A Comparative Study of Participants in Korean and Chinese Nuo Rituals

Abstract

Both Korea and China have a rich history of Nuo rituals, with those of the Koryŏ Dynasty particularly inheriting the institutional framework established by the Tang Dynasty. However, scholars from both nations have predominantly conducted research within their respective domestic contexts, resulting in a limited number of comparative studies on Sino-Korean Nuo rituals. This paper addresses a specific aspect of Nuo rituals—the participants in palace ceremonies—by examining the composition, identities, ages, and numbers of participants across different historical periods in Korea and China. Through this analysis, it elucidates the connections and distinctions between the two traditions and identifies their defining characteristics. Throughout the historical development of Nuo rituals in Korea and China, changes occurred not only in participants’ identities and numbers but also in the composition of participants, which was adjusted according to each country’s specific needs. For example, the number of participants was redistributed based on the number of palace gates, and Nuo ritual participants were selected through the state office Sŏun’gwan 서운관 (Office of Astronomical and Meteorological Records). These modifications were all made in accordance with the practical requirements of each nation. Despite the influence of Tang models on the development of Koryŏ’s Nuo rituals, these practices were not merely adopted wholesale. Instead, a process of adaptation occurred, wherein the adoption of Tang practices was accompanied by the introduction of unique adaptations, resulting in a distinct and evolving ritual tradition. By the Chosŏn era, modifications to Nuo rituals had expanded significantly to align with Korea’s unique sociopolitical context. Participants were reorganized in accordance with the protocols and demands of the Chosŏn royal court.

1. Introduction

The Nuo ritual1 is a traditional East Asian religious ceremony performed at the end of the year with the purpose of expelling evil spirits and epidemics while praying for peace in the coming year. This ritual not only served as an official court ceremony to drive away evil spirits but also fulfilled significant religious functions within folk beliefs by preventing communal disasters and praying for peace. Due to these functional characteristics, Nuo rituals originated in China and subsequently spread to Korea and Japan. In contemporary China, it continues to be actively transmitted in regions such as Hunan Province and Guizhou Province under the name Nuoxi 儺戱 (Nuo drama), functioning as a form of folk culture that serves to dispel negative forces and convey communal wishes. Nuo drama can be divided into two parts: one aimed at honoring the gods and driving away evil, and the other focused on entertaining people and inviting blessings. The former carries strong religious connotations. In Guizhou Province, Nuo drama has even been designated as a national intangible cultural heritage, which clearly demonstrates its significance within traditional Chinese folk culture. In Korea, however, Nuo rituals remain only in the form of re-enacted performances, as their function as religious ceremonies has long since disappeared. Nevertheless, certain ritual elements of Nuo can still be identified in local village rituals (Maeulgut), and various efforts have been undertaken to restore and revive this tradition. In China, Nuo rituals serve functions such as worshipping deities, driving away ghosts, and preventing epidemics. Their history can be traced back to the Zhou dynasty or even earlier periods (Hu 2020, pp. 100–1). Early records of Chinese Nuo rituals appear in the “Fangxiangshi 方相氏 (monster hunters)” section of the Zhouli (Rites of Zhou) (Qian 2001)—Xiaguan Sima Chapter 4—which describes “leading one hundred slaves to perform Nuo rituals and expel evil spirits from households.” Korean Nuo rituals were introduced from China as court ceremonies, and the earliest records of them can be found in the Koryŏsa (History of Koryŏ) (Classical Studies Office 1991). Although Korean Nuo rituals originated in China, both Korean and Chinese Nuo rituals underwent significant changes throughout their long historical development. During this transformative process, each country developed unique characteristics suited to its own needs. For example, the number of participants was adjusted according to the number of palace gates, and Nuo ritual participants were selected through the state office Sŏun’gwan 서운관 (Office of Astronomical and Meteorological Records), reflecting the practical needs of their respective countries. Therefore, how did the Nuo rituals in Korea and China change and develop during their transmission? What features did they acquire in the course of these changes? Understanding these changes is key to studying Korean and Chinese Nuo rituals, and it serves as the starting point for this research.

Up to now, scholars from both Korea and China have conducted substantial research on the topic of Nuo 儺 (exorcise). In particular, Chinese scholars have studied Nuo from various perspectives since the 1980s. Since 2008, more than one hundred related papers have been published annually, covering topics such as the origin, transformation and transmission of Nuo, the Fangxiangshi 方相氏 (monster hunters) and Nuo masks, rituals and ceremonies, as well as cultural meanings and implications. This demonstrates that research on Nuo in China is not only very active but also covers a broad range of topics. In Korea, major research achievements on Nuo include doctoral dissertations by Hwang (2000a, 2000b, 2001) and Yoon (2005, 2006, 2009, 2012a, 2012b), as well as academic papers by scholars such as Sa (1999, 2000), Piao (2010), Yi (2022), and Oh (2024). These studies mainly focus on the changes and transmission of Nuo after its introduction to Korea, the forms and types of performances and musical analysis. Among Korean scholars, the musicologist Ahyoung Yoon is currently the most active researcher on the Nuo ritual. Through a series of publications, she has focused on tracing the introduction of the Nuo ritual into Korea and its subsequent transformations, with particular emphasis on performance repertoire, performance spaces, and accompanying music, and she has also devoted considerable attention to efforts to restore the Nuo ritual. Yoon argues that the court Nuo ritual in the Chosŏn period declined as it was transferred from the royal court to the populace and as its entertainment-oriented characteristics became more pronounced, and she further maintains that Nuo ritual gradually evolved into Nuoxi 儺戱 (Nuo drama). At the same time, Chinsill Sa has examined, from the perspective of performance history, the various performance forms related to the Nuo ritual transmitted both at court and among the populace and has also discussed the participants in Nuo rituals. Sharing a view similar to that of Ahyoung Yoon, Sa likewise acknowledges that the Nuo ritual gradually declined. However, although both scholars refer to ritual participants, neither has treated the participants in the Chinese and Korean Nuo rituals as a distinct object of study, nor have they systematically compared and analyzed changes in participants’ social status and roles across different historical periods; this remains a limitation of their research.

In contrast to the views of the Korean scholars discussed above, Kang (2021) challenges the interpretations of Ahyoung Yoon and Chinsill Sa and argues that it is not appropriate to explain the Nuo ritual in terms of simple binaries such as ritual versus play or exorcism versus entertainment. Instead of understanding the history of the Nuo ritual primarily as a narrative of decline, he situates it within the framework of Confucian state rites and emphasizes its military and political implications, contending that the ritual did not disappear but was reconfigured into a hybrid form that functioned both as a Confucian ceremony and as a form of folk entertainment. Nevertheless, Kang’s study likewise focuses mainly on the characteristics and underlying implications of the Nuo ritual itself, and his discussion of ritual participants remains limited to the fifteenth century.

So far, comparative studies on Korean and Chinese Nuo have been conducted only by scholars such as An Sangbok and Hwang Kyungsook. An Sangbok used Chinese literary sources to explain the Nuo drama described in Lee Saek’s Guna-Haeng 구나행 (the procession for driving away evil spirits) from the late Koryŏ period (An 2004). Kyungsook Hwang compared the Nuo rituals of the two countries based on literature. In her study “A Comparative Study of Korean and Chinese Nuo Rituals,” Kyungsook Hwang conducted a literature-based comparison of Nuo rituals in the two countries. However, her comparison was limited to the Tang dynasty and the Koryŏ period, and the comparison with the Tang dynasty was primarily intended to illustrate the Korean characteristics of Nuo rituals in Koryŏ. Therefore, her study did not provide a systematic and comprehensive analysis of Nuo rituals in both countries (Hwang 2001).

Based on the above review of research on Nuo, it is evident that Chinese scholars have primarily focused on studies conducted within their own country, covering a wide range of topics such as the origin, transformation, and transmission of Nuo, the Fangxiangshi 方相氏 (monster hunters) and Nuo masks, rituals and ceremonies, as well as cultural meanings and implications. In contrast, Korean scholars’ research on the Nuo ritual has mainly centered on its transformations, transmission, and influence after its introduction to the Korean Peninsula. Comparative studies between the Chinese and Korean Nuo rituals remain limited to the research outcomes of a few scholars. In other words, comparative studies of Chinese and Korean Nuo rituals remain in a very preliminary stage, necessitating systematic and comprehensive exploration. Then, how did Nuo rituals in China and Korea change across different historical stages? What impact did these changes have on the subsequent development of Nuo rituals? Particularly as a cultural phenomenon prevalent across East Asia, how did this ritual culture demonstrate interconnectedness amid historical transformations? These questions remain unresolved mysteries. Although this study cannot fully address the above issues, it aims to provide a theoretical foundation for future research through an exploration of Nuo rituals in China and Korea. For this reason, this paper examines Korean and Chinese Nuo rituals as its primary subject, organizing historical documents from different periods and conducting a comparative analysis of the Nuo rituals of both countries. However, Nuo in both Korea and China not only has a long history but also exists in distinct forms within the court and among the populace. Furthermore, the field of Nuo research is extensive and multifaceted, making it virtually impossible to cover all aspects within the scope of this study. Accordingly, the present research focuses specifically on the participants of court Nuo rituals. By comparing the participants of court Nuo rituals across different historical periods in Korea and China, this study aims to elucidate their defining characteristics. The reason this paper emphasizes the participants of Nuo rituals is that previous research has largely centered on ritual procedures and historical transmission, while often neglecting the pivotal role of ritual participants. Investigating and analyzing Nuo participants in different historical periods not only enables a systematic understanding of structural changes in Nuo but also illuminates the connections between Korean and Chinese Nuo through the characteristics of their participants. In doing so, it provides a theoretical foundation for examining the commonalities of Nuo rituals in East Asia. This study is based on documentary analysis and employs a qualitative comparison methodology to compare the historical and cultural changes of Nuo rituals in China and Korea through an examination of the composition and roles of participants.

2. Court Nuo Rituals in Various Chinese Dynasties

2.1. Court Nuo Rituals of the Han Dynasty (B.C. 202–A.D. 220)

Although records of the Nuo ritual first appeared during the Zhou dynasty, it was in the Han dynasty that the institutionalized ceremony known as the Grand Nuo Ritual was fully established, and it exerted an even greater influence on later generations. In the Han dynasty, the Grand Nuo Ritual became an official state ceremony, fixed as a year-end rite and incorporated into the court ritual system. As a component of palace ritual, the Nuo ritual also underwent change, as is evident from the increase in participants within the palace and the participation of government officials in the Han-dynasty Nuo ritual. Through this process of state institutionalization, the Nuo ritual, originally a simple exorcistic rite, came to acquire a distinct political character.

Records of court Nuo rituals prior to the Han dynasty were primarily documented in the Zhouli 周禮 (Rites of Zhou) (Qian 2001) and the Liji (Book of Rites) (Yuan 1980), both of which were compiled during the Western Han period. In “Xiaguan Sima” (Summer Officer Sima), Part 4 of the Zhouli, the role of Fangxiangshi is delineated as comprising two distinct functions: to “lead one hundred slaves” during the ritual of Shi Nuo 時儺 (seasonal Nuo ritual) and to “expel the demon Fangliang” during the ritual of Da Sang 大喪 (grand funerals) (Yang 2016, pp. 538, 598). The Liji·Yueling (Record of Rites · Monthly Ordinances) records Nuo rituals according to seasonal divisions as Guo Nuo (national disaster), Nuo, and Da Nuo (great Nuo) (Yuan 1980, p. 1374). The records contained within the Zhouli and Liji indicate that the court Nuo rituals of that era were intended to fulfill two distinct functions: the prevention of national epidemics and the expulsion of ghosts during funerals. In the “Jidong Ji, Chapter 12 季冬紀第十二” from the Lüshi Chunqiu, there are records that “The Son of Heaven ordered the ritual officials to perform the great Nuo, slaughtered livestock respectively, dismembered the animals’ bodies, and threw them to drive away the cold qi. 命有司大儺, 旁磔, 出土牛, 以送寒氣” (Xu 2009, p. 259). This finding aligns with the record in the Liji·Yueling which the Late-winter Grand Nuo Ritual, indicating that this tradition of the Zhou dynasty continued until the Qin dynasty (Lü 2007).

Records of court Nuo rituals during the Han dynasty can be found in the Hou Hanshu 後漢書 (Book of the Later Han) · Liyizhi 禮儀志 (Ritual Records), which was compiled by Fan Ye 範曄 of the Southern Song dynasty during the Yuanjia era. This text provides detailed descriptions of the “great Nuo” performed in the palace (Fan 1965). According to the Hou Hanshu, by the Han period, the great Nuo held on the seventh day of the twelfth lunar month had already become an official court ceremony, with fairly detailed explanations about the participants, sequence, and procedures of the ritual. The Han dynasty’s Grand Nuo Ritual involved a variety of participants, including Zhenzi 侲子 (child-shamans), Fangxiangshi 方相氏, the twelve beasts 十二獸2, Huangmenling 黃門令3, Zhonghuangmen 中黃門4, Rongcong 冗從, and Puye 僕射5, among others.6 In contrast, the Zhouli—Xiaguan Sima—only records Fangxiangshi and a hundred slaves as participants, with the Fangxiangshi acting as the leader and commander. The participants in the Han dynasty’s great Nuo had already diverged from those of the Zhou dynasty, and these differences can be summarized as follows.

First, the names of Zhenzi and Baili 百隸 (one hundred slaves) are different. The Zhouli 周禮 (Rites of Zhou) records the participants in the Nuo ritual as one hundred slaves, but in the Hou Hanshu this term changes to Zhenzi. In the Han dynasty’s great Nuo, the Zhenzi were boys between the ages of ten and twelve, chosen from among the youths of the Zhonghuangmen, the palace eunuchs. As such, the Zhenzi may also be regarded as belonging to the eunuch class.7 In the great Nuo, the Zhenzi were depicted as wearing red headscarves and black clothing, holding Datao 大鼗 (large pellet drums). Their performance involved the synchronized vocalization in unison with the Zhonghuangmen, accompanied by the percussive resonance of their drums. Additionally, during the Zhou dynasty, the one hundred slaves served the function of expelling diseases from the palace quarters, though the specific methods were not described. In the Han dynasty, the Zhenzi similarly performed the role of disease expulsion during the Nuo ritual, and the Hou Hanshu meticulously documenting the lyrics sung by the Zhonghuangmen and the Zhenzi, detailing eleven types of evil spirits that were driven away.

Secondly, the participants in the Nuo ritual changed. In the Zhouli, the participants were only the Fangxiangshi and one hundred slaves, whereas in the Hou Hanshu’s great Nuo, the participants included Zhenzi, Fangxiangshi, the twelve beasts, Huangmenling, Zhonghuangmen, Rongcong and Puye. Both the composition and the number of participants in the Nuo ritual increased compared to the Zhouli. Among these participants, the identities of the Zhenzi, Huangmenling, Zhonghuangmen, Rongcong and Puye were all eunuchs, indicating that eunuchs played a very important role in terms of both number and function in the Han dynasty’s great Nuo.

Lastly, the role of the leader in the Nuo ritual changed. In the Zhouli, the Fangxiangshi played a central guiding role throughout the entire Nuo ritual. Although the Hou Hanshu describes the Fangxiangshi’s costume as being the same as in the Zhouli, their function in the Nuo ritual is recorded only as “Fangxiang dancing with the twelve beasts. 方相與十二獸儛” In other words, the Fangxiangshi’s primary role became dancing together with the twelve divine beasts, and their status shifted from being the commander and leader of the Nuo ritual to merely a participant, indicating a decline in their leadership position (Piao 2010).

2.2. Court Nuo Rituals of the Northern Qi (550–577) and Sui Dynasties (581–618)

The court Nuo rituals of the Later Qi and Sui dynasties basically inherited the Nuo rituals of the Han dynasty. In Volume 8, “Rites and Ceremonies,” of the Suishu (Book of Sui), compiled by the editor Wei Zheng 魏征 during the Tang dynasty, the Sui dynasty’s Nuo ritual is described, first citing the late-winter Nuo of Qi. Here, Qi refers to Northern Qi dynasty (550–577), also called Later Qi. The late-winter Nuo rituals of Northern Qi and Sui are both recorded in the Suishu under “Rites and Ceremonies III.” After describing Northern Qi’s late-winter Nuo, the text continues with the Sui dynasty’s version, appropriately condensing elements already present in Northern Qi’s ritual (Wei 1973, pp. 168–69). Participants in Northern Qi’s late-winter Nuo included Zhenzi 侲子, Fangxiangshi 方相氏, the twelve beasts 十二獸, Guchuiling 鼓吹令8, Zhonghuangmen 中黃門, and Rongcong Puye 冗從僕射. Besides the direct participants, spectators such as the emperor, princes, first-rank officials, and officials above the sixth rank were also documented. The age of the Zhenzi in Northern Qi remained the same as in the Han dynasty, between ten and twelve years old. Nevertheless, a discrepancy in the selection process emerges when comparing the Han dynasty and the Northern Qi. While the former selected Zhenzi from the sons of middle eunuchs, the latter chose them from the offspring of musicians. The Sui dynasty inherited this selection method from Northern Qi. Moreover, the number of Zhenzi in Northern Qi and Sui increased from 120 in the Han dynasty to 240. These 240 people were divided into two groups: one group of 120 individuals wore red headscarves and black clothing and held Tao 鼗 (pellet drums), matching the Han dynasty Zhenzi’s appearance. The other group of 120 individuals wore red clothing and held Bijiao 鞞角9, differing in dress and instrument from the Han dynasty Zhenzi, representing a newly introduced role in the Sui dynasty’s Nuo ritual.

The functions of the Fangxiangshi 方相氏 and the twelve beasts in the late-winter Nuo of Later Qi were similar to those in the Han dynasty. The primary task of the Fangxiangshi was to perform dances with the twelve beasts, no longer serving as the leader of the Nuo ritual but appearing only as a participant, which is consistent with the Han dynasty. In addition, the functions of the Zhonghuangmen 中黃門 and Rongcong Puye 冗從僕射 remained consistent with those observed during the Han dynasty. The role of Huangmenling 黄門令 in the Han dynasty changed to Guchuiling 鼓吹令 in Later Qi, but there is no clear explanation of this role in the Sui dynasty.

Participants in the Sui dynasty’s Nuo ritual included Zhenzi 侲子, Wenshi 問事10, and Gongren 工人11—with ten each of Fangxiangshi, Changshuai 唱帥 (lead singers), and Gujiao 鼓角 (drums and horns). The Sui dynasty introduced new roles that did not exist in previous periods: Wenshi and Gongren (including ten each of Changshuai and Gujiao). Meanwhile, roles such as the twelve beasts, Zhonghuangmen, and Rongcong Puye, which existed in both the Han dynasty and Later Qi, disappeared from the Sui dynasty’s Nuo ritual. A close examination of the changes in the composition of ritual participants suggests that the Sui dynasty’s Nuo ritual underwent several significant modifications, primarily manifesting in three distinct aspects.

First, musicians and their children became the main participants in the Sui dynasty’s Nuo ritual. The selection of Zhenzi in the Sui dynasty is recorded as “same as the Later Qi 如後齊” indicating that the Zhenzi were chosen from boys aged ten to twelve years old among the children of musicians. The 240 Zhenzi were divided into 120 holding Tao 鼗 (pellet drums) and 120 holding Bijiao 鞞角.

The Sui dynasty also classified the Fangxiangshi 方相氏 as part of the Gongren 工人 category. Among the 22 Gongren, besides the Changshuai 唱帥, there were 10 drummers and 10 horn players. Given that the main components of the Gongren were drummers and horn players, it is highly likely that the Gongren were related to musical performance. The identity of the Zhenzi and the functions of the Gongren both suggest that musicians and their children made up a large proportion of the participants in the Nuo ritual.

Second, the Sui dynasty introduced new roles that did not exist in Later Qi: Wenshi 問事, Changshuai 唱帥, and Gujiao 鼓角, each with ten participants. The Sui Wenshi, a group of twelve, were dressed in red headscarves and vest-like garments, holding leather whips. Given the number, they likely evolved from the twelve beasts 十二獸 of Later Qi. While the twelve beasts drove away epidemics by consuming evil spirits, the Wenshi expelled epidemics using the leather whips in their hands. Although their methods differed, their goals were the same. In the Nuo rituals of the Han dynasty and the Later Qi 後齊, a role known as the twelve beasts was performed. However, in the Nuo ritual of the Sui dynasty, the twelve beasts were eliminated and replaced by the twelve Wenshi 問事. As the twelve beasts were animals, epidemic removal was conducted through a method of consumption. Since the Wenshi were human, this method was no longer feasible, and instead, epidemics were driven away using whips. Consequently, the transition of the agents of epidemic elimination from animals to humans led to a corresponding shift in the method, from consumption to whip-driven expulsion. Furthermore, the appearance of Changshuai along with ten drummers and ten horn players further strengthened the role of music in the Nuo ritual.

Finally, the 240 Zhenzi 侲子 were composed of 120 holding Tao 鼗 and 120 holding Bijiao 鞞角. Among the Gongren 工人, there were also ten drummers and ten horn players. This suggests an increase in the number of musical instrument performers in the Sui dynasty’s Nuo ritual. Since these instruments belong to percussion and wind categories, the ritual included descriptions such as “entering with drumming and noise 鼓譟以入” and “exiting with drumming and noise 鼔譟而出”, likely using the loud sounds of the instruments to drive away evil spirits in the palace.

Examining records of Nuo rituals from the Later Qi and Sui dynasties, the Nuo rituals of these two dynasties inherited the traditions of the Han dynasty. At the same time, the exorcistic rite was employed to consolidate centralized rule and thereby maintain social order, reflecting clear political aims. Although the composition of participants continued to center on palace personnel and government officials, changes emerged in their social status, as musicians and their children came to constitute the main body of participants in the Nuo ritual.

2.3. Court Nuo Rituals of the Tang Dynasty (618–907)

The Nuo rituals of the Tang dynasty may be regarded as a transformed continuation of earlier forms. As one element within the state ritual system, the Nuo ritual continued to place strong emphasis on its exorcistic function. At the same time, by prescribing the scale of local Nuo rituals, the Tang court strengthened central control over the provinces. Records of Tang Nuo rituals can be found in sources such as Volume 16, “Junli 軍禮 (Military Rites),” of the Xin Tangshu 新唐書 (New Book of Tang) and Volume 90, “Junli 軍禮 (Military Rites),” of the Datang Kaiyuanli 大唐開元禮 (Ritual Canon of the Kaiyuan Reign of the Great Tang Dynasty). The Xin Tangshu was jointly compiled by Ouyang Xiu 歐陽修, Song Qi 宋祁, and others during the Northern Song dynasty, while the Datang Kaiyuan Rite was a book on ritual systems compiled in the 20th year of the Kaiyuan era of the Tang dynasty (732). The Xin Tangshu provides a detailed explanation of the Tang dynasty’s Nuo ritual under the entry “The Ceremony of the Great Nuo.” (Song and Ouyang 1975, pp. 392–93).

The original text of The Ceremony of the Great Nuo in Xin Tangshu is organized as follows: “From among youths aged twelve to sixteen, the Zhenzi 侲子 are selected. They wear masks and red linen trousers, with twenty-four forming a unit, arranged in rows of six. Twelve Zhishi 執事 wear red hoods and red garments, each holding a hemp whip. Among the twenty-two Gongren 工人, one serves as the Fangxiangshi 方相氏, masked, clad in bearskin, dressed in black with a vermilion skirt, and carrying a shield in the right hand. Another, the Changshuai 唱帥, wears a mask and leather garments and wields a club. Each unit includes ten Gu 鼓 (drummers) and ten Jiao 角 (horn-players), under the supervision of a Guchuiling 鼓吹令 and a Taibuling 太卜令12. Two Wushi 巫師 (shaman) perform the task of expelling evil spirits. The relevant offices prepare roosters and wine at each gate in advance, and offer sacrificial rites at the main palace gates and those of the imperial city. One Taizhu 太祝13 and three Zhailang 齋郎14 oversaw the rites, while the Youxiao 右校15 Yikan 瘞坎 (a sacrificial pit for burying offerings), each located to the right of the central gate of the imperial city. On the evening prior to the ceremony, the Nuozhe 儺者 (Nuo performer) assemble at their stations, don ceremonial attire, and ready their implements. At dawn, the palace guards form ranks according to the appointed time, stationing themselves at the gates; those nearest to the steps advance to form up on the terraces. The Guchuiling commands the Nuozhe, who assemble outside the palace gates. Neishi 內侍 (court eunuchs) report before the emperor: ‘The Zhenzi are prepared; may the exorcism proceed.’ Six Sibo 寺伯 then lead the Nuozhe through Changlemen 長樂門 and Yong’anmen 永安門. With drums resounding, they advance as far as the left and right upper chambers. The Fangxiangshi, brandishing spear and shield, gives the chant, echoed by the Zhenzi: ‘Jiazuo 甲作 devours calamities; Feiwei 胇胃 devours tigers; Xiongbo 雄伯 devours specters; Tengjian 騰簡 devours misfortunes; Lanzhu 攬諸 devours disasters; Boqi 伯奇 devours dreams; Jiangliang 彊梁 and Zuming 祖明 together devour those slain as scapegoats; Weisui 委隨 devours portents; Cuoduan 錯斷 devours giants; Qiongqi 窮奇 and Tenggen 騰根 together devour venomous creatures. These twelve spirits pursue and destroy the baleful demons: biting their bodies, rending their spines, dismembering their flesh, and tearing out their viscera. Those who fail to flee in haste will serve as food for the spirits who follow.’ With this proclamation complete, drums and shouts resound before and behind as the formations advance. The units proceed to Shuntianmen 順天門 and exit, dispersing to the various city gates, and the rite concludes outside the city walls.”

When conducting the Grand Nuo Ritual during the Tang dynasty, the ritual was led by the Guchuiling 鼓吹令. As the participants entered the palace and reached the left and right upper chambers, they entered while making loud noises. The Fangxiangshi and Zhenzi sang and then exited noisily. Afterward, each group proceeded in procession from the Shuntianmen 順天門 to the city gate. This observation suggests that the Tang ritual appears to have adopted and perpetuated the traditions of earlier eras, thereby underscoring a continuity in ritual practice across historical periods. However, there were certain differences in the composition of participants.

According to the record of “The Ceremony of the Great Nuo” in the Xin Tangshu, the participants in the Tang dynasty’s Nuo ritual included Zhenzi 侲子, Zhishi 執事, Gongren 工人—comprising one Fangxiangshi 方相氏, one Changshuai 唱帥, and ten each of drummers and horn players—Guchuiling 鼓吹令, Taibuling 太卜令, Wushi 巫師, Taizhu 太祝, Zhailang 齋郎, Youxiao 右校, and Sibo 寺伯. The composition of participants was relatively complex and also included new members compared to previous periods. First, various officials such as the Guchuiling, Taibuling, Taizhu, Zhailang, Youxiao, and Sibo were involved either in the preparation work for the Nuo ritual or participated directly according to the ritual procedures. Before the Sui dynasty, it was rare for government officials at various levels to participate directly in the Nuo ritual; sometimes they appeared only as spectators or as auxiliary staff assisting the procedures. This is different from the Tang dynasty, where officials at various levels took on various responsibilities and participated directly in the Nuo ritual.

Second, the identity and number of Zhenzi changed. In the Han dynasty, the Zhenzi were sons of the Zhonghuangmen 中黃門; in Later Qi and Sui dynasties, the Zhenzi were sons of musicians. However, the Tang dynasty did not explicitly delineate the identity of the Zhenzi, merely stipulating that those selected were between the ages of twelve and sixteen. This implies that the selection of Zhenzi was likely no longer restricted to a specific identity but only to an age range. Furthermore, from the Han to the Sui dynasty, the age of the Zhenzi was between ten and twelve, whereas in the Tang dynasty, the age range expanded to twelve to sixteen years old. This indicates that the Tang dynasty relaxed both the identity and age restrictions when selecting Zhenzi. Regarding the number of Zhenzi in the Tang dynasty’s Nuo ritual, according to Volume 48 of the Xin Tangshu (Song and Ouyang 1975, pp. 1245–46) and Volume 14 of the Tang Liudian (Li 1992, p. 414), there were six groups for the emperor during the Late-winter Grand Nuo Ritual, so the total number of Zhenzi should be 144.

In addition, the Tang dynasty’s Nuo ritual featured new roles such as Zhishi 執事, Wushi 巫師, and Sibo 寺伯. The Tang Zhishi are recorded as “twelve officials wearing red headscarves and red clothes, carrying hemp whips,” which is very similar to the Sui dynasty’s “twelve Wenshi 問事 wearing red headscarves and vest-like garments, holding leather whips.” This suggests that the Tang Zhishi had the same function as the Sui Wenshi, differing only in name. The Tang ritual also introduced the previously unseen role of Wushi, whose function was described as “driving out evil spirits within the palace.” Regarding this role, Volume 14 of the Tang Liudian records that the shamans belonged to the Taibushu 太卜署 (the Grand Divination Office) under Taichangsi 太常寺 (the Ministry of Ceremonies) (Li 1992, p. 412). Generally, the Taibushu was responsible for managing and conducting divination methods, including personnel such as diviners, shamans, divination doctors, assistants, and students of divination. The shamans in the Tang dynasty’s Nuo ritual were likely those affiliated with the Taibushu. The Sibo (temple overseers) referred to eunuchs. The Xin Tangshu, in the “Neishi Sheng 内侍省 (Directorate of Internal Attendance)” (Inner Palace) section of the “Bai Guan 百官 (the hundred officials)” chapter, states that “There were six Neisibo, ranked at Senior Seventh Grade 正七品下, responsible for supervising illegal activities within the palace and managing entry and exit during the annual Nuo ritual.” This indicates that in the ritual, they played a role in maintaining order and management (Song and Ouyang 1975, p. 1222).

In the Tang dynasty Nuo ritual, the Fangxiangshi also sang in harmony with the Zhenzi and participated in the ritual as ordinary participants following the ceremonial procedures. A notable feature of the Tang Nuo ritual is that participants such as the Zhenzi, Fangxiangshi, and Changshuai all wore masks. The use of masks was unprecedented in any previous Nuo rituals and can be seen as a new phenomenon emerging in the Tang dynasty. This custom of wearing masks also had a certain influence on the Nuo rituals of the Song dynasty.

2.4. Court Nuo Rituals of the Song Dynasty (960–1279)

The Song dynasty is the final dynasty at which the court Nuo ritual was recorded. During this period, urbanization and commercialization were relatively advanced, and the rise of the urban commoner class enabled court Nuo ritual to spread to the populace and accelerated their secularization. At the same time, entertainment elements were incorporated into the court Nuo ritual, and Nuo ceremonies among the populace likewise came to assume a more distinctly entertainment-oriented character. Although the Song Shi 宋史 (History of Song) contains no records of the Nuo ritual, a description of the “Danuoyi 大儺儀 (Grand Nuo Ritual)” is found in Volume 163 of the Zhenghe Wuli Xinyi 政和五禮新儀 (New Rituals of the Five Ceremonies of the Zhenghe Era), under the section on “Junli 軍禮 (Military Rites)” (Zheng 1986).16 The Song Shi was compiled by Tuotuo 脫脫 and Alutu 阿魯圖 in the third year of Zhizheng 至正 (1343) at the end of the Yuan dynasty, while the Zhenghe Wuli Xinyi was a national ritual book compiled by Zheng Juzhong 鄭居中 and others during the reign of Emperor Huizong 徽宗 of the Northern Song dynasty. According to this source, participants in the Song dynasty Nuo ritual included Zhenzi 侲子 (child-shamans), Zhishizhe 執事者, Shangren 上人, ten each of drums and horns 鼓角, Guchuiling 鼓吹令, Taibuling 太卜令, Wushuai 巫帥, Taizhu 太祝, and Neishibo 内侍伯.17 The Zhenzi, Zhishizhe, ten drums and horns 鼓角,18 Guchuiling, Taibuling, Wushuai, Taizhu, and Neishibo who participated in the Song ritual also appeared in the Tang dynasty Nuo ritual, but two additional Shangren 上人 were introduced. One of these Shangren was described as “wearing a mask with golden eyes, covered with bearskin, dressed in a black robe and a red skirt, holding a halberd in the right hand and raising a shield in the left 著假面, 黃金目, 蒙熊皮, 玄衣朱裳, 右執戈, 左揚楯.” This costume corresponds to the figure of the Fangxiangshi 方相氏 known from other sources, indicating that this Shangren 上人 played the role of the Fangxiangshi. The other Shangren was described as “wearing a mask, clad in a leather garment, and holding a club 著假面, 皮衣執捧,” suggesting that he performed the role of the Changshuai 唱帥. Thus, whereas in the Tang dynasty the roles of Fangxiangshi and Changshuai were performed by Gongren, in the Song dynasty they were both replaced by Shangren. What, then, was the identity of these Shangren? In the Shishi Yaolan Jiaozhu 釋氏要覽校註 (A General Survey of Buddhism, Collated and Annotated), compiled by Shidaocheng 釋道誠 during the Northern Song, the entry for “Shangren 上人” in Juan Shang 卷上 (Volume I) explains that a Shangren was a person of high moral standing or a Buddhist monk (Shi 2018). From this, it can be inferred that the Shangren who appeared in the Song dynasty Nuo ritual were very likely monks. Yet why would monks assume the roles of Fangxiangshi 方相氏 and Changshuai 唱帥 in a Nuo ritual that had no direct connection to Buddhist liturgy? The reason seems to be that, by the Song dynasty, Nuo rituals had become widely practiced both in the imperial court and among the common people. In particular, beginning in the Song period, Nuo rituals gradually transformed into Nuo drama, shifting their emphasis from ritual functions to entertainment. During this transformation, Buddhist concepts such as the elimination of karmic sins and the deliverance of wandering spirits became intertwined with the apotropaic and plague-expelling functions of Nuo rituals. As a result, the presence of monks in Nuo rituals began to emerge.

During the Song dynasty, the age and number of Zhenzi in the Nuo ritual also underwent changes compared to earlier periods. From the Han dynasty to the Sui dynasty, the Zhenzi were between the ages of 10 and 12; during the Tang dynasty, they were between 12 and 16; whereas in the Song dynasty, they were between 12 and 15. In other words, the age of the Zhenzi in the Song dynasty differed from that of all the preceding dynasties. Furthermore, in the Song dynasty, the number of Zhenzi was organized as 24 people forming one unit, with a total of four units, amounting to 96 participants in all. This was fewer than the 120 in the Han dynasty, the 240 in the Later Qi and Sui dynasty, and the 144 in the Tang dynasty. The basic arrangement of 24 persons per unit continued the tradition of the Tang dynasty. However, unlike the Tang dynasty where there were six units, in the Song dynasty the number was reduced to four. In addition, compared with other periods, the Zhenzi of the Song dynasty were closer to those of the Tang dynasty in terms of costumes and the wearing of masks. In the Song dynasty, not only the Zhenzi but also two Shangren 上人—namely, the Fangxiangshi 方相氏 and the Changshuai 唱帥—all wore masks, which was also the same practice in the Tang dynasty.

Records of the Nuo ritual in the Song dynasty are not limited to the Grand Nuo Ritual in Zhenghe Wuli Xinyi 政和五禮新儀 (New Rituals of the Five Ceremonies of the Zhenghe Era) Volume 163; Grand Nuo Ritual in the imperial palace is also described in Volume 10 of Dongjing Menghualu 東京夢華錄 (Dreams of Splendor of the Eastern Capital) by Meng Yuanlao 孟元老. Zhenghe Wuli Xinyi was completed in the first year of Zhenghe 政和元年 (1111), while Dongjing Menghualu was compiled in the second year of Jingkang 靖康2年 (1127). Both works record the Grand Nuo Ritual of the late Northern Song, but there are significant differences in content. In Volume 10 of Dongjing Menghualu, under the Chuxi 除夕 (Chinese New Year’s Eve) (Meng 2006, p. 958) entry, the imperial palace Grand Nuo Ritual is also described, though the account is relatively simpler compared to that in Zhenghe Wuli Xinyi. Nevertheless, Dongjing Menghualu provides information absent in Zhenghe Wuli Xinyi: First, military personnel known as Zhubanzhi 諸班直 participated in the Nuo ritual wearing masks. Here, Zhubanzhi 諸班直 refers to Jinwei jun 禁衛軍 (the imperial guards) on duty before the emperor, divided into 24 units and collectively called Zhubanzhi. Second, officials such as the Jiaofangshi 教坊使 and Zhendian Jiangjun 鎮殿將軍, as well as military personnel, took part in the ritual by dressing as various roles. Third, the number of participants was extremely large, reaching over a thousand. Fourth, although the Grand Nuo Ritual still maintained its original function of expelling evil spirits and averting disasters, new roles such as Panguan 判官, Zhongkui 鍾馗, Xiaomei 小妹, Tudi 土地, and Zao Shen 灶神 appeared, laying the foundation for the subsequent development of Nuo drama.

Based on a review of the literature, the above provides a brief overview of the participants in the Nuo ritual across different periods in China. It demonstrates that the participants, their numbers, and their social status changed over time. In this process, certain aspects of tradition were preserved and transmitted, while other aspects evolved with the changing times, giving rise to new participants. Accordingly, the participants in the imperial Nuo ritual for each period are summarized as shown in Table 1.

Table 1. Summary of Participants in the Imperial Nuo Ritual Across Chinese Dynasties.

Era	Nuo Ritual Participants
Zhou 周	one hundred slaves 百隸	Fangxiangshi 方相氏
Han 漢	Zhengzi 侲子: the children of the Zhonghuangmen 中黃門子弟 (120) Age 10–12	Fangxiangshi 方相氏	twelve beasts 十二獸	Huangmenling 黃門令			Rongcong Puye 冗從 僕射	Zhonghuangmen 中黃門
Houqi 後齊	Zhengzi 侲子 the children of musicians 樂人子弟 (240) Age 10–12	Fangxiangshi 方相氏	twelve beasts 十二獸	Guchuiling 鼓吹令			Rongcong Puye 冗從 僕射	Zhonghuangmen 中黃門
Sui 隋	Zhengzi 侲子 (Same as the Later Qi 如後齊)	Fangxiangshi (Gongren) 方相氏 (工人)	Wenshi 問事 (12)		Gujiao (鼓角) 10 people each (Gongren 工人)	Changshuai 唱帥
Tang 唐	Zhengzi 侲子 (144) Age 12–16	Fangxiangshi (Gongren) 方相氏 (工人)	Zhishi 執事 (12)	Guchuiling 鼓吹令	Gujiao (鼓角) 10 people each (Gongren 工人)	Changshuai 唱帥 (Gongren 工人)			Wushi 巫師, Taibuling 太卜令, Taizhu 太祝, Zhailang 齋郎, Youxiao 右校, Sibo 寺伯
Song 宋	Zhengzi 侲子(96) Age 12–15	Fangxiangshi (Shangren) 方相氏 (上人)	Zhishizhe 執事者 (12)	Guchuiling 鼓吹令	Gujiao (鼓角) 10 people each	Changshuai 唱帥 (Shangren 上人)			Wushi 巫師, Taibuling 太卜令, Taizhu 太祝, Neishibo 內侍伯

3. Court Nuo Rituals in Korea

In Korean historical sources, records of the Nuo ritual are found only for the Koryŏ and Chosŏn periods. Korean scholars generally consider that the Nuo ritual was introduced to the Korean Peninsula from China during the reign of King Seongjong of Koryŏ (成宗 981–997), as he strongly promoted the implementation of Confucian state rituals at the time (Hwang 2001). For this reason, in this study, the discussion of the Nuo ritual in Korea focuses primarily on the two dynasties, Koryŏ and Chosŏn.

3.1. The Palace Nuo Ritual of the Koryŏ Dynasty (936–1392)

Records of the Nuo ritual during the Koryŏ period can be found in the Goryosa 고려사 (History of Koryŏ), which was compiled by Jeong Inji 鄭麟趾 and others in 1451, under the “Gidong Dae-na-ui 계동대나의 (Late-winter Grand Nuo Ritual)” entry in the “Military Rituals” section (Classical Studies Office 1991).19 According to the records, the participants in the Late-winter Grand Nuo Ritual included Zhenzi 侲子, Zhishizhe 執事者, Gongren 工人, Fangxiangshi 方相氏, Changshuai 唱帥, Gujiaojun 鼓角軍20, and Neishi 內侍. The Zhenzi were selected from boys aged twelve to sixteen, which is consistent with the Tang dynasty, and their social status was not specified. During the Koryŏ period, the Zhenzi formed two units of twenty-four each, totaling forty-eight participants. The records regarding the Zhenzi, including their attire and unit formation, are similar to those of the Tang dynasty, except that the Tang Zhenzi comprised six units, whereas the Koryŏ Zhenzi comprised only two. Additionally, the Koryŏ Zhenzi wore masks, a practice that diverged from the Han, Later Qi, and Sui periods, where the Zhenzi did not wear masks, making their appearance closer to that of the Tang Zhenzi.

In the Goryosa, the records of the 12 Zhishizhe and the 22 Gongren, including the Fangxiangshi and Changshuai, are all identical to those of the Tang dynasty. However, there is a slight difference in the allocation of the 20 Gujiaojun. In the Tang dynasty, the 20 Gujiaojun were evenly divided into 10 Gushou 鼓手 and 10 Chuigiaoshou 吹角手, whereas in Koryŏ, the 20 Gujiaojun consisted of 12 Gushou and 4 Chuijiaoshou, increasing the number of Gushou while reducing the number of Chuigiaoshou. This change in personnel composition made the atmosphere of the Nuo ritual more intense. Additionally, Koryŏ added four Zhiqishou 執旗手 among the 20 Gujiaojun, a novel role that was not observed in the Nuo rituals of any previous Chinese periods. At the same time, Koryŏ removed the two Wushi 巫師 that had been present in the Tang dynasty.

In the Koryŏ Nuo ritual, the Fangxiangshi also followed the tradition of the Tang dynasty and was performed by a single Gongren. The Fangxiangshi wore a mask and participated in the ceremony by performing the Changhe 唱和 in coordination with the Zhenzi. With respect to the lyrics employed in the Changhe 唱和 during the Han, Tang, and Song dynasties, the line was “The stomach is eaten by the tiger 胇胃食虎.” In contrast, within the historical context of Koryŏ, the expression was rendered as “The stomach is eaten by the plague 胇胃食疫,” with all other content remaining identical. From the overall perspective of the Nuo ritual, although minor modifications appear in some details, the procedures and structure of the Koryŏ Nuo ritual fundamentally followed the system of the Tang dynasty. This indicates that Koryŏ did not adopt the Song Nuo ritual of the contemporary period, but rather received the earlier Tang version.

3.2. The Palace Nuo Ritual of the Chosŏn Dynasty (1392–1910)

After the establishment of the Chosŏn dynasty in 1392, the “Policy of Pro-Confucianism and Anti-Buddhism 崇儒抑佛” was implemented, making Confucian thought the fundamental guideline for governance and applying Confucian norms to all aspects of society. During the Chosŏn dynasty, there was, on the one hand, a need to correct the corrupt Buddhist climate inherited from the Koryŏ period and, on the other, a need to transform society through the moral cultivation of human nature. Confucian scholars in Chosŏn believed that this objective could be achieved only by means of Confucian institutions; consequently, the role of Confucian rites and institutions became particularly important. The Nuo ritual in Chosŏn was transmitted precisely within this environment (Deuchler 1992). At the same time, the period marked a rise in national consciousness, as evidenced by the invention of Hangul, the localization of foreign music, and the domestic production of Aakgi 아악기 (Aak instruments). In particular, during the early Chosŏn period, King Sejong placed greater emphasis on native culture. He posed the question, “While living, one listens to Hyangak 鄕樂, and after death, one performs Aak 아악 (a genre of Korean court music); how should this be? 生而聞鄉樂, 歿而奏雅樂, 何如?” (National Institute of Korean History 2005a, vol. 49), and also expressed, “Our country is originally accustomed to Hyangak 鄕樂. In the ancestral rites at the Jongmyo Shrine, Dangak 唐樂 is performed first, and only upon reaching the Sanxian 三獻 is Hyangak performed. Would it not be better to use the music that our ancestors usually heard? 且我國本習鄉樂, 宗廟之祭, 先奏唐樂, 至於三獻之時, 乃奏鄉樂. 以祖考平日之所聞者用之, 何如?” (National Institute of Korean History 2005a, vol. 30). Through this, he advocated for the expansion of native music, particularly the performance of Hyangak. Furthermore, Sejong established the Jujongso 鑄鐘所21, enabling for the first time the production of Pyeonjong and Pyeongyeong in Chosŏn, making domestic manufacture of Aak instruments possible.22 In this context, changes to the Nuo ritual during the Chosŏn period occurred naturally.

Records of the Nuo ritual during the Chosŏn Dynasty can be found in the Sejong Sillok 世宗實錄 (Veritable Records of King Sejong), the annals of the fourth king of Chosŏn, under the “Junli 軍禮 (Military Rites)” section, specifically the entry for the “Gidong Dae-na-ui 계동대나의 (Late-winter Grand Nuo Ritual).” (National Institute of Korean History 2005a, vol. 133). According to these records, participants in the Nuo ritual during the Chosŏn period included Zhenzi 侲子, Gongren 工人, Fangxiangshi 方相氏, Changshuai 唱帥, Zhigu 執鼓 (drummers), Zhizheng 執錚 (a person who plays the zheng), Chuidi 吹笛 (a person who plays the flute), officials from the Sŏun’gwan 書雲觀官, and Chiju 持炬 (torch bearers). Firstly, although the number of Zhenzi was the same in Chosŏn and Koryŏ, there were differences in social status and the tools they carried. Both in Chosŏn and Koryŏ, each team of Zhenzi consisted of 24 members, with two teams totaling 48 people. However, the attire of the Zhenzi in Chosŏn was “wearing masks, dressed in red, and holding a whip 著假面、赤衣執鞭,” whereas in Koryŏ, it was “wearing masks and dressed in red layered pants 著假面、衣赤布袴褶,” and the Koryŏ Zhenzi did not carry a whip. Notably, in Chosŏn, Zhenzi were selected from the Sŏun’gwan and had to be boys aged 12 to 16. This was a more specific criterion than in Koryŏ, where the record simply states “selection 選人.” The Seoun Gwan was an office responsible for astronomy, divination, seasonal observations, and timekeeping during the Chosŏn period (National Institute of Korean History 2005b, vol. 1). This institution not only observed astronomical and various natural phenomena but also performed rituals to the heavens during solar and lunar eclipses to prevent disasters. It is likely that, due to these ritual and disaster-prevention functions, Seoun Gwan also played a certain role in the Nuo rituals of the Chosŏn dynasty. Selecting Zhenzi from the Seoun Gwan was unprecedented in the history of Nuo rituals in both China and Korea, and it represents a characteristic change in the Nuo ritual during Chosŏn. According to the Sejong Sillok 世宗實錄 (Veritable Records of King Sejong), the Nuo ritual in Chosŏn was conducted under the direction of officials from the Seoun Gwan, indicating that this institution played an important role in the performance of the Nuo ritual during the Chosŏn period.

Second, the composition of Gongren 工人 in the Chosŏn Dynasty underwent changes. In the Koryŏ Dynasty, the 22 Gongren consisted of 1 Fangxiangshi 方相氏, 1 Changshuai 唱帥, and 20 members of the Gujiaojun 鼓角軍 (12 Gu, 4 Jiao, 4 Zhiqi). In the Chosŏn period, however, the number of Gongren was reduced to 20, composed of 4 Fangxiangshi, 4 Changshuai 唱帥, 4 Zhigu 執鼓, 4 Zhizheng 執錚, and 4 Chuidi 吹笛. The composition in Chosŏn reduced the number of Zhiqi 執旗 while adding two new roles, Zhizheng and Chuidi. Moreover, the Gongren were evenly redistributed so that each participant type—Fangxiangshi, Changshuai, Zhigu, Zhizheng, and Chuidi—consisted of four members. This redistribution likely ensured that when the participants were divided into four teams to exit through the four palace gates, each gate had the same number of personnel (Yoon 2009). Additionally, in the Chosŏn period, four new Zhizheng and four new Chuidi appeared among the Gongren, marking the first appearance of these two instruments in the historical records of Nuo rituals in both Korea and China. This represents another significant innovation in the Nuo ritual during Chosŏn. The number of Fangxiangshi and Changshuai also increased compared to Koryŏ, from one each in Koryŏ to four each in Chosŏn. With regard to their attire, except that the Changshuai in Chosŏn wore red clothing while the Changshuai in Koryŏ wore leather, the two periods were largely consistent.

Based on the above analysis, the participants of the Nuo ritual in the Koryŏ and Chosŏn periods can be summarized as shown in Table 2.

Table 2. Summary of the Participants of the Palace Nuo Ritual in Koryŏ and Chosŏn.

Era	Nuo Ritual Participants
Koryŏ	Zhenzi 侲子 (48) Age 12–16	Zhishizhe 執事者(12)	Gongren (22)					Neishi 内侍
			Fangxiangshi 方相氏 (1)	Changshuai 唱帥 (1)	Gujiaojun 鼓角軍 (20)
					Gu 鼓 (12)	Jiao 角 (4)	Zhiqi 執旗 (4)
Chosŏn	Zhenzi 侲子 (48) Sŏun’gwan 書雲觀 Age 12–16		Gongren (20)					Officials from the Sŏun’gwan 書雲觀官 (4)	Torch bearers 持炬 (10 × 4 unit)
			Fangxiangshi 方相氏 (4)	Changshuai 唱帥 (4)	Zhigu 執鼓 (4)	Zhizheng 執錚 (4)	Chuidi 吹笛 (4)

4. Comparison of Nuo Ritual Participants in China and Korea

The participants of the Nuo ritual in each period of China and Korea have been described above. From this, it can be observed that, throughout the historical development of the Nuo ritual in both countries, not only did the status and number of participants change, but the types of participants were also adjusted according to each country’s needs. Although Korea inherited the system of the Tang Nuo ritual, it did not adopt it wholesale without modification. In the Koryŏ period, while introducing the Tang Nuo ritual, some changes were made. By the Chosŏn period, with the rise of nationalist sentiment, the scope of modifications to the ritual expanded further to suit local circumstances. Participants were also rearranged according to the architectural layout of the Chosŏn royal palace—Gyeongbokgung—to better align with the palace’s routes and practical requirements.

Since the composition of Nuo ritual participants in both countries across different periods is relatively complex, only several representative types of participants are selected for comparison here. The comparison is shown in Table 3.

Table 3. Comparison of the Main Participants of the Nuo Ritual in China and Korea.

Country	Era	Nuo Ritual Participants
		Zhengzi 侲子	Fangxiangshi 方相氏	Gujiao 鼓角		Changshuai 唱帥		Twelve beasts 十二獸	Wenshi 問事	Zhishi(zhe) 執事(者)
China	Han 漢	Zhonghuangmen 中黃門子弟 (120) Age 10–12	1					12
	Houqi 後齊	The children of musicians 樂人子弟 (240) Age 10–12	1					12
	Sui 隋	The children of musicians 樂人子弟 (240) Age 10–12	Gongren 工人 21			1			12
			1	10 people each, 20
	Tang 唐	144 people Age 12–16	Gongren 工人 22							12
			1	10 people each, 20		1
	Song 宋	96 people Age 12–15	1 Shangren 上人	20		1 Shangren 上人				12
Korea	Koryŏ	48 people Age 12–16	Gongren 工人 22							12
			1	Gu 鼓 12	Jiao 角 4	Zhiqi 執旗 4	1
	Chosŏn	Sŏun’gwan 書雲觀 (48) Age 12–16	Gongren 工人 20
			4	Gu 鼓 4	Chuidi 吹笛 4	Zhizheng 執錚 4	4

Table 3 organizes the main participants of the palace Nuo ritual in China and Korea, from which the following features can be observed.

Firstly, in all periods of both China and Korea, the role of Zhenzi existed, and they made up the largest number of participants in the Nuo ritual. This underscores their significance as key contributors to these cultural practices in both nations. However, a comparison based on Table 3 shows that the age and status of Zhenzi varied across different periods in the two countries.

In China, during the Han dynasty, Zhenzi were selected from the children of the Zhonghuangmen 中黃門子弟 aged 10–12. In the Later Qi 後齊 and Sui 隋 periods, they were selected from the children of musicians 樂人子弟 aged 10–12. In the Tang 唐 dynasty, the age range of Zhenzi 侲子 (child-shamans) expanded to 12–16, and no specific status requirements were indicated. In the Song 宋 dynasty, the status of Zhenzi was also unclear, and their age was 12–15. In Korea, the Zhenzi of the Koryŏ dynasty also had unspecified status, but their age ranged from 12 to 16. During the Chosŏn dynasty, Zhenzi were selected from the Sŏun’gwan 書雲觀, with the same age criteria as in Koryŏ, but with specific status restrictions. Regarding the number of Zhenzi, the two countries also differed. In China, the population is 120 in the Han dynasty, 240 in the Later Qi and Sui periods, 144 in the Tang dynasty, and 96 in the Song dynasty. In Korea, both the Koryŏ and Chosŏn dynasties had 48 Zhenzi. In terms of numbers, China had significantly more Zhenzi than Korea. The Zhenzi were typically selected from official offices closely connected to the palace, such as the Zhonghuangmen 中黃門 and Sŏun’gwan. This selection process clearly demonstrates the Zhenzi’s close association with court rituals and their role in ceremonies aimed at warding off disasters and epidemics.

Second, the range of roles and functions of Gongren in the Nuo ritual of both countries showed a gradually expanding trend. In the Han 漢 and Later Qi 後齊 dynasties in China, there were no roles assigned to Gongren in the Nuo ritual. Starting from the Sui 隋 dynasty, the roles of Fangxiangshi 方相氏 and Gujiao 鼓角 were assigned to Gongren; by the Tang 唐 dynasty, in addition to Fangxiangshi and Gujiao, Changshuai 唱帥 was also performed by Gongren, showing a gradual expansion of their role scope. However, in the Song 宋 dynasty, records of Gongren disappear, and the roles of Fangxiangshi and Changshuai were taken over by Shanren 上人. In Koryŏ, the tradition of the Tang Nuo ritual was inherited, and among the 22 Gongren 工人, the traditional roles performed by Tang Gongren—Fangxiangshi, Gujiao, and Changshuai—were included, along with four newly added Zhiqi 執旗. In the Chosŏn period, Gongren performed not only the roles of Fangxiangshi, Changshuai, and Zhigu, but also two new roles: Chuidi and Zhizheng. Although the number of Gongren in the Chosŏn Nuo ritual was only 20, they performed five roles: Fangxiangshi, Changshuai, Zhigu, Chuidi, and Zhizheng. As the range of roles expanded, the functions of Gongren in the Nuo ritual also tended to expand. Since the majority of Gongren were instrumental performers, it is inferred that their main task was musical performance. The emergence of the Gongren and the continuous expansion of their roles indicate a trend that Nuo rituals were transitioning from religious ceremonies to dramatic performances. In Nuo rituals, musical instruments primarily served to enhance the ceremonial atmosphere, but in the stage of Nuo drama, the function of musical performance became more prominent, forming an essential component of the performance. Therefore, through the increase in the number of Gongren and the diversification of their roles, the process of the evolution from Nuo rituals to Nuo drama can be more clearly reflected from the objective perspective of the composition of the performing troupe.

Third, the twelve beasts 十二獸 of the Han and Later Qi dynasties were transformed into twelve Wenshi 十二問事 during the Sui dynasty, and later became twelve Zhishi (zhe) 十二執事(者) in the Tang and Song dynasties. This tradition was transmitted to Koryŏ along with the Nuo ritual and continued as twelve Zhishi (zhe) in Koryŏ. However, by the Chosŏn period, traces of Zhishi (zhe) disappeared from the Nuo ritual. Despite the differences in names—twelve beasts, twelve Wenshi, twelve Zhishi (zhe)—their numbers and costumes indicate that they all belong to the same type, with the change in name reflecting only the passage of time. Here, the number twelve is related to ancient Chinese systems of time measurement, such as the twelve Earthly Branches 地支, the twelve months, and the twelve zodiac signs 生肖, and it also has a certain connection with directions.

Fourth, although the participants of Nuo ritual in Korea and China changed over time, two roles—Fangxiangshi and Zhenzi—existed in every era of both countries. These two roles originated from the Fangxiangshi and one hundred slaves described in the Zhouli. The Fangxiangshi and one hundred slaves were the most central participants in the Nuo ritual of the Zhouli, and similarly, Fangxiangshi and Zhenzi played important roles in every era of Nuo ritual in Korea and China. This indirectly demonstrates that although the participants of Nuo ritual changed over time, the most central participants—the Fangxiangshi and Zhenzi—maintained their original traditions.

By comparing the main participants of Nuo ritual in Korea and China, it can be seen that, although there are differences in status and number, the basic composition of the main participants is generally consistent. This indicates that, in the process of transmission in each country, the Nuo ritual retained its fundamental traditions while also undergoing certain modifications according to national and temporal needs, resulting in distinct characteristics in each context.

5. Conclusions

The Nuo rituals of both China and Korea have a long history, and particularly, the Koryŏ Nuo ritual inherited the system of the Tang Dynasty, which makes a comparative study between the two countries possible. However, until now, scholars from both China and Korea have focused their research primarily within their own countries, leading to a dearth of studies that comparatively analyze Nuo rituals across these two nations. Moreover, due to the extensive history and broad scope of Nuo rituals, conducting a comparative study of the rituals in both countries at the current stage involves many challenges. It is impracticable to cover all aspects within a limited space. For these reasons, this study focuses on a specific issue within the Nuo ritual—the participants in the palace Nuo ritual. By examining the composition, social status, age, and number of participants in Nuo rituals across different periods in China and Korea, this study aims to elucidate the connections and differences between the two countries’ rituals and to identify the national and temporal characteristics of palace Nuo rituals.

A comparative analysis of participants in palace Nuo rituals across different historical periods demonstrates that, while the essential traditions were maintained, notable changes occurred in both countries. For instance, although the role of the Zhenzi was consistently assigned to young boys in China and Korea alike, differences can be observed with regard to their social status, number, and specific functions. Furthermore, the roles and responsibilities of the Gongren gradually expanded, with their musical functions becoming increasingly prominent, thereby providing the conditions for Nuo rituals to evolve into Nuo drama in later generations. The gradual decline of ritual functions and the emergence of stronger entertainment elements are reflected not only in the performance itself but also in the social identity and composition of its participants. In this respect, changes in the transmission of Nuo rituals can be identified not only through the procedures of the ceremonies but also through the transformation of the participants’ social identity and composition. In addition, the twelve beasts 十二獸, twelve Wenshi 十二問事, and twelve Zhishi(zhe) 十二執事(者), although differing in name, maintained consistency in number and costume, reflecting the continuity of traditional forms. Overall, the core participants of Korean and Chinese Nuo rituals preserved their historical traditions, while the specific forms were adjusted according to time and regions.

The reason this study focuses on the participants of court Nuo rituals in China and Korea is that in both countries these rituals survive only in textual records, while the actual court ceremonies have long since disappeared. Although numerous ritual practices associated with Nuo have been preserved within contemporary folk beliefs in both countries, there is insufficient evidence to demonstrate their concrete connections with ancient Nuo rituals. As a result, many of these practices are simply regarded as belonging to the broader Nuo tradition. Accordingly, this study holds the following scholarly significance through its focused examination of court Nuo ritual participants in China and Korea. First, by analyzing changes in the composition of Nuo ritual participants across historical periods, it becomes possible to identify clearly the shifts in their functions and social statuses. Such analysis also allows for a more precise interpretation of the transformation of Nuo rituals into Nuo drama. Notably, given the absence of specialized studies dedicated specifically to Nuo ritual participants in either China or Korea, this research helps fill an important gap in the existing scholarship. Second, by systematically comparing changes in participant status and numbers across different periods, this study provides valuable foundational material for future efforts to reconstruct both ancient and contemporary Nuo rituals in China and Korea, as well as for establishing the continuity and connections between ancient Nuo rituals and modern Nuo culture.

This research analyzes only the participants of palace Nuo rituals based on documentary records and does not include participants of folk Nuo rituals. Research on this latter aspect will be addressed in future studies. At the same time, this study aims to provide a broader perspective and a foundation for more in-depth comparative research on Nuo rituals in Korea and China.