adults will allow us to obtain an idea about their abilities, capacities, and aptitudes to be able to carry out certain tasks.

This study is the first to approach the issue of generative cultural demand in Mexico, providing a theoretical and empirical contribution to the model of McAdams and de St. Aubin [30], as well as considering a population that has been little appreciated in research studies, such as older adults in rural areas. Inquiring into the specific circumstances of older people in different cultural contexts allowed us to obtain situated and differentiated findings much more in line with reality; in addition to this, it allowed us to identify the heterogeneity with which the phenomenon is presented. This research provides relevant information for the promotion of the positive image of older people, eliminating negative stereotypes or discrimination (ageism), and it allows us to visualize older adults as active, useful, committed, bold, and immersed in the community; additionally, intergenerational relationships are promoted since the contributions of older adults are linked to future generations, which will allow ties to be maintained with people of different generations without the need to be part of the same family, thus decreasing loneliness in older adults.

Our findings show that wisdom emerged as a cultural value expressed by most participants. At the same time, it was recognized that older adults are a repository of valuable experience and knowledge that are worthy of being shared with others. Additionally, older adults are recognized as a link to the past, and through them, we learn about our ancestors’ history and the customs and traditions of their communities. They continue to be educators, either directly or indirectly through their parents, with their example, the way they conduct themselves with others, with respect, and by showing principles and values that are considered essential to transmit to future generations. Similarly, this study revealed that the cultural demands perceived by older adults differed between rural and urban contexts given that the needs, activities, and lifestyles of their respective members differ. Gender was another factor that determined certain differences in the perceived demands, as the roles that older adults take on provide an indication of their abilities, capacities, and aptitudes for carrying out certain tasks. The interviewees have shown us their important role in society. On the one hand, they have a role of safeguarding tradition, and on the other hand, they have a role in the intergenerational transmission of knowledge. We are interdependent beings, and some generations develop and build thanks to the contributions of previous generations. This is something we must never forget.

Future studies involving samples of older adults from different countries are warranted in order to enable comparisons to be made between cultural demands. It would also be interesting to examine the demands from the perspectives of different social groups and to compare these with those of older adults. Furthermore, it is important to understand the relationship between cultural demands and the generative contributions of older adults in various contexts.

In contemporary societies characterized by increasing social fragmentation and technologically mediated interactions, social psychologists such as Sherry Turkle and Camille Preston reveal a critical erosion of relational depth and human connection [72,73]. Turkle emphasizes how digital communication can diminish the quality of interpersonal engagement, while Preston highlights the psychological consequences of what she terms a modern “epidemic of disconnection.” Within this context, generativity acquires renewed significance. In a cultural landscape where individuals are progressively isolated and communities are less cohesive, older adults play a vital role as carriers of values, continuity, and lived wisdom. Fostering intergenerational dialog and engagement is therefore not merely beneficial for individual development but essential for rebuilding social cohesion and countering the alienating dynamics of late modernity.

Moreover, in today’s fast-paced, technology-driven societies—often described as “liquid modernity” by Zygmunt Bauman [74]—social bonds are increasingly fragmented, and human values risk being overshadowed by immediacy and efficiency. Bauman argues that in this liquid modernity, social structures such as traditional family units, communities, and institutions tend to fragment and break down, leading individuals to experience a profound sense of disconnection and lack of rootedness. In this context, it is more crucial than ever to recognize and honor the cultural legacy of older generations. Their lived experiences, wisdom, and deeply rooted values offer a counterbalance to the ephemeral nature of contemporary life. By putting their cultural contributions at the center of our collective narrative, we not only preserve historical memory but also reinforce the importance of empathy, solidarity, and human connection.

Furthermore, older adults possess a remarkable generative potential—the ability to contribute meaningfully to society by mentoring younger generations, sharing stories, and fostering intergenerational dialog. Rather than viewing aging as decline, we should see it as a phase rich in creativity, knowledge, and social value. By embracing this perspective, we can build more inclusive, resilient societies that are grounded in continuity, respect, and shared purpose. Acknowledging and uplifting the voices of older adults is not just an act of justice; it is a vital step toward rebuilding communities with stronger ethical foundations.