Search Results (320)

The intersection of religion and education in the United States dates to colonial times, as do attempts by religious institutions and individuals to regulate educational content. After a prominent retreat by religious fundamentalists following the Scopes Monkey Trial, conservative Christians have once again entered political debates about educational content in the form of modern culture wars issues. Both conservatives and liberals have attempted to punish educators for political comments made in class, but the influence of religion on individual attitudes has yet to be examined. In this article, we use an original survey experiment to examine individuals’ propensity to punish a professor who makes politically charged comments in class. We also assess whether religious individuals are more likely to punish professors for comments disparaging conservatives or liberals. We find that high-attending religious individuals, including both Evangelicals and Catholics, are more likely to support punishing the professor. However, we find that the propensity to punish is not related to the target of the professor’s comments. These findings suggest a resurgence of religious interest in education as a cultural issue at the individual, and not just institutional, level and a coalition between Evangelicals and Catholics on this issue. Full article

This article explores Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī’s political thought in relation to modern debates on secularism and Islamic reform. While often invoked by Islamist thinkers to support their anti-secular stance, al-Afghānī’s reflections on reason, religion, and constitutional politics show that he engaged with modernity in a more nuanced way than is commonly recognized. This article examines al-Afghānī’s writings and their reception. It argues that his thought was not about choosing a side between religion and secularism. Instead, his thought is better understood as a pragmatic anti-colonial strategy aimed at the revival of Muslim civilization. This reframing challenges the widely cited genealogical narrative that links him to later Islamists. His attempt to reconcile religious traditions with the imperative for reform provides valuable insights into the responses of Muslim reformers to modernity—insights that remain highly relevant today. Full article

This article explores Schipper’s scholarly contributions to the study of dongtian fudi (grotto heavens and blessed lands) and specifically situates this project in its broader intellectual context and Schipper’s own research. While Schipper was not the first to open discussions on this topic, his research in this direction still offers profound insights, such as the coinage of the concept of “Daoist Ecology” and his views on mountain politics. This article argues that Schipper’s work on dongtian fudi is a response to the school of Deep Ecology and its critics, and also a result of critical reflection on the modern dichotomy between nature and culture. In Schipper’s enquiry of dongtian fudi, the “mountain” stands as the central concept: it is not only the essential component of Daoist sacred geography, but a holistic site in which nature and society are interwoven, endowed with both material and sacred significance. Through his analysis of the Daoist practice of abstinence from grain (duangu), Schipper reveals how mountains serve as spaces for retreat from agrarian society and state control, and how they embody “shatter zones” where the reach of centralized power is relatively attenuated. The article also further links Schipper’s project of Beijing as a Holy City to his study of dongtian fudi. For Schipper, the former affirms the universality of the locality (i.e., the unofficial China, the country of people), while the latter envisages the vision of rewriting China from plural localities. Taken together, these efforts point toward a theoretical framework that moves beyond conventional sociological paradigms, one that embraces a total worldly perspective, in which the livelihoods of local societies and their daily lives are truly appreciated as a totality that encompasses both nature and culture. Schipper’s works related to dongtian fudi, though they are rather concise, still significantly broaden the scope of Daoist studies and, moreover, provide novel insights into the complexity of Chinese religion and society. Full article

This paper investigates the complex relations between the Italian states, particularly Venice and Florence, and France at the beginning (c. 1560–1565) of the French Wars of Religion (c. 1560–1598). Focusing on the early years of the conflict, it highlights the “Italian” perception of France’s politico-religious upheavals and their profound implications for governance and state stability. Drawing on diplomatic correspondence and political reflections, the analysis reveals contrasting approaches among Venetian ambassadors: in particular, Giovanni Michiel advocated conciliatory policies to avert civil war, while Michele Suriano favored uncompromising anti-heresy measures. Niccolò Tornabuoni, serving as the Florentine ambassador in France, evolved from moderate criticism to a rigidly anti-Protestant position, mirroring Cosimo de’ Medici’s shift toward Counter-Reformation policies. This study situates these early reflections within the broader context of Venice’s internal tensions, marked by the diffusion of Reformation ideas and anti-papal currents, and Florence’s strategic alignment with Spain. It also underscores the role of these conflicts in shaping the politico-diplomatic strategies and reinforcing the perceived necessity of religious uniformity as a safeguard against political and social destabilization. The final part is directly linked to the sources and arguments as it contextualizes the diplomatic responses of Venetian and Florentine envoys within the broader political–religious transformations of the period. Full article

With the centennial this year of the Scopes “Monkey” Trial, this article examines the antagonistic relationship between American Christian fundamentalism and science, particularly evolution and other scientific knowledge challenging literal biblical interpretation. While the trial itself spanned only eleven days, its shadow has been quite long indeed. The article analyzes the background of the trial, fundamentalism then and now—including a later doubling down, contesting interpretations of the trial’s outcome, misremembrances and revisionism in the historical appropriations of the trial, and developments in evolutionary theory relevant to religion. In the process of these analyses, the article evidences the relationships of the Scopes trial on evolution and religion to law, politics, secondary and higher education, and communications and media. Finally, the article highlights past opportunities missed and lessons to be learned that might lessen conflict between religion and science in the future. Full article

This study explores the role of religion as a state-promoted tool for political assimilation in Pakistan’s border provinces of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) and Balochistan. The study is based on five phases of fieldwork (2016–2024) combined with a thematic literature review. The research explores how religious strategies were deployed to forge a unified national identity in these regions. The findings reveal significant disparities in the effectiveness of these strategies. In KP, historical factors, cultural alignment, and geopolitical influences—particularly the Afghan conflict—largely facilitated the integration of Pashtun identity into Pakistan’s broader Islamic-national framework. Tools such as madrassa networks, education reforms, religious slogans, and state-backed Islamist parties effectively promoted religious nationalism. In contrast, religious assimilation efforts in Balochistan largely failed due to entrenched ethnic nationalism, economic exclusion, and political marginalization. Attempts to expand madrassas, delegitimize nationalist leaders as “anti-Islamic,” and support religious movements have been met with resistance, deepening distrust between the Baloch population and the state. The study found that religion alone cannot sustain national cohesion, particularly in regions with longstanding grievances and systemic inequalities. This research emphasizes the limitations of top-down, coercive assimilationist policies and underscores the necessity for more inclusive approaches, such as addressing economic disparities, recognizing regional identities, and promoting political participation as essential components for building a sustainable and unified nation. The study provides critical insights for policymakers, advocating for a shift from religious assimilation to strategies that prioritize justice, equity, and cultural accommodation, particularly in KPK and Balochistan. Full article

This article offers a Thomist response to Brian Leiter’s Why Tolerate Religion?, challenging his claim that religion does not merit distinct legal protection. While Leiter assumes religion to be epistemically irrational—defined by existential consolation, categorical demands, and insulation from evidence—this article draws on John Finnis’s interpretation of Saint Thomas Aquinas (d. 1274) to reconstruct religion as a basic good of practical reason. It proposes a three-tiered model of religion—as human quest, natural religion, and revealed religion—which clarifies religion’s internal structure and civic relevance. Developing this model against Leiter’s critique, this article shows that religion, so understood, can be legally protected even on Leiter’s liberal terms, through both Rawlsian and Millian frameworks. The article also extends its argument to “second-wave” law-and-religion controversies, illustrating how a Thomist framework illuminates debates about ideological establishments, identity politics, and public reason. Through original syntheses and rigorous normative analysis, this article advances a conceptually fresh and publicly accessible model of religion for law and public policy. It also speaks to pressing constitutional debates in the U.S. and Europe, thus contributing to transatlantic jurisprudence on religious freedom and the moral purposes of law. Religion still matters—and must be understood—not as conscience, but qua religion. Full article

Religion played a pivotal role in shaping the political and cultural landscape of early China, particularly through the practice of relocating capitals (遷都). The relocation of capitals is an outstanding theme in early Chinese historiography, setting it apart from many other world traditions. In particular, this practice contrasts sharply with the early Mediterranean context, where the city of Rome transitioned from a modest city-state to a world empire and was celebrated as the “eternal city.” By contrast, early Chinese capitals were deliberately transient, their impermanence rooted in strong religious sentiments and pragmatic considerations. Religious and ideological justifications were central to these relocations. The relocation was not merely a logistical or political exercise; it was imbued with symbolic meaning that reinforced the ruler’s legitimacy and divine mandate. Equally important was the way rulers communicated these decisions to the populace. The ability to garner mass support for such monumental undertakings reveals the intricate relationship between political authority and religious practice in early China. These critical moments of migration offer profound insights into the evolving religious landscape of early China, shedding light on how religion shaped early governance and public persuasion. “Capital relocation” served as a means to rearticulate belief, reaffirm the centrality of worship, and restore faith in the ruling order. Drawing on recent archeological discoveries and updated textual and inscriptional scholarship related to the events of Pan Geng and the Zhou relocation to Luoyi, this article re-examines the motif of “capital relocation” as both a historical and historiographical phenomenon unique to early China. Full article

The fire at the Notre Dame Cathedral accentuated the sense that this architectural building is a symbol of unity and identity for the population. This symbol extends beyond its French and Christian origins, reflecting the universal nature of cultural heritage, which has the extraordinary ability to unite people across nations, transcending ideologies, religions, and political divisions. The reopening of the Notre Dame Cathedral marks a profound milestone in the preservation of cultural heritage, embodying resilience, restoration, and the enduring significance of shared human history. This research examines the impacts of the restoration of the cathedral at national and global scales through the implementation of questionnaires to visitors to the cathedral’s inauguration. The restoration process, which gained extensive media coverage, not only revived the cathedral’s architectural grandeur but also sparked international discussions about heritage conservation. Through an analysis of the questionnaire results for different factors, this study highlights the complexities of managing a monumental heritage of this magnitude in a globalized world. It reflects the ethical, financial, and social challenges involved in major restoration projects, using Notre Dame as a paradigmatic example. The paper concludes that the reopening of the cathedral is not only a triumph of physical restoration but also a testament to humanity’s resilience in the face of adversity. It serves as a powerful reminder of the importance of safeguarding cultural heritage for future generations while fostering a sense of collective responsibility. Full article

Opening the debate today about the original aims of the caliphate system and the importance of the relationship between religion and politics in the Islamic tradition might look outdated or fundamentalist in a negative sense. Effectively, in today’s global imaginary, such topics are mostly related to groups like al-Qaeda and ISIS; however, the original sense of the Islamic political system has little to do with what these groups preach and do. This article aims to highlight that the real raison d’être of the relationship between religion and politics in Islam is none other than the desire and will of a believer to seek true knowledge and live according to it. This search for true knowledge where religion and politics meet is also a place where all spiritualities might find themselves together in a genuine search for the truth. Full article

This article examines the role of religion in Russia’s national security system through the lens of ontological security, assessing whether contemporary Russia is undergoing a process of desecularisation or, conversely, an intensified form of secularisation. Employing the theoretical framework of ontological security, this study argues that Russia’s securitisation of religion serves as a mechanism for consolidating state control, legitimising authoritarian governance, and constructing a distinct civilisational identity in opposition to Western liberalism. The Russian Orthodox Church, rather than functioning as an autonomous religious institution, has been absorbed into the state apparatus, where it operates as an instrument of state ideology. Religious rhetoric permeates Russian strategic security documents, reinforcing narratives of national exceptionalism, historical continuity, and moral superiority, particularly in justifying Russia’s geopolitical ambitions and military actions, including its war against Ukraine. The analysis challenges prevailing interpretations of religious resurgence in Russia, arguing that the increasing presence of religion in public life does not necessarily signify desecularisation. Instead, the instrumentalisation of religion for political and security purposes suggests a process of extreme secularisation, wherein religious institutions lose their autonomy and doctrinal substance, becoming tools of state power. Full article

The United States national identity is changing as the non-religious population is growing and fewer Americans follow traditional Christian faiths. When Alexis De Tocqueville visited the United States, he found that the national government gained legitimacy and support from the popular national religion. This faith was nominally Christian but lacked any meaningful theological content. The national creed was a simple monotheism that was supported through the public’s integration of a Cartesian methodology. This national religion was critical in providing the foundation for American economic growth and identity. Today, fewer Americans identify as Christians than at any point in its history, and more citizens have no religious preference or creed. The dominant religious culture is changing, and to understand the United States future, it is important to identify the political preferences of the non-religious population. This paper looks at the most recent Cooperative Election Survey and assesses the non-religious population’s political participation and its aggregate support for U.S. military aid to Ukraine. The data show that the non-religious population is less politically active and more opposed to miliary aid to Kyiv. United States is becoming more secular. The division between the traditional religious and the growing secular populations is generating a cultural conflict—one that has a fundamental consequence for the American national identity. Full article

Inheriting a tradition of religious tolerance from the Inner Asian Steppe, the Mongol Yuan Empire elevated Buddhism to a pivotal role in unifying its multiethnic and culturally diverse domain, with Tengriist ideology serving as the political foundation for these Buddhist veneration policies. The ruling class of the Yuan dynasty practiced a complex interaction between religion and political unity through the institutionalization of the cult of writing, printing, and reading the Buddhist Canon. Specifically, the Yuan dynasty established specialized government offices to mobilize elites from Mongolian, Han Chinese, Goryeo, and other ethnic groups for the construction of a multilingual Buddhist Canon. They copied the scriptures with gold and silver ink in Chinese, Tibetan, Uyghur, and other languages. Participants in scripture copying were rewarded or granted official positions. In this way, they achieved the goal of enlisting local elites, the cohesion of the community’s beliefs, and enhanced the unity of the local elites. By subsidizing the writing and reading of Buddhist classics, the Yuan rulers succeeded in constructing a space of identity at the level of material culture and facilitated cultural interaction and political integration among various social groups such as the Mongols, ethnic groups, and Han Chinese. Through state-sponsored scripture carving and recitation activities, the Yuan rulers cultivated a shared identity in the material culture sphere, facilitating cultural exchange and political integration across the Mongolians, the Han Chinese, and other ethnic communities. However, the effectiveness of state unification was significantly constrained by the Mongolian rulers’ policy of ethnic segregation, central–local conflict, and the high concentration of social wealth in the Buddhist communities. Full article

For generations, a silent symbol of politics in U.S. religious congregations has been the presence of the national flag in worship spaces. Despite debates over the flag, there is limited empirical research on its contemporary prevalence or influence in congregations. Building upon research on social sorting, we hypothesize that people with conservative religion and conservative politics sort into congregations displaying the flag. Additionally, we hypothesize a priming effect whereby worshipping with the U.S. flag elevates support for Christian nationalism. Findings from the 2021 Baylor Religion Survey reveal that nearly half of religiously affiliated U.S. adults worship with the flag, most notably members of white Protestant religious traditions (more so than Catholics) and older adults. Regardless of religious tradition or political ideology, worshipping with the flag is associated with support for Christian nationalist beliefs. These finding highlight a sorting process into American congregations and hint at political socialization occurring within them. Full article

Born the seventh son of a Louisiana preacher in 1942 and becoming the co-founder of the Black Panther Party in 1966, Huey P. Newton evidenced a complex, changing, and contradictory synthesis of faith and facts until his death in 1989. Focusing on 1960s’ U.S. Black Nationalism as materialist, Maoist, and Marxist in its appeals to objectivity, rationality, and positivist science, some scholars have presented Black Nationalist contempt for religion as pacifying and counter-revolutionary. Conversely, others have focused on the religious-like nature of formally secular 1960s’ Black Nationalism, even framing it as a “form of piety” and a “politics of transcendence”. Between these bookends, the Black Panther Party and Huey P. Newton have simultaneously been characterized as both “anti-religious” and as possessing an “innate spirituality”. I attempt to reconcile these divergent interpretations through an analysis of Newton’s worldviews (culled from his graduate school papers, published articles and books, and speeches and interviews). Newton frequently described aspects of the human condition as partially spiritual and in so doing, regularly married dialectical materialist variants of anti-capitalism, Black Nationalism, and ethno-racial self-determinism with “mystical” and theological aesthetics, concepts, stories, and styles from a variety of religious and philosophic traditions. These “paradoxical pieties” included, but were not limited to, the embrace and critique of spiritual existentialism and transcendentalism; deism and theosis; Christian hermeneutics; Zen Buddhism; and Vedic and Pranic Hinduism. Full article