Search Results (55)

This article examines two key texts preserved in the Chu Sanzang Jiji: the Biqiuni jieben suochu benmo xu and the Guanzhong Jinchu Ni Erzhong Tanwen Xiazuo Za Shi’er Shi Bing Zashi Gongjuan Qian Zhong Hou San Ji. This study offers a fresh collation and interpretation of these prefaces and compares them with extant comprehensive Vinaya texts. It demonstrates that early Kucha Buddhism exhibited a pluralistic Vinaya landscape. While one mainstream tradition, represented by Fotu Shemi, followed the orthodox Sarvāstivāda system, another distinctive ordination method transmitted by Zhu Daoman featured a “three-stage ordination” process and the concept of “two sets of 250 precepts totaling five hundred.” The article further clarifies the origin and transmission of the “Five Hundred Precepts” for bhikṣuṇīs, arguing that this number does not represent any fixed set of rules in Indian Vinaya literature. Rather, it emerged through reinterpretation and localization during the eastward transmission of the Vinaya. Ultimately, this study deepens our understanding of fourth-century Kucha bhikṣuṇī disciplinary practices and provides new textual evidence for the cross-regional transmission and indigenization of Buddhist Vinaya traditions. Full article

While Western theology typically locates omniscience in a personal Creator-God, Indian philosophy presents a notable spectrum. This article traces the dialectical arc of omniscience (sarvajñāna) across major Indian philosophical traditions, arguing that what appears as an epistemological question—“who knows everything?”—is ultimately an ontological puzzle about the nature of consciousness itself. Moving from the Vedic oscillation between cosmic personhood (Puruṣa Sūkta) and primordial uncertainty (Nāsadīya Sūkta), through the Upaniṣadic internalization of omniscience as Self-knowledge (ātmajñatā), the article examines how Nyāya-Yoga affirms divine omniscience as a logical and soteriological necessity, how Mīmāṃsā displaces it onto an impersonal authorless text, and how Jainism and Buddhism reappropriate it as a perfected human achievement. The final section demonstrates that both Sāṃkhya’s isolation (kaivalya) and Advaita Vedānta’s non-dual realization ultimately transcend encyclopedic omniscience, revealing that authentic liberation requires not the possession of maximal information but a transformation from representational object-knowledge to non-objectifying awareness. Together, these trajectories constitute Indian philosophy’s most enduring contribution to the global philosophy of religion: the recognition that the “All” cannot be an object of knowledge, because it is the very condition for any knowledge whatever. Full article

This is a preliminary report on a study of Indic precedents for Pure Land traditions. It contests anglophone scholarship that find those traditions to be predominantly East Asian constructions in discontinuity with Indian Buddhism. The first part, related to previously unpublished research, disputes a common leading point of such arguments that the expression pure land, jingtu, has no Sanskrit antecedents. The article will show that Sanskrit antecedents for jingtu are in fact abundant. The second part summarizes previously published work showing that the cosmology, soteriology, and buddhology of buddhakṣetras have explicit foundations among the heavens and devas. The third part forecasts research for Kenneth Tanaka’s “Other Power” project. ‘Other-power’ has been seen as discordant with Indian traditions, when even abhidharma sources state that, through ‘a single mind of faith in Buddha to the marrow of one’s bones, one can overcome infinite bad karma.’ The salvific power of the names of buddhas is a common concept in Indian Buddhism, declared even by Nāgārjuna. Not discounting Chinese and Japanese creative contributions and acculturation, Pure Land traditions are in strong natural continuity with Indian Buddhist thought. Full article

The artistic exchange during Buddhism’s early transmission represents a vital field within Silk Road art studies. When Buddhist art first entered China during the Eastern Han Dynasty (25–220), many artistic elements originating from Indian and Central Asian traditions manifested via a highly fragmentary mode of dissemination. As a result, prior scholarship on Buddhist art in the Han Dynasty has predominantly focused on case studies of individual motifs such as Buddha images, lotus patterns, lions, and elephants. These studies form an essential foundation for the present research. This paper observes that Buddha images from the Han period were not always disseminated as isolated icons but were frequently closely associated with octagonal columns and arches/lintels. Tracing their origins reveals a connection to the “column–arch–Buddha” narrative motif found in the architectural art of Indian and Central Asian Buddhism. This motif extended eastward through the Western Regions (Xiyu 西域, present-day Xinjiang 新疆) and ultimately reached the core territories of the Han Empire, undergoing various transformations—including deconstruction, reassembly, and translation—in the process. Understanding these combinatory modes and their underlying intent is crucial for comprehending the essential nature of the early interaction and fusion between Buddhist art and Han Chinese civilization. Full article

In terms of his reception in East Asia and the legacy of his commentaries and compendia in translation, Vasubandhu 世親 (ca. 320–400 centuries CE) is among the most important figures in the textual history of Indian Buddhism. Although perhaps best known by modern scholars through his works concerning abstruse intellectual ideas presented from the Yogācāra or mind-only and Abhidharma perspectives, his legacy is arguably best represented as an authoritative voice concerning the Pure Land of Amitāyus buddha. Both Nāgārjuna 龍樹 (ca. 150–250 CE) and Vasubandhu are considered to be patriarchs (soshi 祖師) for Jōdo Shin 浄土真宗 Buddhists, following Shinran’s 親鸞 (1173–1263) teachings. In this paper I investigate the textual history of these two Indian masters who are considered to be patriarchs by Pure Land and Shin Buddhists in Japan. No one believes these individuals transmitted some sort of true mind or essential teaching from one to another as in the Chan or Zen 禪宗 tradition; they are recognized because of fundamental texts with key ideas that are ascribed to them. These key texts were never singled out in any Chinese or Indian set of special texts, nor were they highlighted in various catalogs to the Buddhist “canon.” This research demonstrates how the sacred teachings ascribed to Vasubandhu, and to a certain extent Nāgārjuna as well, by Pure Land and Shin Buddhists reveal how and why Pure Land practices were expected to be seen as mainstream Mahāyāna Buddhism and nothing at all like a reformation for a later age. Full article

The Japanese scholar and art critic Okakura Tenshin traveled to colonial India from January to September 1902 and made three visits to the Buddhist holy site of Bodh Gaya. There, he attempted to purchase a piece of land from the landowner, the Mahant, to build a vihāra (resthouse) for Japanese Buddhist devotees. His purchase request was rejected by the British colonial authority for his foreigner status, despite no legal prohibition against land sales to foreigners under Bodh Gaya’s land management laws at the time. The year after his journey to India, Okakura Tenshin published The Ideals of the East, wherein the renowned declaration that “Asia is one” subsequently evolved to be the intellectual cornerstone of twentieth-century Asianism (or Pan-Asianism). How did Okakura’s Indian journey and his experience of the failed attempt to purchase land in Bodh Gaya catalyze his conception of “Asia is One”? This essay first traces the Buddhist revival movements in late nineteenth-century India and Japan, elucidating how Buddhism helped forge a sense of transnational solidarity between the two nations, which Okakura also embraced. It then examines Okakura’s trip to India and his plan to purchase land at Bodh Gaya, uncovering the underlying geopolitical struggle between the British Empire and the New Asian Power Japan. In this context, the analysis will show that Okakura’s frustrating experience of failed land purchase underscored for him the necessity for the solidarity between Japan and India and the need for a unitary idea of Asia to articulate that solidarity. Finally, a comparative textual analysis between The Ideals of the East (1903) and Okakura’s “History of Japanese Art” lectures given at the Tokyo Fine Arts School before his trip to India explicates how Buddhism, which was being revived by a collective of various groups in and outside its place of origin India, served as a cohesive discursive agent in Okakura’s construction of the narrative of an Asian unity. This Buddhist framework helped Okakura to reconstruct the interlinked cultural histories of India, China, and Japan into a unified notion of Asia within which he crystallized a unique and favored cultural identity for Japan. Full article

The influence of Brahmanism on Buddhist thought, is plausible in the Pāli Canon. Words attributed to the Buddha say that he defined himself as Brahmā (AN 4.89) and that he can read the very thoughts of the Vedic god (aham asmi brahmā mahābrahmā DN 1.18, DN 1.221, DN 3.29). There are many other instances in the canon where Buddhists have interpreted terms in ways that did not develop from the context of orthodox Brahmanism. It has been documented even that Vedic Brahmins (who at the end converted to Buddhism) consistently asked the Buddha for the way to realize Brahma(n) (MN 2.206, DN 1.249), a hope also shared by Buddhists to be attained in the afterlife (AN 3.225, MN 2.76–78, DN 2.195), using the same formulas that the canonical tradition records as having been used by the Buddha to describe not his teachings (AN 3.371, AN 4.135) but the beliefs of ancient Brahmins (AN 4.103). Why is Buddhism understood in the light of Brahmanism? Why is Brahminical terminology and religious thought so present in the interpretation of the Buddha’s teachings? This paper discusses the historical influence of Upaniṣadic thought on the development and transmission of Buddhism. Here, I propose two significant theoretical frameworks to understand the development of Indian Buddhism: (1) the Buddha was praised as Brahmā: as the supreme Brahmin, represented by Buddhists as (2) the legitimate knower of Bráhman. Since the times of the Buddha, converted Brahmins, such as Sāriputta, seem to have influenced significantly the transmission of Indian Buddhism. This is reflected in Chinese translations, which portray an earlier interpretation of Buddhism, before the late opposition against Brahminism was established in Theravāda, and the decline of Brahmā and rebirth in the Brahmaloka were relegated in Buddhism as subordinate entities. Full article

Although similar, the terms ‘sacred text’ and ‘sacred scripture’ are not interchangeable. In my view, ‘sacred scriptures’ are physical materials that embody the transcendental words recognised as ‘sacred text’ in tangible form. Since the Abrahamic religions hold their scriptures in such high regard, the distinction between ‘sacred text’ and ‘sacred scripture’ becomes blurred within these traditions. By contrast, Indian religions such as Buddhism, Jainism and Hinduism seem to be more careful to maintain this distinction, as they attribute greater prestige to orality. Even when their sacred texts were written down, their main function was not usually to establish a connection between the author and the reader, i.e., to be read, but rather to be worshipped as relics. This article aims to introduce the Indian textual tradition as a possible counterpoint to the Judaeo-Christian approach. It provides a general overview of oral and manuscript culture in Indian religions and examines whether the high reverence attributed to the oral transmission, the lower prestige of the writing, and the worship of manuscripts can be understood as strategies to avoid those discrepancies, which are known as the ‘sins of reading’ (‘peccata lectionis’) in Western civilization. Full article

Religious clothing serves as the external manifestation of religious culture, and its evolutionary process not only reflects the developmental trajectory of religion but also demonstrates cultural exchange and social transformation in specific historical periods. This study focuses on the localization and evolution of Chinese Buddhism monks’ robes as its research subject. Through analyzing historical documents, archaeological materials, and artistic works, it explores the transformation process from Indian Kasaya to Chinese Haiqing 海青 (Chinese Buddhist Ceremonial Robe) and its cultural implications. The research findings reveal that the localization process of Chinese Buddhism monks’ robes exhibits characteristics of gradual Cultural Adaptation: while maintaining the core of Buddhist doctrine, it achieved organic integration with traditional Chinese culture through systematic reconstruction of material forms. This is specifically manifested in three aspects: formal adaptation responding to environmental constraints, the integration of craftsmanship and materials embodying cultural dialogue, and the color hierarchy system reflecting the dynamic interplay between secular power and religious authority. This process facilitated the reconstruction of monks’ multidimensional Identity Reconstruction—forming a new balance model among religious transcendence, cultural belonging, and social participation. This study provides a theoretical framework for understanding the internal logic of religious localization and the adaptive mechanisms of Cross-cultural Communication. Full article

Southeast Asia has historically been shaped by the Indian subcontinent, China and the Middle East, due to civilizational contact. For several centuries, current-day Indonesia and the Malay world experienced extended periods of Hinduization and Indianization. The once-thriving Hinduism/Buddhism-dominated culture gradually gave way to Islam when the area became Islamized. Indonesia now is believed to have the largest number of Muslims in the world. While the Islamic aspects of Indonesia are well-documented in recent scholarship, the country’s Hindu/Buddhist past remains significantly under-explored, especially as far as the linguistic and semiotic landscape is concerned. Conceptualizing linguistic/semiotic landscape as a polyphonic site and a ‘palimpsest’ that is often historically (re)written and constantly updated, this interdisciplinary study documents and reveals the concrete material traces of Hinduism/Indianness evidenced in Jakarta’s linguistic and semiotic landscape at different levels (e.g., various Sanskrit/Hinduism-related place names, slogans and mottos, portrayals of Vishnu, Garuda, Hanuman, Ganesha and depictions of scenes from Hindu epics Ramayana and Mahabharata). Aiming to explore how elements of Hinduism/Indianness may manifest in Indonesia in such cross-region linguistic and religious (re)contextualization across time and space, this study contributes to linguistic and semiotic landscape research, sociolinguistics, Indonesia and Malay studies, Hindu studies, religious studies, Southeast Asia studies and beyond: Full article

Raghu Vira’s 1955 visit to China stands as a significant chapter in the history of contemporary Sino-Indian Buddhist cultural exchange. The diary he kept in Hindi offers a detailed record of this journey. However, this episode remains scarcely mentioned in official narratives of China today, largely because Vira gradually evolved into an emblematic hardline figure toward China within Indian political and cultural circles following his visit. What brought about this shift in Vira’s stance? Moreover, why did Vira, also an advocate of Buddhism, make no mention of the contemporary Navayāna Buddhism movement led by B. R. Ambedkar? This paper seeks to situate these questions within the broader context of Raghu Vira’s life trajectory and the more complex historical and cultural context of India, analyzing the intricate role Buddhism played in the process of Indian nation-building. Full article

Rahul Sankrityayan, a twentieth-century Indian polymath, is known for his contributions to Buddhism, Marxism, and Hindi literature. While his writing has been analyzed for its engagement with Buddhism and Tibet, he is also credited with inaugurating Hindi travel-writing. Though his contributions to this genre are well-recognized, one crucial work—ghummakaṛa śāstra (1945; lit. The Treatise of a Wanderer)—has received insufficient scholarly attention. This article investigates the intersection of religion, travel-writing, and satire in two chapters of Sankrityayan’s treatise: athāto ghummakaṛa jijñāsā (lit. Thus, the Curiosity of a Wanderer) and dharma aur ghummakaṛī (lit. Religion and Wandering). It argues that Sankrityayan employs the figure of the Wanderer to critique religions, religious ideals, and religious figures in two key ways. First, by framing his work as a śāstra (treatise) in the classical sense, he appropriates authoritative discourse to contest religious ideas. Second, the Wanderer functions as a transcendental subject who pervades history. Blending satire with polemic, the text subverts traditional religious hermeneutics. Through close analysis, this paper demonstrates how Sankrityayan’s unconventional form—a dialogic interplay between treatise and satire—invites readers to interrogate religious authority, offering a model for engaging with religion beyond doctrinal frameworks. Full article

Jñānakīrti (Tib. Ye shes grags pa), an eminent monk of the late Indian Buddhist period, composed the Tattvāvātara (De kho na nyid la ’jug pa, Realizing Reality), of which only a Tibetan translation exists in the Tibetan Tripiṭaka-Tanjur. The treatise is considered an exposition of the Mahāmudrā teachings, with the chapter entitled “Practices of the Secret Mantra Approach” (gSang sngags kyi sgo’i spyod pa) forms a large part. However, this part has been less frequently discussed. This chapter guides the practice of Mahāmudrā non-dual yoga, which is intended for practitioners with superior faculties. The core content of this chapter can be subsumed under the following two aspects: Mahāmudrā teachings involve practicing insight (prajñā), which represents the theory of meditation, i.e., the idea of emptiness (śūnyatā); it also involves practicing skillful means (upāya), which includes the methods of cultivation, such as tantric rituals such as Vajradhātu maṇḍala visualization. From the perspective of compositional length, the first half of the text contains numerous quotations of verses, with several being from Nāgārjuna’s Mūlamadhyamakakārikā, while the second half mainly draws references from the Tattvasaṃgrahatantra and the Guhyasamājatantra. More attention should be paid to the juxtaposition of the Mahāmudrā teachings with the Tattvasaṃgrahatantra and the Guhyasamājatantra, which reflect the early form of the Mahāmudrā teachings as they were introduced into Tibetan Buddhism. Full article

In 1891, the Ceylonese Anagarika Dharmapala made his first pilgrimage to Bodh Gaya, the supposed site where Siddhartha Gautama became the Buddha, in northern India. Following his visit, Dharmapala established the Maha Bodhi Society and himself became a household name in subcontinental Buddhist circles, especially for his campaigns to reclaim Buddhist ownership over the Bodh Gaya site. While Bodh Gaya currently remains a popular pilgrimage location for Buddhists from what is today Sri Lanka—with various governmental, religious, and commercial initiatives established to facilitate pilgrimages—this was not always the case. Indeed, before Dharmapala’s fateful visit, the island’s Buddhists appeared to have little to no engagement with what was, in theory, Buddhism’s holiest site and with the wider Middle Ganges region in which it is located. This article will provide a historical overview of how and why Sri Lankan Buddhists came to first accept, and then venerate, Bodh Gaya as a critical location in their Buddhist practice before Dharmapala. Referencing the scholarship of Indologists and the writings of Buddhists themselves, this article will describe the conditions that led to Dharmapala’s pilgrimage in 1891 and the emergence of both Bodh Gaya and the wider Middle Ganges region in the orbit and memory of Ceylonese Buddhists. This article will further build on existing scholarship on pilgrimage and sacred spaces and demonstrate how Bodh Gaya and its surroundings became part of a tradition of sacred Buddhist geography fixed around northern India for Ceylonese Buddhists. Full article

The spread of Tibetan Buddhism in Mongolia brought with it a wealth of Buddhist knowledge. Over time, Mongolian scholars and practitioners engaged with this knowledge and produced numerous works encompassing Buddhist learning, particularly in medicine. A prominent figure in this intellectual landscape is the Fourth Mindol Nomun Khan, Jambalchoijidanzanperenley (1789–1839), commonly known as Mindol Qutuɣtu (or Mindol Hutugtu). Despite being recognized for his remarkable contributions to the development of Mongolian medicine, considerable uncertainty has surrounded Mindol Qutuɣtu’s ethnic identity. This article aims to clarify Mindol Qutuɣtu’s ethnic origin and examine the broader medical context of his seminal work, The Treasury of All Precious Instructions (Man ngag rin chen ’byung gnas), highlighting the visionary concepts he presented. While the basis of Mindol Qutuɣtu’s work lies in Tibetan medicine, he boldly introduced treatment methodologies from other medical traditions, including Indian (Ayurvedic), Chinese, and European medicine, into the realm of Mongolian medicine. His insightful work reflects both intellectual ambition and practical occupation on increasing healing efficacy, as evidenced by his influential contributions to a combined and multicultural approach to medicine. Today, his innovative and inceptive contributions remain essential in understanding the historical development and current diverse character of Mongolian traditional medical practices. Full article