Outdoor Terraces in Barcelona and Milan: Configuration of New Spaces for Social Interaction
Abstract
:1. Introduction
1.1. Research Goals and Questions
1.2. Post-Lockdown Context: A New Urban Reality
1.3. Outdoor Dining and Post-Pandemic Streetscapes
2. Historical and Cultural Context
2.1. Historical Context in Europe
2.2. Street and Food
2.3. Social Distancing, New Collective Spaces and the Domestication of the Street
3. Materials and Methods
3.1. Two Looks at the Terraces in Barcelona: Before and after the Lockdown
3.1.1. Four Types of Occupation of Public Space, Two Types of Tactical Interventions and a Designed Long-term Strategy
3.1.2. Mapping Pre- and Post-Pandemic Conditions
- The map distinguishes the terraces with an ordinary licence (blue dots) from those with an exceptional licence (red dots for those placed in the roadway; green dots for those on the pavement). In the case of terraces on the pavements that may have occurred between 2019 and 2022, some of them are new terraces and others are extensions of the existing ones. Those are graphically represented next to the previous terrace in blue.
- The terraces officially registered in 2022 have been assigned to the establishments registered in the 2019 census, as far as this research is concerned, as an updated census of activities has not yet been published. Therefore, those new terraces that did not coincide with a food establishment have been classified in the “other” category (see Section 3) even though it may be some other category of premises.
3.2. Two Looks at the Terraces in Milan: Before and after the Lockdown
3.2.1. Terraces in Milan: Five Types of (Un)Occupation of Public Space
- Pavements: attached or separated from the facade—when the width of the sidewalk allows it. By regulation, they cannot exceed half the width of the pavement and have to guarantee a free passage space of more than 2 m. Therefore, they are usually placed on sidewalks wider than 3.5 m.
- Pedestrian spaces, such as squares and single-platform streets; there is more freedom in terms of where to place the terrace, and, therefore, there is usually greater variation in the typologies. In these cases, terraces usually do not have fixed structures; that way they can be removed more easily and allow for another use—for example a weekly market.
- Roadway: when the pavement does not support a terrace—due to its width or an intense flow of people—or to extend an existing terrace. They are often placed using a platform that guarantees accessibility and a certain separation from cars. This typology, known as parklet space, is the one that has become more widespread since 2020 thanks to the temporary licences that have allowed terraces to occupy parking spaces.
- Dehors stagionali e controventature [seasonal enclosed terraces and fixed structures]: enclosed structures are attached to the facade when the width of the sidewalk allows it and this does not impede the passage of pedestrians. By regulation, they cannot exceed half the width of the sidewalk and have to guarantee a clear passage space of more than 3 m. Therefore, they are usually placed on sidewalks wider than 5 m. In other cases, the structures are separated from the facade and placed either on the sidewalk or other pedestrian spaces, or on the roadway.
- Kiosks and other isolated elements: placed in free pedestrian spaces, detached from other buildings—usually parks and squares—or in empty and unused spaces, such as traffic islands and roundabouts.
3.2.2. Mapping Pre- and Post-Pandemic Conditions
4. Results
4.1. Terraces in Barcelona: Almost a 25% Increase in the Presence of Terraces in the Public Space
4.2. Barcelona beyond the Eixample Grid: New Main Streets and Squares
- The “silence” in the old town, due to the aforementioned specific regulation to which the occupation of public space in the heart of the city is subject. According to this ordinance, it has four unique spaces: Rambla del Raval, Plaça Reial Square, La Rambla, Plaça Comercial Square and the surroundings of the Born former market. In this sense, while La Rambla was already at the limit of its occupation and has not undergone transformations between 2019 and 2022, the Rambla del Raval and the Plaça Reial Square have expanded their sidewalk terraces.
- The ordinary terraces under the arcades of Plaça de Sant Josep, around La Boqueria Market, also stand out in the image; although they have not increased in number or area, they are a complement to the emptiness of terraces on the nearby fragment of La Rambla.
- The image also shows some scattered patterns of terraces in the old town, most of which have not been enlarged. The intersection between the Doctor Dou and Pintor Fortuny streets stands out, a regular fragment in which most of the terraces have an exceptional licence and are placed on the asphalt.
- Poble Sec neighbourhood presents a differentiated behaviour. Blai Street, which for a decade before the pandemic was the core of the suburban fabric because of its concentration of terraces, has now found echoes in both sides in Vila i Vilà Street and Sortidor Square, former pedestrian spaces whose terraces have been extended. Simultaneously, many terraces—especially in cross streets—have appeared, and due to the narrow-facade plots, they provide an image of a new scattered intensity. It should be noted that, due to the size of the sidewalks and the lack of pedestrian streets beyond those mentioned above, these new exceptional terraces that dot the neighbourhood do so by occupying space on the roadway.
- The triangular fragment of Eixample visible in this frame stands out for the large number of terraces it has in all its formats: ordinary, ordinary extended on the pavement, ordinary extended on the asphalt and exceptional both on the pavement and on asphalt. It could be said that this small piece of the grid is representative of the diversity of occupation in the post-pandemic public space. The streets bordering this triangle, Paral·lel Avenue and Ronda de Sant Pau Boulevard, are also representative of this variety.
4.3. Terraces in Milan: A 50% Increase in the Occupation of Public Space
4.4. Milan: Terraces as Elements That Contribute Gaining Road Space from Cars
5. Discussion
- Regarding the urban form and following the Smithsons’ interpretation which separates urban elements into fixed and transient [74], shops and commercial premises are transient elements and are, therefore, considered spaces with a relatively short life cycle; terraces, as extensions of transient elements, are even more ephemeral. Temporary extensions, transitory by nature, are conditioned by the weather and the seasons, as well as being subject to constant modifications depending on changes in regulations. One could thus consider, according to this hypothesis, commercial and food premises as transient elements, terraces as transient of a transient, being then the global regulations that ordain the urban space and determine its development at the macro level the fixed elements. In the case of terraces, these general regulations would have to delimit perimeters and establish the surface area that terraces can occupy in the street without interfering with pedestrians or bicycles or hindering other activities that take place permanently or occasionally in that place. Within this general regulatory framework, terraces would be considered transient elements not fully controlled by planning regulations, free—as far as possible—to have their own development. Following the Smithson’s premises, what are now considered to be regulatory gaps, would simply become an expression of the free character of these spaces, since the conflicts that most affect the public are related to the implementation and effectiveness of the rules themselves. It would be unnecessary, therefore, to standardise the furniture, the urban artefacts, the enclosed structures, the platforms—in short, to turn the overall image of the terraces consistent in an attempt to make the streets appear more “orderly”.
- However, in the formalisation of the terraces, the criteria of their exterior character should prevail; when heating or protection against the wind elements, or storage units to set the tables in a more agile way are necessary. and when the fortification is accompanied by an increase in the number of terraces, they cease to be a temporary occupation that allows collective uses to become a privatisation of public space.
- This work itself shows the result of a “regulatory gap” that must be questioned: the moment when terraces are closed in Milan, as the municipal ordinances do not establish how business should proceed at closing time, and all sorts of different situations and solutions appear in the streets. In this case, the moment of closure or inactivity of terraces is not to be understood as another expression of the transitory character of these spaces since they have lost their essence: the link with the fact of eating in the street as explained in Section 2.3. It would be another matter if the furniture spread out on the street when the premises are closed were not always stacked or chained and civic and safe formulas were found by which they could become informal public meeting places, capable of being used by everyone without the need to consume. Some terraces could be thus imagined as places to sit outside and talk, play or work.
- Terraces have the ability to colonise all those spaces in which they did not have a prohibited presence, adapting to a wide variety of urban fabrics with disparate intensities of activity. The width of the pavement or the dimension and location of a street is a reason to allow or not the installation of terraces in it, prioritising the comfortable movement of pedestrians. Likewise, the regulations in force in both Barcelona and Milan intervene on opening hours and control the level of noise emitted from the exterior terraces in a pertinent protection of the private domestic sphere of the neighbourhood against these occupations of public space. However, the regulations do not put it in the spotlight, and could do so, the subjects sitting on terraces.
- The speed of the cars next to the pavement directly influences the safety of the customers on the terraces. In this sense, the Superilles in Barcelona or 15 and 30 km/h zones in Milan, in the same way they form part of an urban-scale strategy to gain space for soft mobility and reduce car space (as explained in Section 1.3), are also qualitatively better places, in terms of security, to set up terraces. Additionally, the speed and intensity of traffic is linked to noise and to emissions, and as many cities today have maps of air and noise pollution, one could think of a few healthy minimums that could be considered to determine the presence of terraces in some streets; or even in specific regulations that prohibit their deployment on days of greater presence of harmful particles in the air. Although these would be measures that could be considered interventionist in relation to the individual rights of each business and on the capacity of individual choice, they would manage to involve more agents in the construction of a healthier city project.
6. Conclusions
Author Contributions
Funding
Informed Consent Statement
Data Availability Statement
Acknowledgments
Conflicts of Interest
References
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O’Connell, E.M.; Gomez-Escoda, E.; Clua Uceda, Á. Outdoor Terraces in Barcelona and Milan: Configuration of New Spaces for Social Interaction. Sustainability 2022, 14, 7837. https://doi.org/10.3390/su14137837
O’Connell EM, Gomez-Escoda E, Clua Uceda Á. Outdoor Terraces in Barcelona and Milan: Configuration of New Spaces for Social Interaction. Sustainability. 2022; 14(13):7837. https://doi.org/10.3390/su14137837
Chicago/Turabian StyleO’Connell, Emma Maev, Eulàlia Gomez-Escoda, and Álvaro Clua Uceda. 2022. "Outdoor Terraces in Barcelona and Milan: Configuration of New Spaces for Social Interaction" Sustainability 14, no. 13: 7837. https://doi.org/10.3390/su14137837