Procurators, Priests and Clerics: Male Leadership of the Beguinage of St. Elizabeth of Valenciennes in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries

Abstract

This study examines the distinctive male leadership—comprising procurators, parish priests, and chaplains—of the beguinage of St. Elizabeth in Valenciennes during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. Contrary to the majority of beguine communities in the southern Low Countries, where leadership appointments were dictated by religious or secular authorities, this community was entitled to elect its male administrators autonomously. The elected were generally influential figures in local religious and secular affairs and maintained a close relationship with the comital family of Hainaut. The analysis will demonstrate how this politically embedded ecclesiastical framework not only ensured doctrinal legitimacy but also mediated conflicts between secular lords and church authorities, thus enabling the community’s survival amid accusations of heresy and institutional repression. By examining the electoral criteria and functional specialization of male leaders, and their interactions with self-governed beguines, this research tries to offer a new perspective on the complex governance strategies of the medieval beguine movement.

1. Introduction

At the turn of the thirteenth century, a new form of religious community emerged, primarily composed of women, as part of the pursuit of the Vita Apostolica. Originating in the southern Netherlands, these communities, known as beguinages, quickly spread to northern France and the Rhineland. As the beguines grew in both numbers and influence, the question of how to effectively supervise and regulate them became a pressing concern for ecclesiastical authorities, who found themselves increasingly in competition with secular lords over this issue. By the late thirteenth century, the beguine movement appeared to split,1 with its direction increasingly escaping the control of Church authorities. This tension reached a peak on 1 June 1310, when Marguerite Porete, a beguina de Hannonia,2 was executed as a relapsed heretic for her controversial work, The Mirror of Simple Souls, which had intensified the Church’s suspicions toward all the beguines.

Two years later, the Council of Vienne issued two pivotal decrees, Ad nostrum and Cum de quibusdam mulieribus, which marked a turning point for the beguine movement. On one hand, their “sect” was identified as adherents of the so-called “Free-Spirit heresy”; on the other hand, the status beguinarum was prohibited. While these decrees ostensibly imposed dual doctrinal and lifestyle prohibitions on beguine communities, their applicability to the large and well-established beguinages (curtis) scattered across the Low Countries remained ambiguous. On 31 December 1320, Pope John XXII further intensified scrutiny by issuing Cum de mulieribus, thus directing the bishops of Toulon, Tournai, Cambrai, and Paris to verify the orthodoxy of beguines within their dioceses.3 Henceforth, until the fifteenth century, bishops and their agents adopted various approaches in their jurisdictions to manage these groups of “pious layfolk” through multiple rounds of inquiries, reflecting the complex and evolving relationship between the beguines and the Church.

Although the stance of Church authorities remained ambiguous and inconsistent, the beguine communities across the regions undeniably faced hostility from both religious and secular forces. As a result, these communities and their protectors were compelled to respond actively. In July 1318, John of Dürbheim, the Bishop of Strasbourg, wrote to the Pope, criticizing certain bishops and procurators for failing to distinguish between virtuous and problematic beguines. He condemned their indiscriminate attitude, which had severely disrupted the former’s lives.4 By 1323, the Bishop of Utrecht, after conducting a thorough investigation, granted protection to the beguines within his diocese (Simons 2023, Part one, para. 19 and note 45). In regions where secular lords held greater influence, such as Flanders and Hainaut, the survival of beguine communities largely depended on the support of these local rulers.

Perhaps in early 1319, Count Robert of Flanders petitioned the Pope, defending quedam mulieres ab antique honeste et quasi sancte (certain women long regarded as honorable and almost saintly) within his domain. He requested the Pope to permit them to continue their traditional lifestyle.5 In June of the same year, he instructed his advisor, Henry Braem, to shield the beguinage of St. Elizabeth in Ghent from all accusations (Simons 2001, p. 134). As a descendant of Joan and Margaret of Constantinople, Countesses of Flanders and Hainaut, Robert upheld his ancestors’ legacy by steadfastly protecting the beguine communities they had founded. Even on the eve of the Council of Vienne, he vigorously appealed to Pope Clement V, arguing against the Bishop of Tournai’s attempts to interfere with these secular communities—a stance reminiscent of his father, Count Guy, who had defended the beguinage of Ghent in 1284 (Simons 2014, p. 338). The Counts of Flanders insisted their authority over these beguine communities and actively safeguarded their customs and rights in the face of external challenges. Unfortunately, while Count Robert’s petition has survived, all investigation reports from his fief have been lost. However, in neighboring Hainaut, equally having a deep connection with the countesses’ beguine heritage, a highly detailed inquisitorial report has been preserved in the beguinage of St. Elizabeth of Valenciennes, where the heretic Porete once resided. This invaluable document offers a rare glimpse into the intricate interplay of religious and secular forces during this turbulent period of lay religious movements of women, shedding light on the struggles and resilience of these communities.

The report reveals that on 28 July 1323, Pierre, the Bishop of Cambrai, acting in response to the decree of Pope John XXII, delegated the task of investigating the beguines of Valenciennes to Godefroy, the abbot of Vicoigne Abbey. On 4 August 1323, Godefroy, accompanied by a dozen prominent religious and secular figures from Valenciennes and its surroundings, the entire male leadership of the beguinage, and Countess Joan of Valois of Hainaut (along with her two daughters, Marguerite and Joan), launched a full-scale but hurried investigation into the beguinage of St. Elizabeth of Valenciennes. The inquiry was conducted in the beguinage’s church and lasted until nearly vespers. During this period, the inquisitor Godefroy meticulously interrogated several local friars and thirty-five beguines, including three magistrae and their assistants. The result of this investigation demonstrated that, despite the presence of a heretical Marghoneta (i.e., Marguerite Porete), the other beguines in the community were of impeccable conduct and should not be reproached. Consequently, Godefroy and the Countess formally declared that the beguines of St. Elizabeth were permitted to continue their way of life and to resume wearing the distinctive attire that symbolized their identity.6

At first glance, this report is unremarkable except for its reference to Marguerite Porete. However, a closer examination reveals several unusual aspects. First, Pierre de Lévis-Mirepoix, the Bishop of Cambrai, although implementing Cum de mulieribus only after three years in his diocese, started his investigation with Valenciennes. Second, the appointment of the inquisitor for Valenciennes was notably deliberate and carefully considered, especially when compared to other beguinages in the same diocese.7 The scale of the investigation, evident in the number of participants and the diversity of their backgrounds, seems even more striking given the presence of the comital family members. Nevertheless, this inquiry does not appear to have resulted from long-term planning. Only one week elapsed between Godefroy’s appointment and the conclusion of the investigation. Moreover, Godefroy, the abbot of a Premonstratensian house in the neighboring Diocese of Arras, served as the procurator of this beguinage. These details suggest that the investigation was largely symbolic, designed to dissociate St. Elizabeth from Porete and to restore its reputation publicly.

Huanan Lu’s recent study highlights the exceptional nature of this inquiry, particularly in terms of its timing, procedural thoroughness, and deliberate selection of inquisitor and witnesses. The list of witnesses resembles a veritable comital delegation, as it includes not only Countess Joan and her two daughters but also clerics from her inner circle and ecclesiastics connected to her (Lu 2021b, p. 466). In particular, the inquisitor Godefroy served as an adviser to Count Guillaume I; Master Arnoul of St. Ghislain, tabellion, was a prominent cleric within the administration of the counts of Hainaut; and Master Guillaume Foullet, canon of the chapter of Antoing, was a trusted figure in Countess Joan’s circle. Moreover, among the sixteen other individuals recorded in the report, fifteen were ecclesiastics from Valenciennes. This group included nearly the entire male leadership of St. Elizabeth (one parish priest, two chaplains, and two clerics, but excluding procurator Godefroy who was also the inquisitor) as well as ten Mendicant friars (six Dominicans and four Franciscans) (Lu 2021b, pp. 464–65).8

This investigation reveals that, although it was formally initiated by the Bishop of Cambrai under the Pope’s directive—reflecting the Church’s concern and unease regarding the beguinage of St. Elizabeth of Valenciennes as the former residence of Marguerite Porete—the true orchestrators of the process were secular lords and their representatives at various levels. From the bishop’s appointment of the beguinage’s provisor as the investigator, to the investigator’s organization of testimonies from the local religious and secular elite, and finally to the ceremonial conclusion of the inquiry by the countess and the investigator, every step underscored the determination of the comital family of Hainaut to protect this beguinage. In essence, the protective network of these secular lords emerged as the most significant during the investigation in Valenciennes, while the Church authorities, represented by the Pope and the bishop, neither exerted substantial influence nor determined the survival of this community.9

However, it is important to note that the will of secular lords was implemented through a committee composed of male religious members sanctioned by the Church rather than direct seigneurial orders. In other words, the entire male leadership of St. Elizabeth, as local representatives of the Church, acted in alignment with the will of the Counts of Hainaut and collectively ensured the orthodoxy and legitimacy of the beguinage. This intricate interplay of secular and ecclesiastical authorities highlights the complex dynamics that enabled the beguinage to navigate the challenges posed by both religious and political forces during this period.

The beguinage of Valenciennes successfully cleared itself of suspicion, and other large beguine communities across the Low Countries also survived unscathed. If the Church’s aim was to suppress the collective lifestyle of beguines, this goal ultimately failed due to the intervention of powerful religious and secular forces. Especially in Valenciennes, the only beguinage directly linked to a heretic beguine not only avoided rigorous scrutiny but also overcame the crisis swiftly and safely. In this deliberately orchestrated performance, the countess, as a representative of secular lords, was the “visible” director, while the male clerical-monastic leadership of St. Elizabeth acted as the “invisible” executors of her will. However, was this male leadership system, shaped by the influence of secular lords and instrumental in helping the beguinage survive persecution, merely an emergency measure? The answer is no. As we will explore, this system was deeply rooted in the consistent policy of the sisters Joan and Margaret of Constantinople toward the beguines and closely tied to Valenciennes’ unique political, geographical, and religious contexts. Furthermore, it was continuously refined and optimized through the long-term efforts of the magistrae of the beguinage. This system was essential to the beguinage’s successful survival, recovery, and even development in the decades that followed.

The pre-institutional phase of the beguine movement saw an attraction of the piety and spirituality of early mulieres religiosae to numerous hagiographers, their confessors in particular, leading scholars to focus on their private spiritual experiences.10 After the formation of institutional beguine communities, as Simons notes, “larger courts eventually obtained ‘parochial’ status, which entailed the appointment of a special parish priest, sometimes assisted by one or more chaplains, to serve the beguines of the court. A few courts that did not gain parochial status and remained subservient to a higher parochial authority nonetheless retained special chaplains to perform liturgical services in the beguine chapel (Simons 2001, p. 51).” Galloway’s study on the communities of Lille and Douai reveals that “like other devout members of the laity, the beguines of Douai and Lille were placed firmly under the authority of members of the local clergy and religious orders, who celebrated mass for the women, heard their confessions, and offered them spiritual guidance (Galloway 2002, p. 123).” Additionally, scholars have highlighted the role of Mendicant friars in providing spiritual direction to beguines. As Miller observes, “in many of the larger beguine communities of the Low Countries, the mendicant orders—especially the Dominicans—took on supervisory roles as spiritual guardians and financial administrators (Miller 2014, p. 30).” Nicole Bériou analyzes the preaching of Dominican friars and secular masters to Parisian beguines (Bériou 1978),11 while Miller’s other research on the same beguinage emphasizes that not only Dominicans but also Parisian university clerics sought to instruct beguines through sermons (Miller 2007).

Despite these contributions, few researchers have systematically examined the supervision and governance systems of beguinages, St. Elizabeth of Valenciennes in particular. Although Bernadette Carpentier provides an overview of this beguinage’s leadership, the broad temporal scope and limited space of her study result in undetailed arguments and debatable conclusions (Carpentier 1959, pp. 119–25). Many questions about the male leaders of St. Elizabeth remain unanswered. How did they attain their positions—through selection or appointment? What were the criteria for their roles, and did these change over time? What were the specific responsibilities of different offices, and how did they function? What distinguished the beguinage of Valenciennes from others? By analyzing archival materials from the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, this paper seeks to address these questions. The unique male leadership that emerged in Valenciennes offers significant insights into the complex and dynamic governance models of medieval beguine communities, particularly given its association with a famous heretic. Furthermore, it sheds light on the practical challenges the Church faced in its efforts to control this lay women’s religious movement, providing a valuable case study for understanding the interplay of religious and secular authorities in the medieval world.

2. The Male Leadership of St. Elizabeth

The administration of beguinages, like that of other female religious communities, relied not only on their magistrae and elder members (the council) but also on external or internal magistri.12 According to the foundation charter of St. Elizabeth of 1239, the establishment of the initial hospital, driven by the significant growth of sancte religionis, necessitated the supervision of virtuous men over the “fragile women”. The charter explicitly stipulated that the hospital must be overseen by a director, a directress, several consultants, and a perpetual chaplain elected by them. Then, the latter would formally be presented by the prior of St. Sauveur to the Bishop of Cambrai (ADN 40 H 552/1333).13

This administrative structure evolved as the community expanded and the parish of St. Elizabeth was organized. Following an extension by Countess Margaret in 1245, two additional chaplains were appointed to serve the hospital and the Maison de la Comtesse (this house is perhaps the predecessor of the Couvent du Sac).14 By the 1260s, an independent parish was established, and the Couvent du Sac was henceforth directed by its own prioress and operated according to its own regulations. As a result, in addition to the original chapel and that of the Maison de la Comtesse, two other perpetual chapels, the one called Bellain or Biellaing, the other Abrisiel or Abrissiel, functioned within the church of St. Elizabeth (Le Boucq 1844, p. 74).15

By the turn of the fourteenth century, a relatively stable leadership structure had emerged, reflecting the division of powers within the beguinage. At the top, a male religious figure presided, often referred to as the procurator, provisor, master, or sovereign. Below him were a grand mistress, who, assisted by the council, oversaw the entire beguinage, and a mistress responsible for the hospital and the church. Additionally, a parish priest and two chaplains managed the parish of St. Elizabeth, sometimes aided by one or two clerics. Together, the procurator, parish priest, chaplains, and clerics formed the male leadership of St. Elizabeth, ensuring the community’s spiritual and administrative governance.

2.1. Procurator

Although the profile of procurators varied from place to place and even in time (Philippen 1918, pp. 241–47), it seems that they were typically appointed by or entrusted to a fixed local religious institution. For example, according to the regulations of the hospital of Cantimpré in Mons of 1279, Countess Margaret transferred the property and governance rights of the hospital to the chapter of St. Waudru (Devillers 1865, pp. 253–54; Devillers 1866, pp. 175–76). Similarly, in 1327, the prior of the Dominicans, who had probably overseen the Parisian beguines from the beginning, was designated as their official guardian by Charles IV (Le Grand 1893, pp. 318–19). In some cases, leadership was shared among multiple figures, as seen in the regulations of the Grand Cantipré of Reims of 1364. There, the abbot of St. Denis, the prior of the Dominicans, and a third individual chosen by them collectively served as masters and governors of this house (Robert 1924, pp. 245, 279–80).

In contrast, the beguinage of Valenciennes adopted a unique system for selecting its procurators. Unlike other communities where procurators were appointed by secular or religious authorities, the procurators of St. Elizabeth were elected by the beguines themselves. Although no formal rules outlining the election criteria survive, two examples provide valuable clues. On 21 December 1376, Albert of Bavaria, Count Palatine of Hainaut, confirmed that Gautier de Montrécourt, abbot of St. John, was elected provisor and master of the hospital and beguinage, following the magistrae vote. Similarly, on 7 December 1491, the magistrae, the council, and several other beguines, along with their confessor, requested the Count of Hainaut to confirm the election of Pierre Godemare as their new provisor, succeeding the deceased Paul de Roeulx. The notarized letter emphasized that this election adhered to the traditional customs of the beguinage.16

Pierre Godemare was the vicar of the Bishop of Cambrai and a canon and treasurer of the church of Cambrai. Described by the beguines as “a notable and prudent man”, he was chosen because he “would be able to serve, help, assist, and favor the affairs and transactions of the said beguinage more than anyone else”.17 These records suggest a consistent electoral procedure: first, the magistrae and other leading beguines elected a candidate; then, they presented him to the Count of Hainaut for a formal confirmation. The candidate, typically a local canon or monk,18 was expected to be reputable, wise, and capable of supporting the beguines’ spiritual and economic interests.

2.2. Parish Priest and Chaplains

The selection of priests for beguinages generally followed two patterns: appointment by the abbot or abbess of a governing abbey, or direct election by the beguinage’s leadership. For instance, the abbot of Cantimpré in Cambrai, who held the cure of the parish of St. Sauveur, retained the right to designate priests for the local beguinage of Cantimpré (Delmaire 2004, p. 81, n°9; Delmaire 1989, p. 154). At the beguinage of St. Elizabeth or Notre Dame of Maubeuge, the parish priest and chaplains were appointed by the abbess of the chapter of St. Aldegonde (Jennepin 1909, p. 541; Jennepin 1889—Plan à vol d’oiseau de la ville de Maubeuge vers 1550). The abbot of Villers, who had the authority to nominate chaplains for the beguines of Tirlemont (Panzer 1994, p. 172), also held the right to present the priests of the beguinage of Louvain, while the canons of St. Pierre claimed the right to designate and present their candidates (Panzer 1994, pp. 173–74; McDonnell 1954, pp. 170–71). At La Vigne of Brussels, the right to appoint priests, originally held by the chapter of St. Gudule, was transferred to the abbot of Villers in 1275 and later to the monks of St. Bernard (Panzer 1994, p. 172). At the beguinage of Lierre, the abbot of St. Bernard reserved the right to nominate its chaplains, while the right to present them was left to the chapter of St. Gummar (McDonnell 1954, p. 182).19

Other communities adopted the second method, namely direct election by the beguinage’s leadership. For example, at the beguinage of St. Catherine in Tongeren, the mistresses and the oldest beguines were responsible for selecting parish priests and chaplains, a practice formalized by the order of Bishop Englebert de la Marck on May 10, 1353 (Thys 1881, p. 35). However, the rector of this beguinage did not have the authority to appoint vicars or other employees, although he was responsible “for receiving at his tables the religious of the Mendicant Orders who came to preach at the beguinage (Thys 1881, pp. 33–34)”. In Bruges, the prior of the Dominicans assisted the mistress of the beguinage in appointing the chaplain (Miller 2014, p. 31).

In Valenciennes, the appointment of priests followed a distinct procedure rooted in the foundation charter and the act of 1245. The selection of priests remained within the purview of the procurator and the council, specifically the magistrae and elder beguines. They elected priests and presented them to the prior of St. Sauveur who would further present them to the bishop for obtaining a final approval (ADN 40 H 630/1839). This custom persisted for centuries, despite repeated attempts by the prior of St. Sauveur to monopolize the power of appointing priests for St. Elizabeth.

2.3. Clerics

The origins of clerics in St. Elizabeth were poorly documented, but their responsibilities are frequently outlined in the acts of donation. Under some circumstances, benefactors asked clerics to perform specific duties, such as saying anniversary masses. In 1273, Catherine de Chastel made a donation to the hospital of St. Elizabeth, specifying that after her death, the hospital should pay two sous to the priest, two sous six deniers to two chaplains, and six deniers to the cleric to make them celebrate masses on her death anniversary. Similarly, in 1283, following a donation of land by a beguine named Marie la Buillourde, the mistress and procurator of the hospital were required to annually distribute twelve deniers to each of the three priests and six deniers to the cleric (ADN 40 H 558/1365; 40 H 559/1379). These records reveal a hierarchy in compensation, with the parish priest normally receiving the highest amount and the cleric the least.

By the fourteenth century, the duties of clerics became more clearly defined, particularly when it comes to funeral services. They were often tasked with ringing bells on death anniversaries. For example, in 1309, Marie de Corwanne donated an annuity of ten sous tournois to the poor beguines of St. Elizabeth, stipulating that the hospital pay twelve deniers tournois to the priest and eight deniers to each of the two chaplains for vigils and masses, and four deniers to the cleric for ringing the bell on her death anniversary. In 1321, Alexandre Martinne, besides a donation of two mencaudées of land to the charity of St. Elizabeth, allocated two sous tournois to the priest and eighteen deniers to each of the two chaplains for two masses, and six deniers to the cleric for ringing the bell on her death anniversary (ADN 40 H 559/1398; 40 H 560/1406).

In addition to funeral services, clerics also took on educational roles, at least from the fifteenth century onward. However, they appear to have been responsible only for teaching boys, while girls were under the supervision of beguines (Carpentier 1959, pp. 122, 147–48). Moreover, clerics occasionally participated in the administrative affairs of the beguinage. In 1319, Mathieu, a cleric of the hospital, registered a donation of rent to the hospital made by Marie Hieseline, wife of Jean Bouchedor, before the mayor and aldermen of St. Sauveur. Gautier Hustin and Jean Parens, clerics of the church of St. Elizabeth around 1323, served as witnesses during the investigation. Another cleric, Jean Boistiaus, acted as one of the personnes responsible for an annuity owed by the hospital to Grart de Baralles.20

It is noteworthy that priests and procurators were sometimes referred to as clerics in medieval documents. For example, Jacquemart d’Haspres was mentioned as a cleric in 1372 but as a procurator in 1380.21 Martin de Moustier, the procurator in 1394 and 1396, was cited as a cleric in 1398.22 Despite these occasional overlaps in terminology, medieval records generally distinguished between the roles of procurators, parish priests, chaplains, and clerics.23 While their identities and functions were multifaceted, these male leaders often collaborated to ensure the smooth operation of the beguinage.

3. Their Distinctive Functions and Cooperation

The male religious authority of St. Elizabeth was primarily embodied in three key areas: organizing the community (including the establishment of hospitals, infrastructure, the Couvent du Sac, and parish settings), regulating beguines’ behaviors (through the formulation of rules and regulations, as well as daily spiritual guidance), and managing temporal affairs (such as buying, selling, and leasing properties, along with other economic activities).

Although the initial formation of St. Elizabeth was rooted in the large gathering of beguines in Valenciennes, male religious groups significantly influenced its ultimate establishment. According to the charter of 1239, its foundation was facilitated by the collective efforts of Bishop Gui de Laon, Ralph (prior of St. Sauveur and patron of the parish of St. Nicolas), and the abbots of St. Sépulcre, St. Aubert, and Cantimpré of Cambrai.24 The property for the hospital’s construction, donated by a bourgeois named Mary, was managed by its first procurator, Gautier de Haussy, and a local Dominican friar, Henry de Quesnoy (ADN 40 H 556/1344). As the community expanded and disputes arose with the surrounding parish, the Bishop of Cambrai appointed a commissioner, along with provisor Guillaume de Werchin and presbyter Jean d’Avesnes-le-Sec, to mediate and resolve these conflicts (ADN 59 H 10/65 and Le Boucq 1844, p. 74).

In fact, nearly all communal installations and acquisitions of usufruct at St. Elizabeth involved the participation or mediation of procurators and priests. Three procurators—Gautier de Haussy, Guillaume de Werchin, and Godefroy de Bavay—witnessed a donation of immovable property made by Countess Margaret to the beguines of St. Elizabeth and later to those of the Couvent du Sac.25 In February 1265, procurator Guillaume, with the consent of the bishop and Countess Margaret, installed the parish priest and chaplains of St. Elizabeth in a house purchased by the hospital from Jean Gaudier (ADN 40 H 613/1656). Jean de Famars, serving as the parish priest and provisor of the hospital of St. Elizabeth in 1260, acquired a quarter of the mill of Salice/Delsaux for the beguines (ADN 40 H 613/1655/A). Additionally, the beguinage’s right to utilize the mill of Fossart and all its appendages was made possible through the persistent efforts of two procurators (Gautier de Haussy and Étienne Maulion) and several priests (Jean de Thuin, parish priest; Jean de Fontenelles and Ernoul le Hongre, chaplains) (ADN 40 H 642; 40 H 615/1681).

Procurators and priests also played pivotal roles in establishing and regulating the behavior of these pious women. The regulations of 1262 for the Couvent du Sac were formulated “on the advice of the abbot of St. John of Valenciennes, the prior of the Friars Preachers, the guardian of the Friars Minor, and Monseigneur Jean de Famars, then parish priest of St. Elizabeth”.26 Seven years later, when Countess Margaret transferred the property initially donated to the hospital to the beguines du Sac, procurator Guillaume de Werchin further refined their behavioral guidelines. The new rule stipulated that these beguines “had to live following the advice of the parish priest and magistrae of the beguinage”.27 Additionally, the provisor established several rules regarding the ownership and usage of the priests’ residence, requiring the parish priest, chaplains, and their successors to lead a peaceful and honest life under the provisor’s guidance (ADN 40 H 613/1656).

In the parish of St. Elizabeth, the parish priest and two chaplains served the two chapels of the beguinage and occasionally celebrated death anniversaries with the assistance of clerics. Like in other parishes, the parish priest was responsible for ensuring the divine offices and administering the sacraments to the faithful. For the spiritual instruction of his parishioners, he was required to preach and supplement his teaching by inviting other preachers to his church (Carpentier 1959, p. 122). Unlike procurators, priests lived on the edge of the beguinage and were closely associated with the beguines. Beyond their parish duties, they intervened in other daily affairs, acting as personnes alongside other beguines or mistresses. This involvement is their third primary function: conducting commercial activities on behalf of individual beguines or the entire community.

As the sole external governors of the beguinage, procurators managed the practical interests of the beguines. For example, in October 1243, Elekine, daughter of Roger d’Elesmes, granted a third of the tithe of Bettignies to provisor Gautier de Haussy in the presence of several lords of honor. On 28 October of this year, the same provisor granted Elekine half of the usufruct of this tithe, enabling her to maintain her desired lifestyle. Seven years later, Pierre de Collemezzo, cardinal-bishop of Albano and legate of the Holy See, confirmed this donation in a letter to the provisor of St. Elizabeth (ADN 40 H 556/1343J; 40 H 579/1527; 40 H 556/1348). Procurators frequently received significant donations on behalf of the beguinage, such as an annuity of twenty muids of wheat from Robert de Beuvrages and 120 livres blancs from Alexandre de Forêt in 1252, twenty mencaudées of land from Cécile de Vimy in 1258, a rent of 190 livres from Marie de Pont, daughter of a knight, in 1272, a substantial sum including rents and land from Marguerite d’Aubenton in 1318, and a bequest of six muids of land from Isabella La Vilaine in 1352 (ADN 40 H 613/1650/A/B; 40 H 557/1351; 40 H 558/1364; 40 H 560/1401; 40 H 562/1451). Land and real estate transactions were another crucial responsibility of procurators. Shortly after the hospital’s establishment in 1239, the procurator of St. Elizabeth transferred several inheritances to women and girls wishing to adopt the beguine way of life.28 This initiative not only facilitated their settlement in the beguinage but also provided the community with a steady revenue stream.

What deserves particular mention is that procurators rarely attended town halls alone to sign acts or chirographs. Instead, they occasionally appointed some clerics of the beguinage as their agents. For instance, in 1364, cleric Guillaume Wille, holding a letter from procurator Étienne Maulion, acted on behalf of the hospital before the mayor and aldermen of Vicq to resolve a dispute between Jean Wakenart and Jacquemart over several lands, meadows, and inheritances located in the city. Similarly, in 1394, at the request of procurator Martin du Moustier, Étienne Goullot was appointed as a personne for seventeen mencaudées and nine boistelées of arable land in Saulzoir, in the presence of the city’s magistrates (ADN 40 H 624/1788; 40 H 607/1625).

The financial responsibilities of priests closely resembled those of the magistrae, as they were also tasked with accepting donations, as well as buying, selling, and renting properties on behalf of the community. In 1270, chaplain André de Perwes witnessed the sale of a house within the beguinage to the hospital by two beguines, Marie Solesmes and her sister Heluis. A notarial act from 1334 reveals that priest Philippe Bordelle acquired a large piece of land from Marie d’Avesnes, promising to establish a sanctuary for her in the church of St. Elizabeth. In 1346, chaplain Simon d’Élouges purchased an annuity of 105 sous blancs for the charity from Maigne Aliboune. Five years later, he signed an agreement on behalf of the charity concerning a house and a piece of land owned by Jean Crespin, located by the road d’Audregnies. In 1352, the same chaplain leased six mencaudées of arable land to Jean d’Arras le Boucher and his wife Marie (ADN 40 H 613/1658; 40 H 555/1343; 40 H 636/1895; 40 H 636/1896; 40 H 601/1594).

In theory, leaders at all levels were expected to exercise their respective functions and jointly administer the beguinage. Nevertheless, in practice, their duties often overlapped. Archives from this period document various independent or collaborative acts and transactions. Procurators and priests cooperated primarily for communal rights, such as those related to real estate, parish matters, and seigneurial privileges. Moreover, the frequency of their collaborations was notably higher in the early years than in the fourteenth century. It is reasonable to conclude that procurators and priests played a primary role in safeguarding the religious and temporal rights of St. Elizabeth during its formative phase.

4. Characteristics of the Male Leadership

The previous explorations of the selection methods, functions, and practices of the male leaders of St. Elizabeth at all levels outline the apparent features of the administrative model of the beguinage’s ecclesiastics. However, this model also contains several hidden characteristics that warrant closer examination.

Firstly, unlike most beguine communities in the Low Countries, the procurators of St. Elizabeth did not consistently come from the same religious institution, nor did the Mendicants play a significant role in beguines’ spiritual guidance. During the period in question, a total of fourteen religious figures were explicitly identified as procurators or provisors.29 This group included two abbots of St. John of Valenciennes (of the Augustinian order), two abbots of Vicoigne (of the Premonstratensian order), two canons of Condé, a dean of St. Géry of Valenciennes, another dean of Cambrai, a canon of Thuin, a prior of the Val des Écoliers in Mons, an abbot of St. Landelin in Crespin (a Benedictine abbey), and three former clerics of the beguinage. This diversity highlights that traditional monastic orders and ecclesiastical forces remained significantly influential during this period, though none could monopolize its tutelage. Notably, the Mendicant orders, which often oversaw the spiritual matters of beguines in the southern Low Countries, had limited presence here. Additionally, the origins of procurators were not confined to local religious institutions within Valenciennes, further underscoring the broad ecclesiastical involvement in the community.

Ordinarily, in other beguine communities, all priests, including parish priests and chaplains, came from the same religious institution. At the Cantimpré of Mons, the priors of Val des Écoliers would always assume the role of spiritual director (Devillers 1875, p. 447). At the beguinage of St. Catherine of Tongres, chaplains, rectors, and parish priests all originated from the church of St. Jacques (Thys 1881, pp. 16–17, 36, 420). In Lille, the spiritual direction of the beguinage of St. Elizabeth was initially entrusted to the priest of the parish of St. André; then, on 15 July 1277, at the behest of Countess Margaret, this responsibility was transferred to the prior of the Friars Preachers, who would annually appoint a priest to serve the chapel of the beguinage (Gérard 1983, p. 225; Marseille 1970, p. 82; Ministre de l’instruction publique 1898, p. 435).

The founding charter of the beguinage of St. Elizabeth in Valenciennes mentioned the establishment of a chapel and the appointment of a chaplain to serve it. Since the hospital was initially located within the parish of St. Nicholas, it is reasonable to assume that the spiritual direction of the beguines was then overseen by the parish priest of St. Nicholas, Jean de Famars. He was first referred to as the parish priest (presbyter parrochialis) in this document, and likely led the beguines for approximately twenty years. Following the formation of the independent parish of St. Elizabeth, priests began to have their own housing just outside the gate of the beguinage. Although the method of electing priests continued, the candidacy was no longer monopolized by the priests of St. Nicholas, reflecting a shift toward greater autonomy and diversity in spiritual leadership.

Although none of the priests of St. Elizabeth in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries has a clearly identifiable background, it seems that several procurators of the beguinage transitioned into priestly roles after years of administrative service. For instance, Jean de Thuin, canon of Thuin and master and procurator of St. Elizabeth in 1352 and 1353, was later cited as a parish priest in 1358, 1361, and 1364 (ADN 40 H 562/1451; 40 H 586/1556; 40 H 636/1899; 40 H 636/1898A; 40 H 562/1461). Guillaume Wille, procurator in 1361, was mentioned as a cleric of the hospital in 1367 (ADN 40 H 562/1458; 40 H 624/1788; 40 H 563/1467). While their offices might have been interim, their connections with the beguinage were far from ephemeral. Particularly from the fourteenth century onward, an increasing number of chaplains held fixed and permanent offices, often referred to as perpetual chaplains, such as Jean de Saultain, Jacques de Courtrai, Gillion Lorghilleu, Simon d’Élouges, a certain N., and Jacques de Cambrelent.30

Moreover, some priests and beguines of Valenciennes were linked through kinship ties. Jean de Mons, chaplain in 1303 and 1311, was the cousin of Marie de Mons, a beguine of St. Elizabeth (ADN 40 H 560/1413). Adam de Chastel, priest in 1322, was likely a member of the Chastel family in Valenciennes and a relative of the grand mistress Béatrice de Chastel.31 Similarly, Alard d’Avesnes and Pierre d’Avesnes, priests of the beguinage in the fourteenth century, along with a wealthy beguine named Marie d’Avesnes, were probably connected to the House of Avesnes.32

The second distinctive feature of St. Elizabeth’s male leadership is that most masters, particularly the procurators whose identities are recognizable, maintained close ties with the comital family. In fact, the majority of procurators were closely associated with the lords of Hainaut. Gautier de Haussy, likely the first procurator of St. Elizabeth, was one of the executors of Countess Joan’s will, while Guillaume de Wercin served as an executor of Countess Margaret’s testament (E. Le Glay 1841, pp. 136–38, 217–19; Hautcoeur 1873, p. 206). Jean Gaufier was appointed as one of the procurators and deputies who appealed to the pope on behalf of John II of Avesnes, Count of Hainaut (De Saint-Génois 1782, p. 287). Pierre, chaplain of Philippa of Luxembourg, wife of John II of Avesnes and Countess of Hainaut, Holland, and Zeeland, acted as a witness to the testament of John II of Avesnes (ADN 40 H 614/1661; De Saint-Génois 1782, p. 235). Godfrey of Bavay, adviser to William I the Good and his son William II, Counts of Hainaut, Holland, and Zeeland, was one of the executors of William the Good’s will (Gennevoise 1929, p. 216; Devillers 1878, p. 432).

Furthermore, Étienne Maulion, cleric and adviser to William II, served as one of the executors of the will of Marie d’Artois, Countess of Namur, and also acted as a deputy of Duke Albert of Bavaria, Count Palatine of the Rhine, bailiff, and governor of the counties of Hainaut, Holland, Zeeland, and Friesland (De Saint-Génois 1782, pp. 293, 925, 226). The election of Gautier de Montrécourt by the mistresses of the beguinage was confirmed by Albert of Bavaria on 21 December 1376. Pierre de Tournai, renowned for his political acumen, had been employed by the Count of Hainaut and the city of Mons to negotiate several disputes with neighboring princes during the time of John of Mechelen. Like his predecessor, Albert of Bavaria wanted to reward his loyal services and appointed him to his private council and the court of Mons (Devillers 1886, p. 54). Mathieu I Fievet, treasurer of Hainaut, maintained close relationships with several Dukes of Burgundy, the Count of Hainaut, and the Bavarian family, playing a significant role in their councils (ADN 40 H 563/1475; ADN 62 H 15/237; De Crespin 1923, p. 150).

These loyal seigniors represent 64% of the total number of procurators. If we exclude the three former clerics who headed the beguinage as provisors, this proportion rises to 82%. This phenomenon underscores the deep integration of St. Elizabeth’s leadership into local political and aristocratic networks, highlighting the beguinage’s significance within the broader socio-political landscape of Hainaut.

Finally, the origin and significance of the male leaders of St. Elizabeth underwent a clearly phased evolution, reflecting broader shifts in the community’s governance and external influences. During the first decades of its existence (1239–ca. 1280), the hospital of St. Elizabeth was predominantly supervised by local male religious figures, including the abbot of St. John (Gautier de Haussy), the parish priest of St. Nicolas and later St. Elizabeth (Jean de Famars), and the abbot of Vicoigne (Guillaume de Werchin). These leaders secured essential religious rights and material resources for the community, established fundamental rules and regulations, and laid the groundwork for its stability and growth. In contrast, the role of beguines and their magistrae was less prominent during this period, as they rarely appeared in archival records or were only mentioned anonymously. Additionally, the Mendicant friars, influential in most regions of the Low Countries, only retained advisory roles in significant matters.33

At the turn of the fourteenth century (ca. 1280–ca. 1310), the beguinage not only experienced a change in external governance but also underwent an adjustment of the internal administrative structure. Firstly, the governance of the beguinage shifted from monastic leaders to deans of churches, such as Jean Gaufier, dean of St. Géry of Valenciennes, and Pierre, dean of Notre-Dame of Condé. But few records left by mendicant friars survived this period. Secondly, during this period, the influence of male leaders (magistri) diminished relative to that of the female leaders (magistrae). Benefiting from the independent election of procurators, the beguines took advantage of both monastic and ecclesiastical powers to advance their interests. As the influence of male leaders waned, the magistrae became active in urban affairs, gradually emerging as the true administrators of the beguinage.

Under the influence of the ecclesiastical investigation following the Council of Vienne in 1323, the period from 1311 to 1367 was pivotal for the reorganization of St. Elizabeth’s administrative system.34 During this time, particularly under the leadership of Béatrice de Chastel, the role of male leaders significantly diminished compared to that of the magistrae. External supervision also shifted beyond Valenciennes, as the procuracy of St. Elizabeth returned to the abbot of Vicoigne after a fifty-year hiatus and later fell to Étienne Maulion, a prominent figure in Hainaut (Devillers 1881, pp. 67–8, N°XXX and pp. 250–51, N°CXL; Académie Royale des Sciences, des Lettres et des Beaux-Arts de Belgique 1897, p. 99; A. Le Glay 1849, p. 97). Although the extent of Mendicant involvement in spiritual guidance remains unclear, records of interactions between the beguines and the Dominicans and Franciscans became more frequent. They often celebrated death anniversaries for beguines or benefactors, either in the church of St. Elizabeth or in their own,35 and occasionally served as confessors or executors for beguines.36

In the final decades of the fourteenth century, a new pattern emerged, as the administrative right of St. Elizabeth tended to step across the city walls of Valenciennes. Following the death of Étienne Maulion, Gautier de Montrécourt, another abbot of St. John, was elected procurator of St. Elizabeth.37 His successor was probably Jacquemart or Jacques d’Haspres, a former cleric of St. Elizabeth. Subsequently, the leadership of the community passed to Pierre de Tournai, sub-prior and later prior of the Val des Écoliers of Mons, who likely oversaw the beguinage until 1389. After his resignation,38 Mathieu I Fiévet, abbot of Crespin, assumed control of the community around 1390. Like Maulion and Tournai, Fiévet came from outside Valenciennes. By contrast, the abbey of St. John and that of Vicoigne withdrew from the governance of the beguinage. Apart from Martin de Moustier, whose identity remains unclear,39 only one clergyman from Valenciennes governed the beguinage throughout the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.40 The exchanges between friars and beguines, previously frequent, were no longer active during these turbulent years.41

This phased evolution highlights the dynamic interplay between local and external forces in shaping the governance of St. Elizabeth, as well as the gradual empowerment of the beguines and their magistrae in managing their community.

5. Why Such Particularity?

Such a distinctive model of male leadership was deeply rooted in the consistent policies of Countesses Joan and Margaret toward the beguines, their magistrae in particular, within their domain. It was also intricately tied to the unique political and religious contexts of Valenciennes.

The establishment of the beguinage of Valenciennes in 1239, like many curtis in Flanders and Hainaut, was initiated by Joan and Margaret. The sisters not only provided material support for the construction of beguine communities but also played a pivotal role in shaping their administrative frameworks (Jordan 2000, p. 384). As founders and primary patrons, the countesses, as well as their successors, maintained significant oversight over these communities, particularly in formulating internal regulations and appointing leadership, whereof the core is the nomination of the grand mistress and the definition of the roles of Mendicants. Although the grand mistress of each community was elected by the beguines themselves, the election rules were established by the countesses. To ensure that the behavior of beguines and the structure of their communities aligned with the expectations of both Church and society, the countess sisters occasionally delegated part of their supervisory authority to reliable religious groups, such as the chapter of Saint-Waudru of Mons and the Mendicants of Lille. However, neither the Bishop of Cambrai nor the Bishop of Tournai held full secular jurisdiction over the beguines in Flanders and Hainaut. Additionally, the influence of the friars, significant in beguine groups in other parts of Europe, was relatively limited in this region (Jordan 2000, pp. 372–73).

The situation in Valenciennes largely aligned with this comital policy, though it was more complex and unique. This particularity stemmed primarily from Valenciennes’ distinctive geographical location, divided by the Scheldt River. In the Middle Ages, the city served as both a political border between France and the Holy Roman Empire and a junction between Flanders and Hainaut. It also marked the diocesan boundary between the dioceses of Arras and Cambrai. Under these circumstances, Valenciennes naturally became a focal point of competition among various political and religious forces. As one of the two largest beguinages in Hainaut, St. Elizabeth’s administrative system was inevitably shaped by these geopolitical factors.

The shifts in political domination directly influenced the sources of power on which the beguinage could rely. Following the death of Countess Margaret (until the late fourteenth century), the House of Avesnes, the Kingdom of France,42 and the House of Bavaria successively became lords of Hainaut and, consequently, the primary patrons of St. Elizabeth. The management of the beguinage adapted to the evolving political regime. Valenciennes, once the capital of the County of Hainaut, the birthplace of Countess Joan,43 and the burial site for most of the Avesnes family members, held an extraordinary place within the Avesnes dynasty. As the primary patrons of St. Elizabeth, Joan and Margaret prominently featured in the foundation charter of 1239 and the regulations of 1245 and 1262. The first procurators of the community, Gautier and Guillaume, were executors of the sisters’ testaments. The Dominican friars, particularly Henri de Quesnoy and Michel, advisers and confessors to the Countesses, also played a significant role in St. Elizabeth’s affairs. It is reasonable to conclude that the beguinage’s male leaders were representatives of the Countesses, even though the ecclesiastical forces represented by the Bishop of Cambrai and the prior of St. Sauveur also held considerable influence in the early years of St. Elizabeth.

This political orientation persisted until the late fourteenth century, although a gradual transformation, characterized by the institutionalization of leadership election and the increasingly prominent role of magistrae, happened at the turn of the fourteenth century. As previously noted, magistrae and council oversaw the election of procurators; then, the newly elected officials would be confirmed by the Count of Hainaut in accordance with the community’s tradition. Similarly, the selection of priests and chaplains involved a collaborative process among procurators, magistrae, and council. It also necessitated a recommendation to be formally submitted to the bishop of Cambrai by the prior of St. Sauveur, following the rule established by Countess Margaret and Prior Ralph in 1245.44 This framework reveals the decisive influence of the Countess and her representatives, notably the magistrae, in the election of all male leaders.

The governance of beguine communities, established by the Countess sisters, was oriented toward maximizing the interests of the beguines, with the group of magistrae and senior committee members serving as the primary managerial force rather than the male clergy. This dynamic was less apparent under the reign of the two countesses, as the magistrae left few archival traces. Although the emergence of these communities responded to the practical need to accommodate the growing number of beguines, their establishment and early management heavily relied on male clergy. During the initial phase of St. Elizabeth, the male leaders played a significant role in the development of communal infrastructures and the acquisition of usufruct. However, from the 1280s to the 1320s, the magistrae increasingly appeared as independent representatives of the community, reaching the zenith of their authority under Béatrice de Chastel’s leadership (1322–1364). Béatrice’s tenure was marked by an unprecedented volume of signed acts and contracts, as well as substantial assets and donations acquired for the community. During her more than forty-year career as mistress of the hospital and grand mistress of the beguinage, while other leaders frequently changed or remained anonymous in the records, the magistrae, under her direction, consistently adhered to the principle of maximizing the community’s interests and sheltering the beguines in the political center.45

The rising prominence of the magistrae was undoubtedly tied to the community’s steady development after its establishment, but was also probably influenced by the split within the beguine movement and the promulgation of the Council of Vienne’s decrees. During the 1280s and 1290s, reports of scandals involving beguines frequently emerged across regions, often implicating improper relationships between beguines and their confessors (typically friars). Following the official promulgation of the Council of Vienne’s decrees in 1317 (as the Clementinae, Clementine Decrees), some communities faced severe disruptions, and their leadership underwent a degree of chaos and reorganization. This context underscores the magistrae’s crucial role in navigating both internal governance challenges and external ecclesiastical pressures, ensuring the community’s survival and continuity.

For instance, in the beguinage of St. Christophe in Liège, a series of measures were implemented to address disciplinary issues and potential scandals. On 12 August 1283, Prince-Bishop Jean d’Enghien established a committee comprising the rector (parish priest) and four beguines (quattre béguines) to oversee this community. On 24 September 1296, Bishop Hugh of Liège mandated the election of four beguines (quatuor beghinabus) of “mature age, upright character, commendable lifestyle, and good reputation” (quas etatis maturitas, morum honestas et vite prioris bonum testimonium) to address frequent scandals and incidents of misconduct. These beguines were instructed to consult other “wise” members of the community when necessary. In 1315, Bishop Adolphus further reinforced this structure by ordering the selection of twelve beguines of good character (duodecim beghine de congregatione predicta, probati testimonii viteque laudabilis) to manage the beguinage’s affairs alongside the rector. He also stipulated that the prior of the Dominicans in Liège, the rector, and these twelve beguines would jointly oversee the community’s public charitable assets. A document from 28 June 1320 revealed that St. Christophe faced severe disciplinary breakdowns, possibly exacerbated by the promulgation of the Clementinae, with parish priests either absent or ineffective. Five years later, the bishop appointed eight exemplary beguines (huit béguines d’une vie louable et exemplaire) to oversee the beguinage alongside the parish priest, acknowledging that “it is impossible for us to foresee all cases and circumstances required to lead and maintain an honest life” (il nous est impossible de prévenir tous les cas et toutes les circonstances requises et prévoir les circonstances pour menner une vie honnête et la suivre). As late as 1399, Jean de Bavière confirmed a resolution from his predecessor, Jean d’Arckel, regarding the election of a compteur for St. Christophe, reaffirming that the parish priest and the magistrae (béguines maîtresses, prieuses et gouverneresses du dit béguinage) held equal decision-making power in any election (Van Wintershoven 1892, pp. 68–70, no. I, pp. 73–77, no. III; Brouwers 1906, pp. 270–72, no. II, pp. 272–74, no. III, pp. 274–76, no. IV).

These records concerning St. Christophe illustrate the growing influence of the magistrae and senior beguines, particularly from the late thirteenth century onward. This shift was partly driven by the inadequacy of male leadership, centered around parish priests, to address all issues effectively. More importantly, the magistrae, who had always shared leadership with the male clergy, were viewed by the prince-bishops of Liège as exemplars and educators, playing a crucial role in safeguarding the beguines’ reputation and maintaining community stability during turbulent times. This tradition persisted consistently, even as power changed hands, at least until the end of the fourteenth century. While similar records are absent for Valenciennes, circumstantial evidence suggests that St. Elizabeth faced comparable challenges. For example, during the tenures of Jean Gaufier, Pierre (dean of Condé), and Godefroy de Bavay as provisors, there appear to have been two prolonged vacancies (1285–1318).46 Additionally, the entire leadership underwent a reorganization before the inquisition (Lu 2021b, p. 474). Although the community survived the crisis, it lost many properties, and the leadership’s focus shifted to reconstruction. During this period, the magistrae held decisive influence in electing leaders at all levels, and their social networks thus became pivotal to the community’s recovery. They not only continued to select strong male religious leaders from among the lords’ close associates but also secured internal and external support through donations and transactions. This dynamic was particularly evident during the tenure of Béatrice de Chastel, whose late-life appointment of Étienne Maulion ensured St. Elizabeth’s stability and prosperity for the next decade. Even as the provisors of St. Elizabeth began to transition to external figures in the second half of the fourteenth century, those elected and controlled by the magistrae—both procurators and priests—maintained inextricable ties to the Lords of Hainaut. Thus, in the century following Countess Margaret’s death, the political orientation of St. Elizabeth in the election of male leadership was stable, regardless of evolving political and religious situations.

This strategy proved remarkably effective, as the comital family, fundamental to the foundation of St. Elizabeth, consistently shielded it from numerous crises and disputes. The investigation of 1323 exemplifies this protection, as its key participants were all closely aligned with the Lord of Hainaut, not to mention the personal presence of Countess Joan of Valois with her two daughters. In the subsequent half-century, although the prior of St. Sauveur repeatedly contested the beguinage’s clerical elections, both bishops and successive lords stuck to the statutes established by Countess Margaret in 1245.47 Throughout the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, the Count of Hainaut, as the de facto ruler of Valenciennes, remained the most powerful protector of St. Elizabeth. Recognizing the value of this patronage, the beguines strategically took advantage of their ties to the comital family to establish and sustain their leadership, ensuring the community’s resilience and prosperity amidst shifting political and ecclesiastical landscapes.

6. Conclusions

The male leadership of the beguinage of St. Elizabeth of Valenciennes epitomizes the survival strategies of court beguinages navigating between ecclesiastical suppression and secular power dynamics in medieval Europe. Its uniqueness lies in two key dimensions: first, the electoral system granted partial autonomy to the community; second, the leaders’ entrenched ties with the comital House of Hainaut allowed secular lords to indirectly intervene in the beguinage’s affairs through ecclesiastical proxies, creating a system of “secular will cloaked in clerical authority”. The investigation of 1323 exemplifies how secular powers transformed a heresy crisis into a legitimacy campaign. The carefully orchestrated proceedings permitted the comital house of Hainaut to exonerate the community and reinforce its role as the beguines’ protector.

The male leadership system of court beguinages, as exemplified by St. Elizabeth, was rooted in the desire to organize devout women in a way that dissociated them from heretical groups and regulated and supervised them more easily (Panzer 1994, p. 168). Procurators and priests, as supervisors and representatives, with their morality and knowledge, shaped the beguinage’s development and deeply influenced the outside world’s perceptions of the beguines. In Valenciennes, traditional local religious forces, rather than Mendicant orders, dominated the supervision. Procurators were often abbots or deans selected for their benevolence, financial acumen, and diplomatic skills, while priests came from diverse backgrounds, including former governors of the beguinage, parents of beguines, and others whose identities are unrecognizable. Clerics, though auxiliary, played crucial roles in funeral, educational, and administrative services.

To a great extent, St. Elizabeth’s resilience during the religious turbulence of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, particularly in the wake of Marguerite Porete’s persecution, can be attributed to its unique leadership model. By seeking the comital family’s patronage and its entourage rather than relying on a fixed religious establishment, the beguine secured the protection necessary for its continuous development. This interdependent male–female dual leadership, closely tied to the local lords and meticulously maintained by the magistrae, explains why St. Elizabeth, as former residence of Marguerite Porete, could legitimately dispel doubts from Church authorities and maintain a long-term stability and prosperity. Ultimately, this case study provides critical insights for re-evaluating gender–power relations in medieval female religious movements and understanding how semi-religious women’s communities negotiated institutional survival through strategic hybrid governance models.