Deras, Identity, and Caste Cleavages in the Sikh-Dominated Society of Punjab

Abstract

The argument of the paper is that deras, as religio-spiritual and philanthropic organizations, play a critical role in the identity formation of their followers (by providing them distinct symbols, sacred texts, gurus, cultural traits, codes of conduct, rituals, and prayers), which score the social surface and carve out numbers of distinct religio-cultural groups in the Sikh-dominated society of Punjab. Moreover, the value gainsay, along with the orchestrated identity formation process of deras, generates conflict in the Sikh-dominated society of Punjab, which deepens the prevailing social cleavages as well as generating new conflicts in the society. Such conflicts further degrade the social position of deras’ followers (who invariably belong to Scheduled Castes and Backward Castes) and even marginalize them within their own erstwhile caste(s) and community. By taking Dera Sacha Sauda as a reference, the paper shows that the value gainsay and the identity formation processes of the dera generate social conflict between its followers and radical Sikhs in Punjab. The study reveals that such conflict not only generates new social cleavage(s) (viz., Premies vs. Sikhs) between the two ideologically distinct segments but also engenders the prevailing caste and class cleavages in society.

1. Introduction

Deras1 have acquired the decisive space in the contemporary religious and socio-cultural space of the Sikh-dominated society of East Punjab2, henceforth Punjab (Jodhka 2008; S. Singh 2009, p. 33). In the context of the socio-cultural arena, deras extensively influence the pattern of behavior of their followers (from the beginning of an ordinary day, pattern of daily behavior, beliefs, and social actions to perform the rituals related to birth, marriage, and death). Deras as alternative religious spaces play an active role in reimagining, articulating, and broadcasting a distinct social vision and transforming and maintaining the status of people in society. Deras are also constructively revivifying religious philosophy and sacred space and reshaping religious symbols that mark the distinct socio-religious identity of their followers as apart from the mainstream religious communities. Reciprocally, the overriding social forces (radical Sikhs) resist the newly formed identity, which marks deras’ followers as a culturally distinct group of the society. Thus, the emergence of new deras, along with distinct religious philosophy and socio-cultural identity, produces a new social cleavage in society. While in the political arena, deras are playing an important role in raising democratic consciousness and influencing the electoral choices and contestation for power in the democratic politics of contemporary Punjab (Kumar 2014, pp. 35–36). In return, the political elites provide state patronage to deras in order to secure and enhance their political interests. Such patronage facilitates deras to flourish all over the state and neighboring states, even abroad (Singh 2020, pp. 181–209). Since 2007, a large number of deras have captured the decisive space in the state politics. It has been observed that the rising inability of the state government to provide the basic amenities and to undertake welfare works in order to fulfill the fundamental needs of the people (especially marginalized sections) offers an adequate space for deras to enter the political arena of the state (Singh and Singh 2017, pp. 148–49). The growing number of followers of deras is observed as a solid vote bank by babas (the head of deras) as well as politicians in contemporary times. Now, babas of deras and their close aides have developed cordial relations with the political leaders and bureaucrats in order to seek state patronization, whereas the political leaders fabricated relations with the babas of deras to obtain an en-bloc of votes (Lal 2009, pp. 229–32). Several cases have been recorded where the heads of deras or babas indirectly took part in the politics of Punjab. Such political participation by deras did not produce political conflict in the state, whereas, in 2007, the overt participation of Dera Sacha Sauda (henceforth DSS) in the politics of Punjab produced political conflict between its followers and the supporters of Shiromani Akali Dal (Badal), henceforth SAD(B). On the other hand, SAD(B) translated the political conflict into social conflict in the state, which severely influenced the syncretic culture and social structure of the society. This establishes that the political participation of a religious person or dera in politics generates political conflict between two opposing political parties, which further translates these political conflicts into a social conflict in the society. As a result, it not only perpetuates the persisting social cleavages among the supporting social factions and groups of the political parties but also generates abhorrence among them by overt participation against the mainstream religion-based political party. The literature available on deras reveals that in contemporary times, a large number of people from vulnerable castes and classes and politically marginalized sections frequently visit different deras (Ram 2007, 2008, 2012a, 2012b, 2014; Baixas 2007; Meeta and Rajivlochan 2007; Lal 2009; Simon 2010). People widely perceive deras as a platform for protesting against their historical social oppression, cultural neglect, and political marginalization (Singh 2016, 2019a, 2019b, 2020; Singh and Singh 2017). Therefore, it is observed that deras not only question the prevailing ascendancy of elites but also challenge their entrenched supremacy in the socio-economic structure and political system of the state. The present paper is based on a field study using a mixed method—qualitative and quantitative—to collect relevant information from different villages and urban localities in the Bathinda and Mansa districts of Punjab, from 2015 to 2016. The paper does not discuss the recent controversies related with the dera’s chief because its primary objective is to focus on how the DSS’s identity formation process generates social conflict which further deepens the caste cleavages in the Sikh-dominated society of Punjab. The paper is divided into three parts; the first part discusses the prevailing caste cleavages among the Sikhs and how they coerced the marginalized people towards the deras in Punjab. The second part deals with the genesis of DSS, and the process of identity formation and conflict generation in the Sikh-dominated society of Punjab. The third part is a concluding remark on the overall discussion.

2. Caste Cleavages among Sikhs and Deras in Punjab

Theoretically, the Sikh panth (community) is an egalitarian society, but, over the period, several types of social cleavages3 have emerged in the panth. Although the Sikh panth has democratic institutions like sangat4and pangat5 and Sarbat Khalsa6, the former two are primarily confined to the socio-spatial space of gurdwaras, and the later one has vanished from practice in the panth, whereas the rest of social space (the aura of social interaction and ties among the Sikhs outside the spatial space of gurdwara) has become hierarchical and exclusionary in nature, which does not provide equal and respectable positions to the so-called lower castes. With the passage of time, “the centuries old psychological baggage of socially constructed and graded caste hierarchies, which converts have brought with them into the Sikh fold, nevertheless had led to the creation of its own kind of diversity within the Panth and its related social hierarchy, especially after the close of the golden period of ten gurus” (Ram 2023, pp. 152–53). The exclusionary values and cleavages that emerged in the egalitarian Sikh panth have segmented the Sikhs into different sections on the basis of caste, class, gender, color, and region. Therefore, the lower castes linger on the position of socially excluded, culturally deprived, economically exploited, and politically marginalized. Having a distinct religio-spiritual philosophy along with the materialistic nature of caste hierarchy (caste hierarchy among Sikhs is based on the ownership of land) has made Punjab different from the rest of India (where the nature of caste hierarchy is based on the ideology).

Sikhism as an ideological movement, under the auspicious guidance of Guru Nanak and his successor, emerged as a strong resistance against the caste system and social restrictions of Hinduism, specifically revolting against the bigotry and arrogance of the privileged priesthood and the tendency towards religious mysticism (Macnicol 1934, pp. 145–46; Grewal [1991] 2017, p. 29). Guru Nanak clearly rejected the caste system. One of his widely quoted shabad (hymns) which is an attack on casteism, is as follows: “Neechan Ander Neech Jati, Neechi Hu AtiNeech, Nanak Tin Ke Sath Sang, Vadian Siyon Kya Reess. JitheNeechSanmalian, Tithe Nader Teri Bakhsish (Be there the lowest among the low, or even the lower, Nanak is with them, not with the so-called high. The blessing of God is where the lowly are cared for). Guru Nanak said that caste is irrelevant in front of God. God bestows blessings irrespective of caste and creed. His rejection of caste and concept of equality are in terms of religious criteria (Singh 1969, p. 106). Guru Nanak also denounced the notions of purity and pollution. He said that if the idea of impurity or pollution is admitted, then there is pollution in everything. Furthermore, a new egalitarian religious community emerged from the discourse of Guru Nanak (Grewal 1996, pp. 30–40). The dharmshalas (later known as gurdwaras) became the pedestal to spread his discourse, and the appointment of priests from non-Brahmin castes also challenged the Brahminical monopoly over priesthood. Another significant attack on caste and social hierarchy was made through the institutions of Sangat (religious congregation) and Pangat (eating food together). These democratic institutions symbolize equality and facilitate breaking down social barriers by rejecting the notions of purity and pollution (Hans 2016, pp. 131–32; Kalsi 1989, p. 74). Although the social composition of the Sikhs in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries consisted mainly of the trading community, agriculturists, carpenters, blacksmiths, and bricklayers, later on, the Sikh movement became a rallying point for the so-called lower castes by promising a respectable and egalitarian social space.

During the period of the second Guru Angad, there was no place in the congregation for anyone who observed caste (Bhalla 1978, p. 37; Jacobsen et al. 2017). They treated all the castes as equals. Guru Amar Das went one step further, and no one who had not eaten food at langar could see him. The fifth Guru, Arjan Dev, compiled the Guru Granth Sahib, which contains the bani (hymns) of Hindu and Muslim sants, including some from socially excluded castes (Singh 1944, pp. 49–50). It clearly demonstrates that the Gurus rejected caste as a symbol of social status. After that, the Sikh community started to turn into a textual community whose social and religious life is centered on a text. Moreover, newly acquired space in the novel textual community has an egalitarian ideology, rituals, institutions, absence of caste-based priesthood, and the respect of manual labor. All these gave a striking blow to the notions of purity and pollution, ritual rigidity, and caste-based social hierarchy (Singh 1970, pp. 11–12). Such a newly formed social space had neither religious legitimacy for caste nor caste-based priesthood. Therefore, several people from lower and socially excluded castes embraced Sikhism in hopes of attaining social equality and dignity (Davis 1951, p. 181). At that juncture, it was noticed that the upper castes consumed food received from the hands of the lower castes (McLeod 1975, p. 87). They had been experiencing dignity and equality within its egalitarian fold throughout the 17th century. At the same time, due to their numerical predominance, the influence of Jats greatly increased in the Sikh community. Further, in 1699, the institution of the Khalsa brotherhood was founded by Guru Gobind Singh, who also ridiculed the caste distinction. According to Bingley,

“He openly attacked all distinctions of caste, and insisted on the equality of all who would join him; and resuscitating the old baptismal rite of the Sikhs, he proclaimed it as the pahul….he gave to its members the parshad or communion as a sacrament of union in which the four orders of Hindu society should eat from the same dish”.

(Bingley [1899] 1970, p. 22)

Thus, the people from all castes were merged into one group, i.e., Khalsa. Khalsa has distinct characteristics designed to wed disparate peoples of the lower castes into a highly motivated martial community (Smith 1948, pp. 459–60). The ritual of amrit7 rejects the principle of exclusive commensality based on the doctrine of the ritual of purity and pollution (Bhangu 2008, pp. 202–16; Gupta 1952, p. 189; Narang 1956, p. 81). Under the leadership of the Sikh Gurus, the Sikh society emerged as a political and social force that challenged many aspects of caste within Punjabi society.

Subsequently, on the creation of the Khalsa panth, the upper castes among Sikhs murmured at these reforms, and some persons even left Guru Gobind Singh (Bingley [1899] 1970, p. 23). Due to fear of marginalization and sticking to the customary cultural codes, a large number of Sikhs from the Brahmin and Khatri castes strongly resisted the Khalsa identity in Delhi. The new Khalsa Sikhs were harassed, their shops were shut down, and a socio-economic boycott was imposed on them (Oberoi 1996, p. 45). Afterward, the caste distinction continued in the Sikh panth, and the experience of dignity and equality could not be sustained for a long period. Grewal described that Bhai Gurdas in his Vars (prose), mentioned the names of some castes that were present in the Sikh panth, such as Aroras, Khatri, Jats, Brahman, Lohars, Nais, Chhimbas, Dhobis, Kumhars, Teli, Goldsmith, and Chandals, etc. (Grewal 1996, pp. 30–31). It shows that in the late sixteenth and mid-seventh centuries, the caste identity was recognized in the public domain of the Sikh panth and remarked upon in the literature of the Sikhs.

During the eighteenth century, the composition of the Sikh community underwent a radical change. Until that time, the socio-religious leadership of the Sikhs had remained in the hands of non-militant urban Khatris, whereas the bulk of the new converts were chauvinist Jats (Habib 1976, p. 95) from the central districts of Punjab. Hereafter, the rise of hawkishness in the Sikh panth provided space for Jat power in Punjab (Kalsi 1989, p. 89). Throughout the last quarter of the 18th and first half of the 19th centuries, in the process of the growth and expansion of the panth, its body-politic came to be afflicted by casteism and untouchability, from which the Gurus had tried to pull their followers out (Hans 2016, pp. 133–40). People entered the panth along with their respective caste affiliations and endogamy customary values. Even when embracing Sikhism, Rajputs and Khatris did not care for Guru Gobind Singh’s symbols nor the principle of equality among the castes (Marenco 1976, p. 116). This establishes that caste affiliations had become a significant social formation in the Sikh community. Before the entry of the Jats, Khatris were largely the followers who exercised their influence in the Sikh panth. The inclusion of Jats into the Sikh panth also changed the caste equations in the panth (Cole 1984, p. 216). The political position of Jats in the Sikh-predominated areas of Punjab was very high as compared to their counterparts in hilly areas, where Muhammadans dominated Western Punjab (Ibbetson [1883] 1970, p. 437). The philosophy of Sikhism (which rejects the notion of purity and pollution and allows one to carry a sword) became a crucial factor in the upward social mobility of Jats to higher caste status, along with the political dominance in the Sikh community, which further contributed to the consolidation and expansion of Sikhism. It also provided a space to lower castes for their social mobility. The Jats adopted the model of corporate caste mobility, which was the same measure that was adopted by broken-off Hindus from their parent castes, and instituted new occupations and nomenclature for themselves (Marenco 1976, p. 37). During this period, Jats constituted the predominant segment in the panth. From the 1740s to 1849, they became powerful landholders and cultivators, as well as the rulers of different misls (the Sikh confederacy) and the Sikh empire. Cunningham reported the upward social mobility among some castes, such as carpenters, kalals, animal-skin-treaters, and Jats (Cunningham 1849, p. ix). It is quite interesting that capturing political power became necessary to raise social status within the Sikh Panth. “It was the taste of political power which made the Sikh Jat feels prouder than the Rajput” (Singh 1933, p. 287). Furthermore, some of the ex-untouchable castes entered into subordinate levels of administration, which slightly enhanced their social status in the panth (Marenco 1976, p. 37). Political dominance, during Maharaja Ranjit Singh’s regime (1801–1839), formed a new caste hierarchy with Jat Sikhs emerging as a major part of the nobility or the ruling class. They constituted a significant portion of Ranjit Singh’s army, about 30 percent, and were also the major beneficiaries of jagirs (a type of feudal land grant). Since then, the size of landholding and political power has determined social status in the newly formed Sikh society (Puri 2003, p. 2695). As a result of such political and economic developments, a social hierarchy emerged in the Sikh community, which not only became caste-ridden but also reflected the prevalence of discrimination against lower castes or untouchables (Singh 1933, p. 146). The inference that could be drawn from the above discussion viz. religious morality is not safe in the context of power and wealth.

During the colonial period, the Britishers re-categorized the religious communities through the Western vision of the social world, which influenced Punjabi society (Judge and Kaur 2010, p. 349). The colonial government played an overriding role in changing the caste relations and social structure of the Sikh community. In Punjab, the British administrators wanted to form a ‘natural leader’, who would be loyal to them while holding sway above the peasantry. They also understood that the ‘natural leaders’ of the community deserved special patronage (Narang 1998, pp. 16–24). At this time, they included a new caste construction for civil order based on privileges and exclusion. According to Nicholas Dirks, the British colonial masters, through colonial ethnology and colonization of archives, used caste as a prism to understand India, particularly how it should be ruled (Dirks 2002, p. 60). Therefore, they divided the population of Punjab on the basis of castes and tribes (Smith 1948, pp. 1291–92). As a result, from 1881 to 1921, the colonial administrators recorded more than twenty-five castes within the Sikh panth, such as Jat, Khatri, Arora, Labana, Saini, Kamboj, Kalal, Tarkhan, Nai, Chhimba, Jhinwar, Ramdasia, Mazhabi, etc., (Bingley [1899] 1970, p. 40). The British administrators also introduced the concept of martial races, characterized by loyalty and military fidelity. The British administrators recognized the Sikh community as a martial race, but they valued the Jats more than other castes because of their military fidelity. Later on, the Sikhs’ national character was formed and identified with that of the Jats of Punjab. All these developments helped to raise the social status of Jats. Moreover, canal colonies developed the regulatory form of social hierarchy by allocating land for ownership and cultivation. The British government also followed the principle of not upsetting the existing social and economic order. Therefore, the government passed the Punjab Land Alienation Act 1901, which ascertained that only people belonging to defined agricultural castes could purchase agricultural land. Even though some had the means to purchase the land for cultivation, the government prohibited tenants, laborers, and non-agriculturalist castes from owning it. The government also prohibited the dalits from sharing the shamlaat land (common land). However, in order to secure Mazhabi Sikh8 pensioners (ex-army personnel) from humiliation at the hands of Jats, the government granted them land in the Gujranwala district of Chenab colonies (Ali 1989, p. 95). Such extraordinary privileges provided to the Jats further contributed to their caste consolidation and domination, and to some extent, these privileges added to their arrogance. Thus, the colonial regime supported the emerging distinct caste hierarchy and social exclusion in Punjab in general, as well as the Sikhs in particular.

The end of the 19th and early 20th centuries was a period of caste consolidation in Punjab. In the 1880s, the Singh Sabha movement came up to revive Sikhism. The everlasting impact of the movement was to give emphasis to eliminating all forms of religious diversity and socio-cultural hierarchy within the Sikh community (Judge 2004, pp. 3947–48). It established the homogeneous norms of religious orthodoxy and orthopraxy. In his book ‘Naqli Sikh Prabodh’, Giani Ditt Singh denounced the upper castes as naqli (counterfeit) Sikhs, citing their primary identification and treatment based on caste. Giani Partap Singh, the head granthi (priest) of the Golden Temple, reported that Mazhabis were not allowed to enter the Golden Temple for veneration, and their offering of ‘karahparshad’ (a sweet vegetarian pudding) was not accepted (Singh 1933, pp. 146–47). Public wells and other utilities were also off-limits to them. This reflects that the persistence of caste hierarchy and caste-based exclusion of dalits was common in the panth in the early twentieth century. Although the Singh Sabha movement tried to mitigate the social malevolence (like caste and superstitions) in the panth, it could not succeed holistically in achieving the desired objectives. During this time, caste had become an endemic and distinct feature of Sikh social life. Later on, in the 1920s, the Shiromani Gurdwara Prabandhak Committee (henceforth SGPC) adopted several resolutions that expressed shock and regret over the prevalence of prejudice against baptized dalit Sikhs and their access to the gurdwaras. Although many people from the lower castes were recruited as religious priests, ragis (a person who sings hymns by playing a musical instrument), and sewadars (volunteers) over the years, caste-based exclusion is still practiced in the panth. In Punjab, the pervasiveness of communal politics further facilitated the rise of both caste and community identity assertions.

In the post-independence period, Jat Sikhs, the largest landholding caste, controlled the economic and political institutions, which helped them to assert their dominance over the other minor landed and non-agricultural castes (Ram 2004, p. 898). Their political visibility, at the local as well as the state level, also legitimized their higher social status in the state. Khushwant Singh described that the social fabric of the Sikh community divides the Sikhs into two broader groups, i.e., agriculturalists (Jats) and non-agriculturalists (non-Jats) (Singh 1953, p. 258). Jat Sikhs began to treat non-agriculturalist castes, such as Khatris and Aroras, as second-class Sikhs. They explicitly spoke to such non-agricultural castes as ‘Bhapas’ (K. Singh 2009, p. 437). Furthermore, the green revolution also increased Jat Sikhs’ economic, political, and social clout. In the late 1970s, I. P. Singh conducted an anthropological study of a Sikh village, which revealed that largely the “Sikh values are jat values, and the jat assert that they occupy the highest position among the Sikh castes” (Singh 1977, p. 70). It reveals that land ownership had become the primary criterion of Jats’ dominance in the Sikh panth. Therefore, in such an exclusive social space, there was no hope for dalits and non-landholding castes to uplift their social status. Their acute landlessness forced them to be dependent on the landowning castes for employment, which also kept them at a lower level of caste hierarchy in the state. Dalits felt a sense of discrimination, exclusion, and humiliation at the hands of Jat Sikhs. Several cases of contempt or ridicule, instructions to sit at the end of the rows, to come for the langar at the end, to keep them out of the work of cooking and serving the langar, occasionally disallowance to carry Guru Granth Sahib from Jat gurdwara, refusal of granthies to do path (recitals of holy scripture) in the houses of dalits, and caste-based conflicts are sometimes noticed and even many more unnoticed in different villages of Punjab (Jodhka and Louis 2003, pp. 2923–26). Furthermore, dalits frequently express their dissatisfaction over Jat Sikhs’ refusal to treat them equally, even after their deaths, by prohibiting the cremation of their dead in the village’s main cremation ground (Singh 2017b, p. 20). Even more, the dalits’ exclusion from the mainstream gurdwara coerced them to construct their own separate gurdwaras and cremation grounds and move towards deras (Puri 2003, p. 2700; Jodhka 2002, p. 1818).

Several studies reveal that in Punjab, in general, the decades of structural change and economic growth have made the established mainstream religious alternatives increasingly irrelevant, but the high level of social mobilization of the marginalized sections of society has left very little leeway for a decisive break-through of new socio-religious alternatives, i.e., deras. It is not an accident, however, that the framework of social cleavages and exclusion generates a great deal of frustration, alienation, and protestation within the highly marginalized sections of society, particularly the dalits. Their revolt has found its most spectacular expression in socio-religious protest movements (such as Nirankari, Namdhari, Ad Dahrm, etc.) in Punjab, but their disaffection from the established religions, particularly from ideologically egalitarian religions, is a widespread phenomenon. Such a propensity encourages them to seek out alternative religious spaces. It is well reflected in their shift towards deras (Ram 2007, p. 4067; 2014, p. 166; 2017, p. 55). Deras, on the other hand, promise to endow them with democratic space, which acts as anointment on the lesions of the hitherto socially marginalized sections, through their socio-spiritual philosophy, socio-cultural ideas, symbols, and social welfare services. Therefore, it is generally believed that in Punjab, deras are emerging as a platform for spiritual regeneration, the socio-cultural upliftment of dalits, and the political assertion of marginalized sections of society (Ram 2012a, pp. 639–702; 2012b). The present study reveals that the value-gainsay and identity-formation processes, in the context of DSS, generate conflict in Punjab’s Sikh-dominated society. Such conflict not only deepens the prevailing caste cleavages, but also generates new social cleavages in society. Furthermore, it has an influence on the caste dynamics in Punjab’s Sikh society.

Genesis of Deras in Punjab

There are two perspectives on the emergence of deras at different points in the history of Punjab. According to one, the history of deras can be traced back to the founding of Udasi Mat by the son of Guru Nanak (Ram 2004, pp. 4066–74; Lal 2009, pp. 223–34; Singh 2017a, p. 20). However, certain other studies have established that different types of deras have emerged at different intervals in the state. The emergence of the Nath/Yogi/Jogi sect in Punjab in the 10th century marked the beginning of the historiography of deras in Punjab. Their dwelling places were, or are, known as akharas in the local idiom (S. Singh 2009, p. 33; 2020; Judge 2014, p. 372). Afterward, different deras of diverse religious–spiritual discourse came into existence, such as the deras of Sufi Mat, Udasi Mat, Sant Mat, and several other local deras from time to time. The yogis, sufis, and sants developed their sacred spaces like akharas/tilla, khanqhas, dharmshalas, and dehrah (the refined term is dera), wherein they formulated their discourses and communicated the same in vernacular against the priestly and political elites, who had established their dominance over religion, language, education, and society. Medieval socio-religious movements in Punjab succeeded in initiating certain liberal propensities, “which in turn opened up new release-windows for the mind and imagination of perceptive individuals and groups” (Gaur 2009, p. 174). Thus, these spiritual institutions/sects/deras have traditionally remained pedestals for attracting mostly the persecuted, socially marginalized, and excluded sections of society.

The Sikh idiom refers to deras as samperdai (sects). Some prominent Sikh sects came into existence along with the development of the Sikh panth. Mostly samperdai emerged in Sikh panth during the period of the ten gurus. There are two types of samperdais: first, samperdais that were or are according to the ethos of Sikhism, such as Udasi, Nirmalas, Nihangs, and Namdharies. On the other hand, the second type of samperdais emerges from a schism and forges unique identities beyond the conventions of mainstream society. These samperdais appeared as a result of the disgruntled and unsuccessful endeavors of the counterfeit aspirants to the title of guru (Grewal 1996, pp. 39–46) for instance Minas, Dhirmaliye, Ramraiye, Handalis, and Massandis (Marenco 1976, pp. 28–29). These samperdais did not originate within Sikh practices, although their conceivers were relatives of the gurus. They originated actually in opposition to Sikhism and ran parallel pontifications to the Sikh guruship (spiritual lineage). They tried to construct their distinct identity outside of the main traditions.

Along with the above-mentioned samperdais, several other samperdais or derascropped up at different intervals during the long and tortuous consolidation of the Sikh religion. During the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Khalsa values declined in the wake of rising Sikh political power because, at the same time, the Sikh panth was evolving into a more organized and structured community. During this period, many spiritual leaders came forward to take radical steps in order to transform the panth Nirankaris and Namdharis (Thakar 2014, pp. 350–56), and later on, such movements developed into distinct samperdais or deras (McLeod 2010, p. 189). In the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries, some contemporary prominent deras emerged in Punjab that followed the teachings of Sikhism along with sant mat discourse, such as Gulabdassi, Radha Soami, NanaksarKaleran, Sacha Sauda, Sant Darbara Singh Lopo, Dera Sant Sarwan Dass Sachkhand, and Ballan (S. Singh 2009, p. 33; Singh and Singh 2017, p. 151). These deras gained strength in society due to the failure of Sikh religious institutions to coalesce the lower-caste people into mainstream society. Some of these deras have been noted as centers of dalit mobilization which distinguishes them from earlier deras. In 2007, the Punjabi newspaper listed more than 9000 deras in approximately 12,000 villages of Punjab. The rising popularity of deras indicates that their numbers may have crossed the above-mentioned figure in Punjab’s rural and urban settings (Ram 2007, p. 4067). This number could have increased further. The caste-based social exclusion of dalits is understood to be an important catalyst for the growth of deras in Punjab. Their incessant humiliation at the hands of upper castes coerced them to search for an alternative socio-cultural space in society. Their shift towards deras accurately reflects this (Singh 2020). Reciprocally, the deras have emerged as platforms for the socio-cultural and political assertion of dalits and marginalized sections of society. Deras have also emerged as sites of resistance against social exclusion, cultural deprivation, and separate identity. The emergence of different deras is often synchronized with temporal aspirations and social cleavages.

3. Dera Sacha Sauda, Identity Formation, and Cleavages

Dera Sacha Sauda is a spiritual organization that was established by Shah Mastana on 29 April 1948 at Sirsa (Kaushal 1998, p. 149). Shah Mastana was born on 1 November 1891 (Manager 1981, p. 50), in a Hindu family in Baluchistan. The small temple at home, where he practiced idol worship, did not satisfy him. He left the house and reached Dera Baba Jaimal Singh (Beas)9 in 1920, in Amritsar, Punjab, for glimpses of the Almighty, where he started to follow Baba Sawan Singh as his spiritual master (Kaushal 1998, p. 147). Later on, Baba Sawan Singh bestowed on him the title “Shah” and deputed to spread the spiritual discourse in the provinces of Balochistan, Sindh, and some parts of Western Punjab, namely Sangla, Multan, Gojra, Lyallpur, and Montgomery (Singh [1970] 2012, p. 5). In 1946, Baba Sawan Singh sent Mastana to Radha Soami Satsang Ghar (abode), Sirsa, in the Bangar region, to spread the discourse. At Sirsa, he worked as a preacher of Radha Soami until the death of his guru on 2 April 1948. After the demise of Baba Sawan Singh, Mastana asserted that the divine power of his guru was vested in him and also ordered him to run a separate mission. Then, on 29 April 1948, he founded his distinct dera in the name of his guru, viz., ‘Sacha Sauda Dera Param Sant Sawan Singh’ or ‘Sacha Sauda-Dera Param Sant Sawan Shah’ (Kaushal 1998, p. 148). Shah Mastana settled on three basic principles of the dera: “first, only vegetarian food is allowed; second, drinking liquor is forbidden; and third, illicit sex is not allowed”.10 He also bestowed the slogan “Dhan DhanSatguru Tera Hi Asra” (only God is worth praising, the Supreme Being, and we are solely dependent on Him, and only He can help us everywhere in all eventualities). He advocated equality among the individuals irrespective of their caste, class, or religion. He asked the followers to sit together without making any difference. All are children of God and there is no disparity in front of God (Singh [1970] 2012). Shah Mastana inexhaustibly served the dera for 12 years. He died on 18 April 1960. After his death, the deras’ followers divided into two major factions: “one supported Satnam Singh while the second was in favor of Gurbaksh Singh” (Kaushal 1998, p. 149). At last, on 26 August 1960, Satnam Singh sat on the gurugaddi (spiritual throne) of the DSS, while Gurbaksh Singh Manager established a distinct dera at Jagmalwali village of the Sirsa district of the state of Haryana. In a while, another faction of the dera popped up by Mangu Mal (nephew of Shah Mastana), i.e., Dera Mastana Shah Balochistani, Ludhiana (ibid).

From1960, Shah Satnam Singh widely propagated the spiritual philosophy of his master in different parts of north-western India. He prophesied in 2250 satsangs to spread the Sacha Sauda’s discourse at different villages and cities of Haryana, Rajasthan, Delhi, Punjab, and Uttar Pradesh (Kumar n.d.11, p. 81). He constructed deras in said states (ibid, p. 402). He also advocated social reforms in order to get rid of malpractices and superstitions in society, for example, drug addiction, female feticide, dowry, untouchability, child marriage, etc. He performed the assigned tasks with the utmost devotion for a period of 27 years. He appointed Gurmeet Singh as his successor on 23 September 199012, and left for a heavenly abode on 13 December 1990.

Under Gurmeet Ram Rahim Singh’s13 leadership, the dera has grown several fold. The incessantly growing number ofdera followers has crossed to 50 million all around the world (Tripathi 2018, p. 9). As a result, in 1992, a new dera campus, i.e., ‘Shah Satnam Ji Dham’ was constructed under his supervision on Sirsa-Bhadra-Chopta road, in the village Begu, in Sirsa. He oversaw the construction of 38 deras as regional headquarters and several naamcharchaghars (local deras) in various states of India.14 Under the guidance of Gurmeet Singh, the dera is running 133 humanitarian welfare activities such as medical aid, houses for the poor, giving financial help for the marriage of destitute girls, blood donation, skin and eye donation, women’s empowerment, tree plantations, water conservation, etc. In addition to his philanthropic efforts, Gurmeet Singh faced numerous disputes and controversies. Moreover, he has remained in the glare of publicity due to his performances as a pop singer, film star, dressing codes, and royal life. Because of this peculiar behavior, he does not fit into Indian society’s prevailing spiritual ethos. Western sartorial and musical codes are not acceptable to orthodox eastern spirituality. This illuminates several critical features of the public presentation of religion in Indian society (Copeman 2012, p. 156). Gurmeet Singh was convicted of Sadhavis’ rape case by the CBI (Central Bureau of Investigation) court of Panchkula on 25 August 2017, prompting thousands of the dera followers to unleash violence, resulting in the death of at least 30 people and over 250 injured.15 On 28 August 2017, Gurmeet Ram Rahim was sentenced to 20 years of rigorous imprisonment. Subsequently, on 11 January 2019, he was convicted in the murder case of Ram Chander Chatterpati and sentenced to life imprisonment. Once more, on 18 October 2021, Gurmeet Singh along with his four aides were convicted of the murder case of Ranjit Singh, ex-manager of DSS, by the CBI court of Panchkula, and sentenced to life imprisonment. Later, on 28 May 2024, the Punjab and Haryana high court acquitted him in the murder case of Ranjit Singh, ex-manager of DSS. Thus, the controversies associated with Gurmeet Singh Ram Rahim have overcome his philanthropic works, which reflect the only dark side of the story.

DSS, as the field study shows, is playing a critical role in the construction of distinct socio-cultural spaces through the configuration of a web of cultural traits, rituals, artefacts, and monuments (the buildings which serve as memorials or cultural heritage). These newly formed social and spatial spaces allow the dera’s followers to re-imagine themselves as a distinct social community. The dera projects the new spaces, which appear to be ‘castles in the air’, as a challenge to the subjugation of mainstream culture, which has hitherto placed the followers (who are invariably from the lower castes) on the periphery. The dera has also emerged as a focal point for their identity formation, offering a variety of principles, symbols, traditions, and rituals, as well as salutations, religious texts, deras, slogans, prayers, and dress codes. Additionally, they collectively engage in philanthropic activities (such as planting trees, conducting rescue operations during natural disasters, building houses for the impoverished, and arranging group marriages for poor girls) which are also forming their distinct identity. Although the identity formation process started in the time of Shah Satnam, the second head of the dera, systematic and conscious efforts have been made since 2007. Previously, the dera did not intentionally aim to form a distinct identity, but it inadvertently did so while engaging in spiritual activities. The dera fosters and accentuates the distinct religious symbol (one), slogan/naara (Dhan DhanSatguru Tera Hi Asra), religious places (Naamcharcha ghar), bani (hymns of the three heads of the dera)16, and Gurus (Shah Mastana, Shah Satnam, and Gurmeet Ram Rahim). The followers salute each other by uttering ‘Dhan DhanSatguru Tera Hi Asra’. During this period, the dera followers formed a homogeneous identity as ‘Premies’, referring to the true devotees of God and his creatures. They were being addressed as ‘Premi’ in society. The identity ‘Premi’ was subjected to their erstwhile identities such as caste, gender, and religion. Eventually, in 2007, the ‘Premi’ identity gave way to the ‘Insan’ identity. This shows that identities are fluid in nature and transform according to time and context.

In April 2007, through the ‘Jaam-E-Insan’ ceremony, DSS started to play a vital role in shaping, sharpening, and highlighting the separate socio-cultural identity of the followers, i.e., Insan. In May 2007, during the Jaam-E-Insan ceremony at Salabatpura in Bathinda (Punjab), Gurmeet Ram Rahim Singh Insan recommended forty-seven principles that directed the routine activities of the followers in the socio-cultural and religious fields. The dera has been quite successful in bringing forth the significance of the idea of a distinct cultural space for the emancipation and empowerment of the followers (about 64 percent of followers belong to SCs and BCs)17 in Punjab. The Jaam-e-Insan ceremony appeared as a mimicry of Guru Gobind Singh (in terms of clothing and preparing the amrit) which sparked a fierce social conflict in Punjab between the radical Sikhs and the dera followers. As a result of this incident, Sri Akal Takhat Sahib’s Jathedar issued a verdict to boycott the dera followers. In response to such a boycott, the dera constructed several social traditions related to birth, marriage, death, and surname18which formed their distinct identity in the society.

In Punjab, before the controversy, particularly among the Sikhs, the naming ceremony of a newborn baby is performed by a granthi (priest) of gurudwara. During and subsequent to the 2007 controversy, to perform the naming ceremony, the Sikhs did not provide the Guru Granth Sahib to the dera followers. As a result, the dera followers started to perform the naming ceremony by relating the name of the child with the name of the dera chief(s). For instance, Rajesh Insan of Mansa City named his son ‘Meet’, which is related to the name of the present dera chief, i.e., Gurmeet.19 Later on, the dera published a book ‘Guess What’s My Name?’ comprising around 2000 meaningful names. The book was published owing to a prolonged public request by the followers. The book also has a prayer for mothers which is to be recited while feeding the baby. The prayer is as follows:

“O all Benevolent Supreme Master! Your kind blessing is urged to transform this very first drop of milk to divine elixir and link the child to your lotus feet. O my graceful Lord! Make my child capable to perform virtuous actions, free from evil actions, and keep involved in your meditation”

(Insan n.d., p. 1).20

It demonstrates that the dera has constructed a tradition relating to the ‘naming ceremony’ as well as caring for the newborn baby. The dera not only derecognizes mainstream birth-related traditions, but also creates a parallel social space for its followers. The functional requirement coerces the dera to construct such distinct traditions. According to the field study, only well-aware and radical dera followers adhere to this tradition because they strictly follow the directions of the dera.

Similarly, the dera has also provided them with distinct marriage traditions. The dera followers were barred from performing marriages according to Sikh rituals. They were forbidden to enter gurdwaras and denied access to the Guru Granth Sahib. In this scenario, the dera developed a new mode of marriage, viz. the ‘Dil Jodh Mala’ (heart-bonding garland). Such marriages are also recognized by the law. During the marriage, the bride and groom exchange garlands of flowers either in front of the dera chief, if the marriageis performed at the main campus of the dera, Sirsa, or in front of a picture of the dera chief or the block or state-level committees’ members of the dera. On the last Sunday of every month, when the main satsang is organized at Sirsa, several marriages take place through ‘dil jodh mala’. The respondents argued that most dera followers of their respective areas perform marriages through ‘dil jodh mala’. Under this marriage ritual, followers from all sections—rich and poor, upper and lower castes, and of all religions—successfully bond their social ties.21 Such marriages also liberate the women from the mainstream exploitative marriage traditions. In this way, the dera chief promotes ‘dowry-free’ marriage.

Under the principle of the ‘crown of the lineage’, the dera promotes matrilineal inheritance, where a bride comes with a barat (wedding procession) and takes the groom along with her. Such marriages are practiced in those cases where the parents have only one female child. To extend their lineage, the dera, with the consent of the boy’s parents (if the boy has another male sibling), encourages the boy to relocate to his wife’s parental place to look after her parents as his own responsibility. This is a novel idea in the agricultural-based patriarchal society of Punjab, which provides ample space for male children. Another type of marriage that is practiced by the dera followers is ‘mardaanibhakatvirangana’. In this type of marriage, a physically fit woman comes forward to marry a physically disabled man. Many women followers have registered themselves as ‘mardaanibhakatvirangana’ at the ‘rubru’ marriage bureau of the dera.22 At the monthly spiritual congregation, these ‘mardaanibhakatvirangana’ are married to the physically challenged persons. Subsequently, they take the responsibility to look after their spouses and their families.23 On the same pattern, the male followers who present themselves to marry with prostitutes, disabled women, and widows are known as ‘Bhakat Yodha’ and ‘Bhakat Virangana Gazi’.24 Although the dera’s chief encouraged inter-caste and inter-community marriages among his followers, the field study showed that only a few inter-caste marriages took place in his presence for the purpose of exposition. No one is ready to marry their children outside their caste and community.

The dera has also constructed distinct traditions relating to death. Before the controversy of May 2007, the dera followers performed the last rites according to their respective religious communities. For instance, the Sikh followers cremated the dead body and performed the Paath (recite the bani) of Guru Granth Sahib and Kirtan (sang mooring hymns) for the peace of the departed soul. The river at Kiratpur Sahib submerged the ashes. Similarly, the followers from the Hindu community cremated the dead body, and the Gita’s path was performed for the peace of the departed soul. They submerged the ashes into the Ganga at Haridwar. At the time of the controversy, when the radical Sikhs stopped the dera followers from accessing the Guru Granth Sahib, the dera encouraged its followers to donate either the whole body or certain organs after death to medical institutions for research purposes and to help save the lives of others. Thus far, they have donated a million units of blood and considerable numbers of dead bodies or other organs to medical research institutions to save the lives of others.25 It shows that the dera’s followers are opening up new forms of devotional possibilities. The dera links organ donation and body donation with the human welfare and new mode of spirituality viz. bio-spirituality. In this way, the dera constructs the distinct socio-cultural identity of the followers.

Another way to handle a dead body is cremation. In many places, the radical Sikhs, particularly from rural areas of Punjab, stopped the dera followers from cremating the dead bodies at the mainstream cremation grounds and from accessing the Guru Granth Sahib for the last rites. Slowly but surely, the dera followers developed their own distinct rites related to the cremation of dead bodies. However, they succeeded in cremating their dead, either with the help of the local administration or at their own place. According to them, when a follower dies, they raise the slogan “Dhan DhanSatguru Tera Hi Asra”. Before lifting the bier and during the procession, they incessantly chant this slogan. These new rites also allowed daughters to lift and carry the bier. However, the mainstream religious communities, Hindus and Sikhs, did not allow women to lift the bier. For the peace of the departed soul, after the cremation, they performed ‘nammcharcha’ instead of the path of the Guru Granth Sahib or the Gita. Instead of Kiratpur and Haridwar, they transport the ashes to the dera, where they serve as fertilizer for tree plantations. The bones have a high level of phosphorus, potassium, and calcium, which is beneficial for the growth of plants.26 This act of the dera is concerned with eco-spirituality (where the dera’s only objective is to drive tree planting and save the environment). It also strengthens the ties between the dera and the followers. The deceased persons’ families bond with the newly planted trees. By doing so, the dera’s social space serves as a platform for bonding with other followers within its physical space. It is in the interest of the dera for its growth and development. Thus, the construction of distinct social traditions is not merely identity formation; it is also a way of protesting against the social exclusion of dera followers and the dominance of mainstream communities. The dera constructs a parallel spiritual-cum-social space, which is the resistance against the mainstream religious and social spaces. Therefore, sacred spaces are politically constructed; such spaces are reconstructed by social and religious leaders of an imagined community (Grewal 1999, pp. 14–18).In this way, the gurus of the dera project them as a distinct socio-religious group which has distinct social traditions related to their birth, marriage, death, and daily life. It also establishes that the dera is a nursery of a forthcoming new religion. Over the years, the dera is acquiring the features of a distinct religiosity.

DSS’s followers also have a set of prayers which are also known as ardas. The format of the dera’s ardas is different from the Sikhs. It is part of the worship service, daily rituals, and rites of passage by the dera’s followers. They have three types ardas viz. morning time, evening time, and before taking a meal. The morning ardas is as follows:

Hye Malik!

Din Bhar Ch Mere to Koi Ajeha Karm na Hove

Jo App ji di Najar chGunah Hove.

Hak Halal Di Kami Kar K Khawan.

Kisi Da Dil Na Dukhawan,

Sab Nal Nirsawarath Prem Karan.

Jina Ho Sake TurdyanFirdyan Simran Karan. Sache Satguru Ji

Har Pal App Ji Di Yad Bani Rahye Ji.

(O’ God! On the whole day, no action shall be performed by me which is known as a crime in your eyes. Eat the honest income. Do not hurt the heart of any one, and love to all selflessly. Recite the name of God however much possible. True God, Your remembrance always remains.)

The evening time ardas is as follows:

Hye Malik!

Din Bhar ch Mere to Anjane vich Koi GalltiHoi Hai ta Muaf Karna

Ate Ajehi Rehmat Bakshna Ke SaundyanJagdyan

App Ji Di Daya Mehar Nu PaundeRaheye Ji.

(O’ God! During the day, if unintentionally any mistake happened then forgives me and showers your blessings during sleeping and awakening.)

The before-meal ardas is as follows:

Hye Malik!

Tenu Laj Hai, Hun Boht Ho Gya.

Tu Daya-Mehar, RehmatKar.

Tere PyarMohubat

De Rah vichsanu koi taklifnaave.

Tu Ajehi Rehmat Baksh Ate

Sab nu Sumat De,

Sumat Kis Taranh Deni Hai,

Eh Tu Sab Jannda Hai.

Jis nu Jiven Deni Hai

Oven De, Eh Teri Marzi.

[Saryan Ne Ek Minute Simran Kar K Eh Ardass Karni Hai. Es to Badd Fir Ek Minute Simran Karna Hai ate Fir Hi Khana Khna Hai Ji]

(Oh God! You have Prudency, now have enough, sprinkling your compassion and blessings. No problem should come into the path of love towards you. You should give such blessings and intellects, how to give intellect, that you know well. Give them as your wishes). [The prayer should be completed after a one-minute recitation of Naam. Again, one-minute Naam should be recited and subsequently the food should be eaten.] These are not simple prayers but are a way of life, how they start and end the day; how they think about the world, particularly about ‘Others’, non-followers of the dera; and how they think about God.

The DSS’s insignia is ‘One’ (oneness) which is also known as Koumi Nishan (the community’s symbol) in the Sacha Sauda Samaj. It clearly distinguishes them from other religious communities. Similarly, the insignia ‘One’ comprises a numerical symbol in a light yellow color. Roman script inscribes the slogan of the dera, ‘Dhan Dhan Satguru Tera Hi Asra’ (at the top), and the address of the dera, ‘Dera Sacha Sauda Shah Satnam Ji Marag, Sirsa (Haryana)’, within it. However, the middle of the dera depicts the symbols of Sikh, Hindu, Christian, and Islam, which are Ek Onkar, Om, Cross, Star, and Moon. It represents the unity of mankind and the respect of all religions in the world, or the movement being a confluence of all religions. DSS’s followers proudly hoist the insignia ‘One’ atop their religious places and houses, as well as paste the stickers on their vehicles. They also carry the insignia’s lockets. The insignia ‘One’ has become a password for a separate identity. The Sacha Sauda community has used it to demonstrate solidarity. Thus, it is ascertained that religious symbolism and iconography is used to convey “religious concepts and the visual, auditory, and kinetic representation of religious ideas and events” (Goldammer 2020). The studies of religion and local culture confirm the importance of symbolic expression and the pictorial presentation of religious ideas and facts. Adumbrated religious pictures and symbols shape the form, content, and intention of the presentation. Also, the symbols establish the relationship between the faith and its followers. Carrying these symbols marks the distinction between believers and non-believers (Cacho 2007, pp. 124–27). Religious symbols form a significant component of communal living; the symbols encourage a community to unite and act in a particular way in a specific situation.

During the Jaam-E-Insan (henceforth JEI) ceremony in 2007, the dera offered the title ‘Insan’ as a surname to the followers, which marked their distinct identity. Similar to how Sikhs and Hindus have specific surnames such as Singh and Kaur, and Kumar, Ram, Lal, Dev, Rani, and Devi, respectively, the dera also offered the title ‘Insan’ as a surname to its followers. The field study reveals that on 29 April 2007, the dera chief performed the JEI ceremony at DSS, Sirsa, where he assembled followers from different castes and religious backgrounds and ordered them to dip their hands in sweetened water (recognized as Jaam) that was prepared in a big pan. Subsequently, he recited the naam and took Jaam in a mug. He took the Jaam first, then served it among the followers. He stated to the followers that every single drop of my blood is for you. Subsequently, he wore the Insan locket, which had pictures of Baba Sawan Singh, Shah Mastana, and Shah Satnam. Thereafter, the lockets were distributed among the followers who were taking the Jaam. At that time, the media was not allowed to cover the ceremony to preclude any controversy over this event.27 On 13 May 2007, at the dera ‘Shah Satnam Ji Ruhani Dham’ at Rajgarh-Salabatpura (Bathinda, Punjab), the dera chief organized a congregation where he dressed up like Guru Gobind Singh and prepared JEI. Initially, he offered ‘JEI’ to seven followers (Copeman 2012, p. 156) and then took some himself. He wore a pink dress with a kamarkassa (waistband) and a dumala (round turban) with ankalgi (egret feather), which seems to imitate Guru Gobind Singh. He appeared in a manner very similar to the way in which Guru Gobind Singh was depicted in Sikh imagery while establishing the Khalsa panth on 13 April 1699. During the ceremony, he offered the forty-seven commandments to the followers in the name of the unity of all religions and the universal religion of humanity, which simultaneously offering them the distinct religious identity ofInsan. Henceforth, they were asked to carry the surname ‘Insan’ instead of their previous caste/s or gotra/s names. It assigned them a distinct identity in comparison to other religious communities, although the dera chief claimed that it was not a religious proselytization but an affirmation to be true to one’s own religion.

As a result, on 13 May 2007, a controversy erupted between the ‘radical Sikhs’28 and followers of the dera over the dress-up of the dera chief and the process of preparation for Jaam-E-Insan. Reports of vicious violent incidents quickly emerged from various villages and cities in Punjab, especially in the Malwa region, with Bathinda and Mansa districts serving as the epicenter. The radical Sikhs forcibly closed the shops and tried to burn the effigies of the dera chief in Ludhiana, Ferozepur, Sangrur, and Jalandhar. The clashes between the radical Sikhs and the followers threatened to take the state back to the sadistic black days of militancy. The common people were viewing the controversy through the prism of the infamous Sikh-Nirankaris conflict of 1978, which pushed the state into a decade of terrorism. According to the field report, the ensuing violence reportedly lasted for fourteen days and led to the deaths of nearly 5 people (a Sikh and 4 dera followers), and more than 200 were grievously injured (Singh 2020).29 The Jathedar of Sri Akal Thakat Sahib also issued the edict of a social boycott of the dera followers. The violent resistance along with the social boycott made the social position of the dera followers more nasty, particularly the followers from the lower castes.

After one and a half years, under the moral pressure from the sewadars of the administrative committee of the dera, the dera chief allowed the followers to use the surname (Insan) with their respective caste/s and gotra/s (sub-caste/s) such as Sandhu-Insan, Gill-Insan, Sidhu-Insan, Sharma-Insan, and Verma-Insan.30 It shows that the endeavor of Ram Rahim to mitigate the caste system was not only a failure, but it also deepened the caste cleavages in the Sikh-dominated society of Punjab. Earlier, the people of a caste were divided into various gortas. Now, friction takes place among people of the same gotra. For instance, the people of the Sidhu gotra are divided into two factions: the Sidhu Sikh, who follows the principles of Sikhism, and the Sidhu-Insan, who strictly follows the principles of the dera. It reveals that a new sub-category has emerged among all castes and their respective gotras, as well as in the Sikh panth, which is Premi-Sikh or Insan-Sikh (the Sikhs who follow DSS along with Sikhism). During the controversy, they were badly treated by the radical Sikhs. They are placed in lower positions than dalits in Sikh society.31 Such actions of the dera deteriorated the bhai charaksaanjh (fraternity) in the Sikh-dominated society of Punjab.

According to the field study, the violent clashes, along with the social boycott, increased social abhorrence between Sikhs and DSS followers. The dera followers faced resistance from the Sikhs (especially the Jat Sikhs) in almost all of the villages and cities of the Bathinda and Mansa districts. The primary objective of the resistance and social protest was to maintain the dominance of Jat Sikhs and Akalis32 in Punjab in general and the Malwa region in particular. Social protest, along with violent clashes and social boycotts, leads to an everlasting structural conflict in the state. The field insights show that the structural conflict not only sustained the prevailing social cleavages but also enhanced such cleavages. Thus, the dera followers are systematically, both socially and politically, marginalized in the Sikh society and the state. Dominant sections, particularly the Jat Sikhs, denigrate and project them as degraded, pushing them towards the periphery of society. First of all, the majority of them are from lower castes in mainstream society. Therefore, they were or are already facing social exclusion, oppression, and deprivation from mainstream society. Secondly, being the followers of DSS, because the dera has ideological, economic, and social cleavages with the elite Sikhs, they again face resistance and social protest from the elite Sikhs. Earlier, their caste cleavages made them marginalized and now the communal cleavage (as a distinct social group) further deepens their marginalization. It has degraded their social position in the societal hierarchy as a ‘social group’. They have become the margins of the marginalized people. Thus, it determines that the dera’s identity formation process, along with the philosophical distinction, produces social conflict in Punjab’s Sikh-dominated society. Social conflict, along with political interests and communal hatred, produces the social cleavages in the Sikh panth.

4. Conclusions

The paper establishes that the prevailing caste cleavage along with temporal needs are coercing dalits and marginalized sections to join the dera in order to achieve their emancipation, empowerment and spiritual nourishment. However, in return, the dera offers them a web of new socio-cultural traits and monuments which provides the followers a distinct identity and social and spatial spaces in order to challenge their previous subjugation of the mainstream culture. Such social and spatial spaces of deras allow the followers to re-imagine themselves as a holistic socio-cultural group in society. Thus, both the newly formed identity and spaces score the social surface and carve out a distinct cultural group in the Sikh-dominated society of Punjab. Moreover, the value gainsay along with the orchestrated identity formation process of the dera generates social conflict which deepens the prevailing social cleavages as well as generating new conflicts in society. The paper shows that, since 2007, DSS is actively playing a significant role in forming a distinct identity of its followers by providing them different symbols (the insignia ‘One’), prayers (three types of prayers: morning, evening and before meals), rituals (related to birth, marriage, and death), lineages of gurus (Shah Mastana, Shah Satnam, and Gurmeet Ram Rahim Singh Insan), and sacred texts (the compositions of the three heads of the dera). In May 2007, the dera chief bestowed the distinct identity ‘Insan’ to the followers. He directed the followers to use the title ‘Insan’ as their surname instead of their previous surname like Sidhu, Gill, Arora, etc. Later on, on the request of the followers, he allowed them to use ‘Insan’ along with their previous surname for instance Sidhu-Insan or Gill-Insan. Thus, such actions of the dera chief generated a new group within castes as well as their respective sub-castes. The field study reveals that along with the value gainsay and orchestrated identity formation, the process generates social conflict between the dera’s followers and radical Sikhs in Punjab. Social protest accompanied by vicious conflicts and social boycott leads to an everlasting structural conflict in the state. Such structural conflicts not only sustain the prevailing social cleavages but also generate new cleavages in society. The dera followers are denigrated and projected as degraded by the dominant section in order to push them towards the outer margins of society. Earlier, their caste cleavages made them marginalized and now the communal cleavage further deepens their marginalization. They are being degraded in the societal hierarchy as a ‘social group’. This added the new dimension of caste and caste hierarchy in the Sikh society. It created a caste within a caste, a gotra within a gotra. Thus, it also established that the lower caste followers wanted to improve their social position through the dera but their position became nastier after such conflicts and social boycotts. It generated a periphery within the periphery in society. The study also establishes that such types of conflicts not only generate new social cleavage(s) (viz. Premies vs. Sikhs), between the two ideologically distinct segments, but also engender the prevailing caste and class cleavages in society.