Toward an Onomastic Account of Vietnamese Surnames

Abstract

This article presents a comprehensive exploration of Vietnamese surnames, with a specific focus on those attributed to the Kinh people, from an onomastic perspective. Beginning with a broad overview of general studies on Vietnamese names, the paper introduces the prevailing name structure, which follows the format [Surname + (Middle name) + Given name]. The study then delves into a careful examination of Vietnamese surnames, addressing key facets such as their origin, distinctive characteristics, quantity, and distribution. Notably, the article emphasizes the widespread usage of the Nguyễn surname, offering arguments and insights into its prevalence. Furthermore, the paper discusses the intricate nature of the meanings associated with Vietnamese surnames and highlights the legal considerations surrounding them. By combining historical context with cultural significance, the article aims to provide valuable insights into the complexities inherent in Vietnamese surnames. Ultimately, this research contributes to a deeper understanding of the historical roots and cultural significance of Kinh group surnames within the broader context of Vietnamese onomastics.

1. Introduction

1.1. Vietnamese Personal Names

The population of Vietnam, as per the 2019 Census, stands slightly above 96 million. The majority of this population, 85.3%, comprises the Vietnamese people, alternatively known as Viet or Kinh. Despite the coexistence of 54 ethnic groups within the nation, the Kinh, acting as a unified social and ethnic majority, wield considerable influence across political, economic, and linguistic spheres. The Kinh community serves as custodians of the predominant culture, and generally, the designation “Vietnamese” is commonly used interchangeably with “Kinh” and vice versa. In Viet Nam, the populace predominantly communicates in Vietnamese, the official national language, which is also the language of the Kinh. This language is characterized as a tonal monosyllabic Mon–Khmer language.1

The term “Vietnamese personal names” can be understood in two ways. Specifically, it refers to the names of Kinh individuals, referred to here as VPNs (Vietnamese personal names). In a more general sense, VPNs encompass the personal names of all Vietnamese people, irrespective of their ethnic background. While the main focus of this article is to describe Kinh personal names, the author uses the broader term VPNs due to the aforementioned considerations. When precision is required, the author opts for expressions such as “Vietnamese personal names” or “personal names of the Kinh people/group”.

As Nguyễn (2010) holds, it is important to clarify that the term “VPNs” primarily denotes “Vietnamese given names” in this context. However, in a broader sense, it is occasionally employed to encompass other components such as surnames and middle names within the overall structure of Vietnamese names. Additionally, within this article, the expression “structure of VPNs” is loosely indicative of the various models of Vietnamese given names, while the term “pattern” is utilized to denote the individual elements constituting these models (see Section 2 below).

1.2. Research Studies on Vietnamese Personal Names

The examination of Vietnamese proper names, which includes personal names, seems to have begun a bit later compared to onomastic studies in European countries, including Britain. As per Phạm (1996), during the period spanning the 1930s to the 1950s, a handful of scholars, including Phan (1930) and Đào (1951), initiated the exploration of VPNs. However, their work predominantly consisted of presenting overviews or proposing further investigations into various facets of Vietnamese personal names, such as the origin of surnames, the rationale behind naming, naming practices, or alterations in given names.

Only in the 1960s, gaining more prominence in the 1970s, did a notable cohort of researchers from diverse fields start displaying significant academic curiosity in the examination of proper names. This interest was spurred by urgent requests from education reformists advocating orthographical standardization, particularly concerning the practical aspect of capitalizing proper nouns/names. Within their individual discourses, academics from a variety of fields—including philosophy, linguistics, history, and ethnography—were all forced to address the onomastic characteristics of given names. This was especially clear in their attempts to clarify name patterns and identify their functions within the naming system. The exploration of VPNs can be classified into distinct categories, encompassing historical, ethnographic, sociological, and linguistic perspectives (see Diệp 1986; Hồ 1967a, 1967b; Lê [1992] 2005; Nguyễn 1973b; Nguyễn 1967; Nguyễn 2010, 2022; Phạm 1996, 2003; Thái 1963; Trần 1960).

Scholars with backgrounds in history, ethnography, and sociology typically center their attention on delineating personal names and elucidating the rationale behind changes and evolutions in Vietnamese society over historical periods. In contrast, as Nguyễn (2010) maintains, researchers employing linguistic approaches predominantly delve into the orthography of proper names or other facets related to the standardization of VPNs (see Hoàng and Nguyễn 1984; Hồ 1976; Lê 1972; Lê [1992] 2005; Lê and Nguyễn 1962; Nguyễn 1973a; Nguyễn 1972a; Nguyễn 1995; Nguyễn 1972b; Nguyễn 1979). In brief, whether rooted in linguistic or non–linguistic frameworks, as per (Phạm 1996, p. 25), prior investigations into VPNs predominantly center around four key aspects: (1) the origin of personal names (including surnames); (2) the structure of personal names; (3) historical and cultural characteristics and naming practices; and changes and developments of names through historical periods.

This article aims at contributing to a comprehensive understanding of Vietnamese surnames, particularly those associated with the Kinh people, by exploring their historical roots, cultural significance, and the inherent complexities within the broader context of Vietnamese onomastics. It commences by introducing the topic of “Vietnamese Personal Names” followed by an overview of existing studies in the same domain. Section 2 delves into the “Structure of Vietnamese Personal Names” establishing a foundational understanding. The focal point of the research lies in Section 3, concentrating on “Vietnamese Family Names (Surnames).” Subsections cover the origin, distinctions between given names, middle names, and surnames, along with discussions on characteristics, quantity, and notable instances such as the prevalence of the Nguyễn surname. The section concludes by addressing the meanings associated with Vietnamese surnames and relevant legal considerations, offering a concise and comprehensive insight into the intricacies of Vietnamese family names.

2. Structure of Vietnamese Personal Names

The structure of Vietnamese personal names is generally non–controversial, with two universally acknowledged models (Lê [1992] 2005; Phạm 1996; Nguyễn 2010). The first model (Model 1), widely prevalent today, follows the pattern of [surname + middle name + given name] (e.g., Triệu Thị Trinh, Khúc Thừa Dụ, Nguyễn Ái Quốc, Võ Thị Sáu). [Surname + given name] (such as Phùng Hưng, Đinh Điền, Phạm Hùng) is agreed as the second model (Model 2). Concerning the comprehensive structure of VPNs, which includes the surname, middle name, and given name, Trần (1984) contends that the evolution of this nomenclature framework began in the third century BC and gradually gained prevalence, reaching widespread usage by the mid–20th century.

Nguyễn’s analysis, based on the names of 333 members of Parliament (MPs) in 1946 and candidates for the 2006 university entrance exams in Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City, reveals a decline in the traditional structure of Model 2 (a monosyllabic surname and a monosyllabic given name). While 51 out of 333 MPs in 1946 adhered to this model (15.31%), in 2006, only 267 out of 39,159 candidates in Hanoi followed suit (0.68%). In Ho Chi Minh City, among 57,327 candidates, merely 479 retained this traditional model, accounting for 0.83% (2010, p. 58).

The initial component of Vietnamese personal names’ structure, the surname, frequently comprises a single syllable (a monosyllabic surname). However, as asserted by (Lê [1992] 2005), aside from one–syllable surnames, there exists a limited number of Vietnamese surnames composed of more than one word or syllable. In such instances, surnames are either compound or joint surnames (e.g., Tôn Thất Tùng, Nguyễn Lê Tuệ Minh).

Concerning the middle name, a conventional agreement posits that the majority of middle names are monosyllabic. However, Phan (1972), Nguyễn (1975), Phạm (1988), and (Lê [1992] 2005) argue that the prevalence lies in middle names with two or more syllables (disyllabic or polysyllabic). Furthermore, in certain cases, a complete name may encompass more than one distinct middle name. As per these scholars, in a female name such as Lê Thị Thu Hằng, for example, Thị and Thu are two separate middle names. In this article, a different view on this issue is held in the case of the aforementioned example. It is posited that there exists only a single middle name, denoted by the word/syllable Thị. Thu is one part of the disyllabic given name Thu Hằng, since the meaning of the name becomes fully apparent only when considered as a two–word denomination. Hằng may refer to the “moon” or “Goddess of the Moon”, or it may refer to human characteristics such as durability, determination, or loyalty, while Thu lexically means “Autumn”. Thu Hằng would refer to an “Autumn moon”, which is considered a very beautiful female name in Vietnamese culture. The parents of this girl likely intend to underscore the notion that “our daughter possesses a beauty akin to the moon in Autumn.”

On the given name, as (Nguyễn 2010, p. 59) discusses, in contrast to the surname, there is a consensus among most researchers that both monosyllabic and disyllabic (compound) given names exist, with monosyllabic names outnumbering disyllabic ones. Nevertheless, owing to the widespread adoption of the [Surname + Middle name + Given name] model and customary addressing norms, numerous researchers propose the delineation of compound given names (Phan 1972; Nguyễn 1973a). For example, in the case of the name Nguyễn Ái Quốc, where Ái Quốc constitutes a singular nominal expression meaning “patriot”, the researchers assert that the name should be parsed into two parts, with Ái serving as the middle name and Quốc as the given name.

In fact, this poses a current challenge in the processing and study of VPNs. Additionally, it extends to a more profound and enduring issue in onomastics, namely, the meaning or sense of proper names. In the given example, when considering the name strictly as a label for a particular individual, the optimal approach is to deconstruct the name into three segments (Nguyễn—surname; Ái—middle name; Quốc—given name). However, if the emphasis is on the “sense” or “content” of the name, it should remain undivided. This is because only when Ái Quốc is treated as a single given name does the complete meaning of the name (“patriot”) become fully conveyed.2

Given the phonological attributes of the Vietnamese language and adherence to traditional stereotypes, a majority of traditional Vietnamese given names are monosyllabic. Phạm (1996) notes that monosyllabic given names constitute approximately 83%. Nevertheless, there has been a substantial increase in the number of given names with more than one syllable, typically with two syllables, in recent years (Lê [1992] 2005; Nguyễn 2010).

Vietnamese monosyllabic names exhibit minimal or no clear gender distinctions. Although it is theoretically feasible to differentiate male from female names, such distinctions are largely relative and arbitrary due to the absence of firm rules. In Vietnamese, being an analytic language with names derived from lexical words, determining the gender of an individual with a monosyllabic main name is challenging. Conversely, disyllabic main names display more evident gender–specific characteristics. The following examples, drawn from Nguyễn (2010)’s work, illustrate the challenges in determining gender solely based on main names in Vietnamese culture. For instance, discerning the gender of an individual with the main name Hạnh “happy”, “happiness” proves impractical. However, Vietnamese adults commonly attribute a gender association, associating a compound given name such as Thúy Hạnh with a woman and Đức Hạnh with a man. When employed as middle names or positioned preceding monosyllabic given names, morphemes such as Thúy and Đức significantly impact the likelihood of being associated with a specific gender. Traditionally, Thúy “deep blue” serves as a middle name for women, while Đức “morality” is a middle name for men.

The inclination of Vietnamese individuals towards choosing compound given names stems from the belief that only word compounding can capture beauty and moral nobility (Lê [1992] 2005). It is unsurprising that a predominant proportion of names signifying aesthetic qualities are allocated as female given names, such as Hiền Thục “graceful”, Hiếu Thảo “devoted”, and Ánh Hằng “moon light”. Compound names signifying moral nobility typically align with male given names such as Tuấn Tài “talent”, Trung Nghĩa “noble loyalty”, Đức Nhân “man of morality”, “gentleman”.

Officially, VPNs do not undergo ellipsis or truncation. This practice is avoided to prevent a given name from potentially becoming another. Vietnamese, being an isolating language, maintains a stable word form, and grammatical categories are not expressed through affixes. However, as previously noted in supporting the separation of disyllabic names, the first component in compound names can be considered the middle name and is frequently omitted in everyday conversation. For example, the name Hồng Thuỷ may be truncated to the second element, which is Thuỷ. This form of ellipsis is prevalent in informal communication (Nguyễn 2010).

In brief, Vietnamese name researchers may diverge in their perspectives on specific facets of VPN patterns. Nevertheless, there is a prevailing consensus that at least two overarching models of VPNs exist: [Surname + Middle name + Given name] and [Surname + Given name]. These name patterns can be nested within each other to form a structure like this: [Surname + (Middle name) + Given name], where the middle name component may or may not be present.

3. Vietnamese Family Names (Surnames)

3.1. The Origin

This section presents a concise overview of the origins of VPNs. Delving into the “organic” relationships, particularly existential connections, between the surname and other components within the structure of VPNs, an investigation is undertaken to explore the origins of both the given name and the middle name.

3.1.1. Given Names and Middle Names

In Vietnamese, as reported by (Lê [1992] 2005), Phạm (1996), Nguyễn (2010), various terms refer to the given name, such as “tên đẻ” (birth name, given at birth), “tên bộ” (registered name), “tên cá nhân” (personal name), and “tên chính” (main name). The given name is often referred to as “first name” in English, reflecting its position preceding the surname. However, in Viet Nam and numerous other East Asian countries, the given name consistently follows the surname or family name. This distinction arises from the societal emphasis on individualism or collectivism within these respective cultures (see Hofstede 2001).

VPNs, akin to names in other cultures, have a historical origin dating back to the time when humans first started naming entities. Trần (1984) ethnologically suggests that the practice of using vocabulary words as personal names in Viet Nam traces back to the third century BC. However, the exact inception of personal names remains uncertain. Notably, many Vietnamese given names originated as vocabulary words. Despite this clarity regarding given names, there are varied views on the origins of other elements in personal names, such as middle names.

Researchers express differing opinions on the origin of Vietnamese middle names. Trần (1984) contends that Vietnamese middle names have ancient roots, originating alongside surnames around 300 BC. Conversely, Nguyễn (1975) argues that Vietnamese middle names emerged later than surnames. According to this researcher, until the 20th century, most Vietnamese full names consisted of only two elements—surname and given name.

3.1.2. Surnames

As can be seen from the name structure, the Vietnamese surname does not appear last; rather, it comes first. This is why the terms “family name” or “surname” are employed instead of “last name” to prevent any potential confusion.

Debates about the origins of Vietnamese family names present two opposing views. One perspective argues that Vietnamese people lack distinct surnames, attributing their names predominantly to Chinese influences. Scholars such as Nguyễn (1967) and Nguyễn (1975) assert the Chinese origin of all Vietnamese surnames. In contrast, proponents of an alternative viewpoint, including Hồ (1967b), Trần (1984), and (Lê [1992] 2005), advocate for the coexistence of borrowed Chinese surnames and authentic Vietnamese family names. Despite contrasting stances, these perspectives contribute to a nuanced understanding of the complex history of Vietnamese family names.

Drawing on ethnographic evidence, Diệp (1986) and Diệp and Đào (1990) propose a hypothesis suggesting that indigenous Vietnamese surnames emerged from place–names in the Red River delta. For instance, the prevalent surname Nguyễn might trace its roots to Old Vietnamese terms for spring, canal, or small river “nguồn, ngòi”, originally denoting those residing alongside such water bodies (see also Nguyễn 2010). Trần (1984), in an effort to establish the local origin of Vietnamese surnames, posits that they evolved from traditional totems such as Gà (Chicken tribe) and Trâu (Buffalo tribe). According to this scholar, these names, now acknowledged as surnames, began to be adopted at the start of the first millennium.

The perspective posited is that Vietnamese surnames can encompass both indigenous names and linguistically borrowed surnames, primarily derived from Chinese origins. Due to the early period of Chinese dominance, family names in Viet Nam have a much longer history compared to many other regions worldwide. It cannot be denied that the idea of adopting surnames stems from the intersection and influence of Chinese culture.

According to Nosowitz (2017), the concept of a family name was unfamiliar to most societies unless they were subjected to conquest by cultures that utilized such naming conventions. Notable conquerors introducing family names included the Romans, Normans, Chinese, and later the Spanish, Portuguese, Germans, and Americans. It was the Chinese who introduced family names to Viet Nam. The presence of surnames in Viet Nam traces back to 111 BC, marking the commencement of an extended thousand–year occupation by the Han Dynasty from China (although there were brief attempts at independence before the Vietnamese successfully ousted the Chinese in 939 AD). The period prior to this remains uncertain regarding how the Vietnamese managed names, given the absence of written records. Before the dominance of the Chinese, it is likely that the Vietnamese had not used family names. While some reports suggest otherwise, there is a lack of clear scientific evidence to support this claim.

According to Lê ([1992] 2005) and Biện (2015), during the period before the Chinese domination, the Vietnamese people, like many other ethnic groups, used only personal names in addressing each other. There is no evidence of surnames among the Vietnamese during this time. The earliest records mentioning Vietnamese having surnames indicate that, at the latest, by the first half of the 2nd century, the Vietnamese started using surnames, either independently or through cultural interaction with the Han culture. This absence of family names was not unusual in historical contexts, as much of the world did not adopt them prior to the 18th century. Instead, “patronymic” names were more widespread, referencing only the immediately preceding generation. Such names are still prevalent in various parts of the world, notably in Scandinavia and the Middle East. Surnames ending in –son or including Ben or Ibn typically signify patronymic names (Nosowitz 2017).3

From a historical and cultural perspective, it can be easily observed that the surnames of contemporary Vietnamese people mostly belong to the 16 ancestral lineages that once held significant influence in history. In chronological order, these surnames are Thục, Trưng, Triệu, Mai, Khúc, Lý, Phùng, Kiều, Ngô, Ðinh, Lê, Trần, Hồ, Mạc, Trịnh, and Nguyễn. Individuals may either be direct descendants of these names or adopt them, either by borrowing or being compelled to use them, even if they are not truly related to the original lineages (Nguyễn 1998).

In feudal times, Vietnamese individuals often adopted the family name of the ruling authority as an expression of loyalty. This practice involved the frequent changing of names to align with the succession of rulers. Families sometimes voluntarily changed their surnames to that of the ruling dynasty to demonstrate loyalty. Individuals, such as Nguyễn Trãi, were granted new names by the king, such as Lê Trãi, aligning with the ruling dynasty.4 Others were compelled to change their surnames to that of the current dynasty, especially after the overthrow of a previous dynasty, as a way to show allegiance to the new ruling power. In many cases, the government forced the populace to abandon their original surnames to adopt a national identity, preventing dissenting groups from attempting to overthrow the ruling dynasty or causing unrest among those associated with the recently toppled regime for political reasons (aligning with fate or divine will). During the time of Gia Long and Minh Mạng in the Nguyễn Dynasty (early 19th century), individuals with the surname Lê were required to change their surname to Nguyễn. This was done because, during that period, leaders of movements opposing the dynasty often bore the surname Lê (Lê [1992] 2005).

In addition, the act of changing surnames in the history of Viet Nam comes from various other reasons. Some individuals changed their surnames to evade taxes, avoid military responsibilities and penalties, or due to urgent situations where they were compelled to alter their names to avoid undesirable consequences. Under the Vietnamese feudal regimes, when one person in a family was accused, sometimes the entire family had to bear the consequences, and changing the surname could be a measure to distance themselves from the reputation or relationship with the accused. Furthermore, to adhere to the avoidance of the royal name taboo, many individuals were compelled to change their surnames whenever a new lord, king, or dynasty ascended to power.

In terms of new surnames, the last ruling family in Viet Nam, the Nguyễn Dynasty, which ruled from 1802 to 1945, contributed a number of names and surnames. The descendants of this Nguyễn family, from the reign of Minh Mạng (1820–1841) onwards, have differentiated themselves by lineages and generations through various distinct “new” surnames. In order, the descendants of the same generation carry different individual surnames, though there is an implicit understanding that they all belong to the Nguyễn family (e.g., Công Tằng Tôn Nữ, Tôn Thất…). In general, these “new” surnames serve to identify individuals as belonging to the royal Nguyễn family and as descendants of the emperors’ branches. However, these surnames are not considered surnames in the traditional sense.

Last but not least, the source of many Vietnamese surnames is from Chinese names. Back in history, the Vietnamese people originated from the southern plains of the Yangtze River in China to the Red River Delta in Viet Nam today. Faced with Han Chinese invasions, their ancestors had to migrate southward and establish a nation in the Red River Delta, Northern Viet Nam, around the 4th century BC. Subsequently, there was a process of expanding the territories by various dynasties moving southward. The southward expansion halted when the French occupied and established French Indochina. On the other hand, the country experienced a thousand years of domination by the Han Chinese and later by various Chinese dynasties. Some soldiers came to Giao Chỉ (ancient name for northern Viet Nam) and chose to settle, establishing families and generations. Additionally, the nation has also welcomed many Chinese immigrants seeking refuge or resettlement. Notably, members of the Ming dynasty’s nobility settled in Southern Viet Nam after their homeland was invaded by the Manchu (Qing) forces.

This is the historical reason for some Vietnamese surnames of Chinese origin, such as Khổng, Lưu, Trương, Mai, Lâm, Lữ, Nhan, Sử, Tăng, Trịnh, Vương, etc., or of Khmer (Cambodian) origin such as Thạch, Sơn, Danh, Kim, Lâm, etc., which were bestowed by the Nguyễn dynasty. Additionally, surnames of Cham origin such as Chế, Chiêm, etc., or those of ethnic minorities such as Linh, Giáp, Ma, Ðèo, Kha, Diêu, Vi, Quách, Nông, Chữ, Ngân, Ông, Trà, Lang, Lục, Sầm, etc. (see Lê [1992] 2005).

3.2. Main Characteristics of Vietnamese Surnames

Vietnamese surnames, with their rich historical and cultural significance, exhibit distinctive characteristics that set them apart from naming conventions in other parts of the world. These names play a crucial role in distinguishing individuals based on their origin and lineage, embodying a connection to the past.

The primary function of Vietnamese surnames is to identify individuals sharing a common ancestry or lineage from those with different origins. These names are often accompanied by given names and, in some cases, a middle name. While the inclusion of a middle name is common, it is not mandatory. The position of the surname is at the forefront of the full name, emphasizing its significance in personal identification. In contrast to Western and some Asian countries, where individuals address each other by their surnames, Vietnamese people use given names for communication. Single given names such as Hùng, Trang, Tuấn, Linh… are typical and reflect a personal and informal approach in addressing one another.

A peculiarity of the Vietnamese denomination system is observed in the marital practices of Vietnamese women. When marrying, women traditionally retain their maiden surnames instead of adopting their husband’s surname. However, in certain contexts, it is acceptable for individuals to use the husband’s given name to refer to the wife. For example, if Trần Thị Thuận married Nguyễn Đức Long, she might be referred to (unofficially) as Mrs Long.

The influence of Chinese culture is evident in Viet Nam, especially among those of Chinese descent. Many new surnames have been introduced, contributing to the cultural diversity of Viet Nam. The Kinh people, primarily comprising the Vietnamese majority, typically have single–syllable surnames, though exceptions such as Hoàng Phủ, Tôn Thất, and Tôn Nữ exist. In contrast, other ethnic minorities often have surnames consisting of two syllables or more. In recent times, there has been a trend of Vietnamese individuals creating new surnames. An example is the Khiếu surname, reflecting the dynamic nature of Vietnamese naming conventions and the evolving cultural landscape (Lê 2013, pp. 28–31).

In short, Vietnamese surnames play a pivotal role in preserving cultural identity and familial connections. Their unique characteristics, from their function in distinguishing individuals to the influence of historical and cultural factors, contribute to the rich tapestry of Viet Nam’s naming traditions.

3.3. The Quantity

In contrast to the great quantity of given names, Vietnamese surnames are significantly outnumbered. This discrepancy arises from the linguistic principle that virtually every word in the Vietnamese lexicon can be employed as a given name, thereby amplifying the overall count of given names.

Regarding the quantity of surnames in Viet Nam, Lê ([1992] 2005, pp. 38–56) indicates that there are approximately 1050 Vietnamese surnames, encompassing those of all 54 ethnic groups in the country, with 165 identified as Kinh surnames. However, the “precise number of Kinh surnames remains uncertain” and further onomastic studies are required for a more accurate determination (Lê [1992] 2005, p. 38). Many researchers, when addressing the count of Kinh surnames, generally employ the term “several hundred”, refraining from providing an exact enumeration. Although (Phạm 1996, p. 53) concedes his inability to present a comprehensive list of Kinh surnames, the researcher does furnish a catalog of 174 monosyllabic Kinh surnames, which is regarded as the most comprehensive to date. It is noteworthy that the majority of Kinh surnames are monosyllabic, while the rest are either joint or compound surnames. During the research studies conducted by the author on Vietnamese names, a systematic cataloging process identified 312 distinct surnames within the Kinh population (see Appendix A). This pivotal finding is rooted in the analysis of data from the 2006 university entrance examination, which encompassed 883,835 candidates who participated in the exams nationwide. The statistics were officially disclosed by the Ministry of Education and Training (MOET) in 2006. This database includes essential information fields regarding candidates, encompassing full names, birthdates, gender, birthplaces, ethnicity, schools, districts, and provinces. Extracting data from individuals self–declaring as “Kinh” in the ethnicity field yields a total of 312 records. It is important to note that this information is self–reported by the candidates and has not undergone a verification process for accuracy (see also Nguyễn 2010).

According to Lê ([1992] 2005), the Nguyễn family name is the most populous in Viet Nam, comprising 38.4% of the population. The second–largest is the Trần family name with 12.1%, followed by the Lê at 9.5%, the Phạm at 7%, the Hoàng/Huỳnh at 5.1%, the Phan at 4.5%, and the Vũ/Võ at 3.9%. These seven family names alone account for 80.5% of the population. The Nguyễn surname, along with 13 other common ones, make up approximately 90% of the population of Viet Nam.

Figure 1 presents 14 common surnames of the Vietnamese people along with their respective population percentages as compiled (Lê [1992] 2005).

Nevertheless, the compilation of the 15 common surnames among the Vietnamese people in the book 100 Common Surnames in Viet Nam published by the Viet Nam Social Sciences Publishing House in 2022 (NXBKHXH), presents slightly different percentages.

As seen in Figure 2, the 15 most common surnames in Viet Nam collectively constitute well over 90% of the population. In contrast, the 15 most popular surnames in the United States represent less than six percent of the population (Nosowitz 2017).

3.4. The Nguyễn Surname

As regards the popularity of Nguyễn, this family name is unarguably the most common surname of the Vietnamese people (as Kim and Park are in Korea). By some estimates, 30 to 39 percent of Vietnamese people bear this surname (Lê [1992] 2005). The author’s compilation and analysis of the 100 most commonly occurring surnames from a list of 883,835 candidates aforementioned reveals that the Nguyễn surname was identified as representing 31.5689% at the national level, with percentages of 30.61% in Ho Chi Minh City and 39.01% in Hà Nội (see Appendix B; see also Nguyễn 2010).

Nosowitz (2017) learned from the censuses in the Anglosphere in the first two decades of the 21st century that Smith is still the most commonly used surname. As per the 2010 US census, approximately 0.8% of Americans bear this surname. According to the data from the 2015 KOSIS census, the three most commonly occurring surnames in Korea are Kim, Lee, and Park, representing 21.5%, 14.7%, and 8.4% of the population, respectively. Meanwhile, in Viet Nam, the prevalence of the Nguyễn surname is staggering, constituting a remarkable 30% to 40% of the entire population. It is not an exaggeration that for approximately every three Vietnamese individuals, one bears the surname Nguyễn (noting that the country’s population was about over 96 million in 2019).

But why is Nguyễn so populous? Regarding the Nguyễn surname, it holds an additional, somewhat perplexing reason for its prevalence, especially from a Western perspective. According to Lê ([1992] 2005), during the reign of Trần Thái Tông in 1232, after seizing power from the Lý dynasty, Trần Thủ Độ—the de facto ruler—citing the reason that the Trần family had the same surname as the Lý family, ordered all individuals with the surname Lý, who were descendants of the just–overthrown royal family, to change their surname to Nguyễn. However, the true intention was to eliminate the Lý royal family from memory by effectively discontinuing the use of the Lý surname. This historical event adds another layer of complexity to the prevalence and significance of the Nguyễn surname.

Moreover, the tradition of adopting the ruler’s family name as a display of loyalty likely explains the abundance of Nguyễn in Viet Nam. Similar instances occurred in Korea with the surname Park, originating from King Hyeokgeose Park, the founder of a thousand–year dynasty. While this naming practice is not unique to Viet Nam, it reflects a historical tendency, as seen in Korea where the name Park (or Bak precisely) was embraced by many after a peasant revolution in 1894 as a symbol of caste system abolition (Chung 2014, p. 71). The Nguyễn surname, originally significant, became even more prevalent as it evolved into the ruling lineage dominating the entire country for several centuries. With more than 300 years spanning nine lords and thirteen kings (until 1945), this family name experienced substantial growth. This does not include the additional families who adopted the Nguyễn surname as a distinguished reward granted by the king for their loyalty (the king’s surname).

Besides its popularity, the pronunciation of the Nguyễn surname is also significantly impressive. There is a myth that one cannot be proficient in the Vietnamese language if they cannot pronounce the Nguyễn surname correctly. These variations are not necessarily wrong, but a fundamental challenge arises from the fact that there is not a universally accepted pronunciation for Nguyễn. The initial “Ng” sound is unfamiliar to Western ears as the beginning of a word. Viet Nam encompasses various dialects, with the primary division hinging on geography, particularly between the north and south. In the south, where sounds are often clipped, Nguyễn might be pronounced akin to “Win” or “Wen”. Conversely, in the north, the pronunciation tends to retain the full sound, resulting in something closer to “N’Win” or “Nuh’Win”, all compressed into a single syllable as best as possible. For a more technical characterization of the pronunciation, see footnote 5.5

Interestingly, Nguyễn—the most widely used name—also happens to be the most challenging to pronounce!

3.5. Vietnamese Surnames—The Meaning

All Vietnamese surnames have linguistic origins. Yet, as the aforementioned researchers emphasize, the majority of Vietnamese surnames are now etymologically opaque, being regarded more as names than as words.

In Vietnamese, another term referring to the mass is “trăm họ”, which literally means “hundred surnames.” As Lê ([1992] 2005) and Lê (2013) maintain, among the surnames some trace back to three or four thousand years, to a time when each tribe had its own symbol, be it a plant, an animal, or an object. Subsequently, certain families adopted these symbols as their surnames, for example, the surname Âu. Others symbolize professions, such as the surname Đào “potter”, or reflect the way of life of a tribe, as in the case of the surname Trần “fishery at river lower reaches.” Some denote the origin of the tribe or family. Initially, surnames were tribal names, which is why in English, they are referred to as “patronyms to distinguish them from “family name”.

Originally recorded in Classical Chinese, later supplemented with Nôm script (ancient Vietnamese Chinese script) and eventually romanized into Quốc ngữ (national language script, romanized writing system), Vietnamese family names have undergone significant influences along their historical journey. They have undergone transformations or misconceptions, making it challenging for contemporary individuals to grasp their original meanings. Despite sharing the same pronunciation as today, not every character necessarily evokes the same meaning. For instance, the surname Ðinh is now understood to mean “citizen” or “person”, but its historical meaning may have been different. Quách carries the connotation of something sturdy, resistant, and simultaneously signifies an outer layer. The surname Lê originally meant “common people” in a general sense (Lê [1992] 2005).

For the reasons mentioned, when these surnames are recorded, they are understood as being written as a common noun but not necessarily interpreted to have the exact same meaning as that noun. Similar to how the English have surnames such as Butcher, Baker, and Smith, which may indicate their ancestors’ professions, the characters in these surnames do not necessarily have to evoke actions, states, or objects associated with the noun. This is especially true since the introduction of the Latin alphabet, where characters are less pictorial and can be more prone to misunderstandings. Surnames listed in contemporary dictionaries should not be considered definitively meaningful. Therefore, it is not possible to assert that a surname written in a certain way must mean a specific thing, or that it is equivalent to a common noun describing an object or action.

3.6. Vietnamese Surnames—Legal Issues

As observed by Thiều (2023), in the Civil Code of 2015, the right to have a surname and given name is regulated in Article 26, part of Section 2 concerning personal rights.

Within the specific factors that define an individual, the surname and given name are often considered the most fundamental. The surname of an individual notionally reflects their bloodline origin, while the given name serves as a unique identifier for each person. Article 26, Section 1 of the Civil Code of 2015 affirms: “Individuals have the right to have a surname and given name (including a middle name, if any). The surname and given name of a person are determined based on that person’s birth registration.” This provision highlights the intimate connection between the right to have a surname and given name and the right to register one’s birth. In essence, the surname and given name of an individual correspond to the entries in their birth registration document.

The determination of an individual’s surname at birth is regulated under Section 2, Article 26 of the Civil Code of 2015, specifically stating: “The surname of an individual is determined by agreement between the father’s surname and the mother’s surname; in the absence of an agreement, the child’s surname is determined based on customary practices. In cases where the father’s surname cannot be determined, the child’s surname is determined based on the mother’s surname.”

In the case of abandoned children, when the biological parents cannot be identified and the child is adopted, the surname of the child is determined based on the surname of the adoptive father, or of the adoptive mother as agreed upon by the adoptive parents. If there is only one adoptive parent, then the child’s surname is determined by that person’s surname. If the abandoned child has not been adopted, and the biological parents cannot be identified, the child’s surname is determined based on the proposal of the head of the childcare facility or the requestor for the child’s birth registration if the child is temporarily under their care.

Therefore, compared to the regulations on the right to have a surname and given name in Article 26 of the Civil Code of 2005, the provisions on this right in the Civil Code of 2015 have been expressed more clearly. This is evident through the addition of the possibility of including a middle name (if any) in Section 1 and the determination of the surname for the person born, based on the agreement between the father and mother. In cases where there is no agreement between the parents, the surname of the child, during the birth registration process, is determined based on customary practices.

4. Conclusions

In summary, this study has used the lens of onomastics to conduct a detailed investigation of Vietnamese surnames, with a focus on those associated with the Kinh group. The article effectively presents a comprehensive analysis of Vietnamese naming customs, outlining the widely used [Surname + (Middle name) + Given name] structure. Through a thorough investigation of the origin, unique traits, distribution, and quantity of Vietnamese surnames, this study has shown the diverse range of naming customs that exist within the Kinh population. The focus on the ubiquitous Nguyễn surname has revealed intriguing insights into its widespread usage, further deepening our understanding of its cultural prevalence. Additionally, the discussion on the meanings associated with Vietnamese surnames and the legal considerations surrounding them has underscored the intricate nature of these linguistic artifacts.

Unlike given names, which theoretically could be derived from any lexical words, the inventory of Kinh family names remains relatively limited, documented at several hundred (174 as per Phạm Tất Thắng’s findings in 1996 and 312 based on this current dataset). Furthermore, the semantic distinctions of Kinh family names often elude clarity and contemporary understanding. The primary challenges encountered in this research pertain to the acquisition of comprehensive, reliable, and current data. Notably, the research faces the limitations of a database that, while of high quality, is dated back to 2006. Consequently, the study underscores the necessity for future investigations to diligently amass data reflective of more recent demographic shifts and nomenclatural developments in the realm of Vietnamese family names, particularly within the Kinh ethnic group. More studies and discussions are recommended to help uncover the many facets of Vietnamese surnames and to help people understand the rich linguistic history that has shaped the identity of the Kinh ethnic group and the Vietnamese people as a whole.

This study aspires to serve as a substantive scholarly asset, targeting academics, researchers, and enthusiasts intrigued by the complexities, historical development, and cultural relevance of Vietnamese surnames. By intertwining historical context with cultural insights, the article contributes to an enriched understanding of onomastics in Viet Nam. It endeavors to present a nuanced perspective on the intricate interplay among language, history, and identity within the specific domain of Vietnamese onomastics, fostering a comprehensive appreciation of the subject matter.