Search Results (170)

This study investigates how differing national research governance models impact academic performance by comparing European Research Council (ERC) grant winners in the social sciences and humanities from France and the Netherlands. Situated within the broader context of centralized versus decentralized research systems, the analysis aims to understand how these structures shape publication trends, thematic diversity, and collaboration patterns. Drawing on Scopus and SciVal data covering 9996 publications by 305 ERC winners between 2019 and 2023, we employed a multi-method approach, including latent Dirichlet allocation for topic modeling, compound annual growth rate analysis, and co-authorship network analysis. The results show that neuroscience, climate change, and psychology are dominant domains, with language and linguistics particularly prevalent in France and law and political science in the Netherlands. French ERC winners are more likely to be affiliated with national or sectoral institutions, whereas in the Netherlands, elite universities dominate. Collaboration emerged as a key success factor, with an average of four co-authors per publication and network analyses revealing central figures who bridge topical clusters. International collaborations were consistently linked with higher visibility, while single-authored publications showed limited impact. These findings suggest that institutional context and collaborative practices significantly shape research performance in both countries. Full article

This article investigates the political cost of poverty in democracies marked by deep social divisions. We develop a probabilistic voting model that incorporates clientelism as a strategic tool employed by elite political parties to secure electoral support from non-elite voters. Unlike models based on ideological proximity, our framework conceptualizes party competition as structured by the socioeconomic composition of their constituencies. We demonstrate that in contexts of high inequality and widespread poverty, elite parties face structural incentives to deploy clientelistic strategies rather than universalistic policy agendas. Our model predicts that clientelistic expenditures by elite parties increase proportionally with both inequality (GINI index) and poverty levels, rendering clientelism a rational and cost-effective mechanism of political control. Empirical evidence from a cross-national panel (2013–2019) confirms the theoretical predictions: an increase of the 1 percent in the GINI index increase a 1.3 percent in the clientelism, even after accounting for endogeneity and dynamic effects. These findings suggest that in divided democracies, poverty is not merely a condition to be alleviated, but a political resource that elites strategically exploit. Consequently, clientelism persists not as a cultural residue or institutional failure, but as a rational response to inequality-driven constraints within democratic competition. Full article

This study examines the political and elite motives behind Colombo’s ‘world-class city’ initiative and its impact on public housing in underserved communities. Informed by interviews with high-ranking government officials, including urban planning experts and military officers, this study examines how President Rajapaksa’s elite-driven postwar Sri Lankan government leveraged military capacities within the neoliberal developmental framework to transform Colombo’s urban space for political and economic goals, often at the expense of marginalized communities. Applying a contextual discourse analysis model, which views discourse as a constellation of arguments within a specific context, we critically analyzed interview discussions to clarify the rationale behind the militarized approach to public housing while highlighting its contradictions, including the displacement of underserved communities and the ethical concerns associated with compulsory relocation. The findings suggest that Colombo’s postwar public housing program was utilized to consolidate authoritarian control and promote speculative urban transformation, treating public housing as a secondary aspect of broader political and economic agendas. Anchored in militarized urban governance, these elite-driven strategies failed to achieve their anticipated economic objectives and deepened socio-spatial inequalities, raising serious concerns about exclusionary and undemocratic planning practices. The paper recommends that future urban planning strike a balance between economic objectives and principles of spatial justice, inclusion, and participatory governance, promoting democratic and socially equitable urban development. Full article

The work Xingli zhenquan tigang (Sing lii jen ciyan bithei hešen) was written in Chinese and Manchu by the French Jesuit Alexandre de la Charme (1695–1767) and published in Beijing in 1753. The first two sections of this paper provide an introduction to de la Charme’s work biography and to further textual and historical contexts, explore the peculiarities of the subsequent early German reception of the work almost 90 years later, and introduce the content from an overview perspective. The third section explores the most essential contents of Book 1 (of 3) of the Manchu version. The investigation is based on Hans Conon von der Gabelentz’s (1807–1874) German translation from 1840. Camouflaged as a Confucian educational dialogue, and by blurring his true identity in his publication, de la Charme criticizes Neo-Confucian positions from an implicitly Cartesian and hidden Christian perspective, tacitly blending Cartesian views with traditional Chinese concepts. In addition, he alludes to Manchu shamanic views in the same regard. De la Charme’s assimilating rhetoric “triangulation” of three different cultural and linguistic horizons of thought and spirituality proves that later Jesuit scholarship reached out into the inherent ethnic and spiritual diversity of the Qing intellectual and political elites. Hidden allusions to Descartes’s dualistic concepts of res cogitans and res extensa implicitly anticipate the beginnings of China’s intellectual modernization period one and a half centuries later. This work also provides an example of how the exchange of intellectual and religious elements persisted despite the Rites Controversy and demonstrates how the fading Jesuit mission influenced early German sinology. I believe that this previously underexplored work is significant in both systematic and historical respects. It is particularly relevant in the context of current comparative research fields, as well as transcultural and interreligious intellectual dialogue in East Asia and around the world. Full article

Urban heat stress is becoming increasingly urgent, yet it remains understudied within the broader intersection of climate change and spatial justice. While urban climate scholarship has largely focused on climatic impacts such as flooding, rising sea levels, and prolonged droughts, the socio-spatial lens of urban heat in marginalised and low-income urban communities has received limited attention. This article, grounded in a systematic review of the global literature, foregrounds the mechanisms through which heat functions as a site of socio-environmental injustice. We argue that fragmented urban morphologies, entrenched spatial inequalities, and uneven adaptation strategies collectively produce and sustain heat vulnerability. The article identifies three interrelated conceptual framings that elucidate the production and persistence of heat inequity: transitional injustice, green climate gentrification, and intersectional adaptation praxis. These lenses reveal how heat risk is differentially distributed, governed, and experienced with broader discourses of urban marginalisation, environmental dispossession, and epistemic exclusion. We contend that advancing climate justice in the context of urban heat requires moving beyond technocratic and elite-oriented adaptation, toward multi-scalar planning paradigms that recognise embodied vulnerability, structural inequality, and the socio-political ecologies of thermal exposure. By theorising urban heat through the lens of climate justice, this article contributes to a more expansive and critical understanding of urban climate risk, one that situates heat inequity within the broader structures of power, governance, and spatial exclusion shaping contemporary urban environments. Full article

Language-in-education policies often serve hidden political and economic agendas, and thus language policy research must examine policies beyond official state discourse. This article critically analyzes Morocco’s Language Alternation Policy (LAP), introduced in 2019, using the historical–structural approach. It examines the broader historical context and structural factors that shape the adoption and implementation of LAP. While the official policy discourse frames LAP as an egalitarian reform aimed at promoting balanced multilingualism by alternating instructional media in science education, its de facto implementation reveals a stark contradiction. The ideological underpinnings of LAP are the resurgence of French as the exclusive medium of instruction in science and technology classrooms. This policy undercuts a decades-long Arabization of science and the promotion of the Amazigh language, as well as denying Moroccans the potential advantages of learning English. The disparity between official policy discourse and implementation reveals the influence of France’s neocolonial agenda, exercised through Francophonie, international clientelism, and financial patronage. Through implementing LAP to align with France’s interests in Morocco, French-trained political actors undermine the country’s decolonization efforts and preserve the long-standing socioeconomic privileges of the francophone elite. We analyze how LAP functions ideologically to resolidify France’s cultural and linguistic hegemony and reinforce pre- and post-independence linguistic and social inequalities. Full article

Inheriting a tradition of religious tolerance from the Inner Asian Steppe, the Mongol Yuan Empire elevated Buddhism to a pivotal role in unifying its multiethnic and culturally diverse domain, with Tengriist ideology serving as the political foundation for these Buddhist veneration policies. The ruling class of the Yuan dynasty practiced a complex interaction between religion and political unity through the institutionalization of the cult of writing, printing, and reading the Buddhist Canon. Specifically, the Yuan dynasty established specialized government offices to mobilize elites from Mongolian, Han Chinese, Goryeo, and other ethnic groups for the construction of a multilingual Buddhist Canon. They copied the scriptures with gold and silver ink in Chinese, Tibetan, Uyghur, and other languages. Participants in scripture copying were rewarded or granted official positions. In this way, they achieved the goal of enlisting local elites, the cohesion of the community’s beliefs, and enhanced the unity of the local elites. By subsidizing the writing and reading of Buddhist classics, the Yuan rulers succeeded in constructing a space of identity at the level of material culture and facilitated cultural interaction and political integration among various social groups such as the Mongols, ethnic groups, and Han Chinese. Through state-sponsored scripture carving and recitation activities, the Yuan rulers cultivated a shared identity in the material culture sphere, facilitating cultural exchange and political integration across the Mongolians, the Han Chinese, and other ethnic communities. However, the effectiveness of state unification was significantly constrained by the Mongolian rulers’ policy of ethnic segregation, central–local conflict, and the high concentration of social wealth in the Buddhist communities. Full article

Massachusetts in the 1780s was deeply polarized. In the preparty era, the most developed communities were able to monopolize the levers of policymaking and governance in order to secure their interests. The least commercial–cosmopolitan communities, lacking organization and resources, were unable to advance their interests. The least commercial–cosmopolitan communities’ inability to influence politics and secure relief stemmed from the absence of party competition. The absence of oppositional political organizations to counteract the natural advantages of elites in preparty politics obstructed the representation of the least commercial–cosmopolitan communities. Such obstruction caused the accumulation of populist frustration, culminating in Shays’s Rebellion. Full article

The Three Ni Doctrine of Healing the World 三尼醫世說 is a product of the Three Teachings Unity 三教合一 movement during the Ming and Qing dynasties. This doctrine is believed to have been directly transmitted by Confucius (Ch. Zhong Ni 仲尼), Shakyamuni (Ch. Mu Ni 牟尼), and Laozi (Ch. Qing Ni 青尼), which is why it is referred to as the “Three Ni”. After being extensively refined by the Qing dynasty Daoist Min Yide, the doctrine evolved into a complete theoretical system for healing the world. It advocates for the connection between humans and the world through “qi” 氣. By properly regulating the qi within the individual, one can influence the qi of the world, thereby achieving governance of the world through personal inner alchemical cultivation. The doctrine addresses the challenge of reconciling personal cultivation with the salvation of all beings after Daoism’s decline in political influence. It marks a significant breakthrough in the traditional Chinese ideal of “Inner Sage, Outer King” 內聖外王. Furthermore, Min integrated the Three Ni Doctrine with the Celestial Immortality teachings of Jing’ai Mountain Daoism, creating a systematic Daoist orthodoxy known as the “Heart Lineage of the Most High” (Ch. Taishang Xinzong 太上心宗). This initiative highlights the courage of Qing dynasty Daoist elites in reforming themselves to preserve Daoism’s status within the broader context of the Three Teachings Unity movement. Full article

The Druze community has survived for a thousand years, during which it witnessed the emergence of female political and religious leaders. However, the Isma‘ili foundations of the Druze religion favored women without offering them considerable rights. This study describes the political actions of women leaders who are considered unique and outstanding leaders in the history of Druze society. The women discussed in this article share some features: all came from an elite social background; all were endowed with outstanding leadership qualities, which gave them status and prestige in the community; and, in keeping with Druze female leadership, all were identified with female sanctity and spirituality. Additionally, these women were portrayed in folk stories and biographies as women characterized by boldness, courage, leadership, and especially charisma to lead in the public sphere and not just the private one, in contrast to what is expected of Druze women as belonging to the private sphere, the family. This article argues that the combination of the level of positive consciousness toward women in the Druze religion and the elite status of these women, in addition to being unique charismatic personalities in Druze society and in their era, explains how they acquired their leadership role in the Druze community. Furthermore, while engaging in social and political activism, these women never employed their privileged status to promote gender equality in their societies. Full article

This study analyses the digital communication strategies of the radical right parties VOX (Spain) and Chega (Portugal) on the social media platforms X, Instagram, and TikTok during the electoral periods. Using a comparative content analysis with quantitative and qualitative approaches, the research reveals that both parties employ a populist discourse marked by confrontation with the political elite and the use of emotional appeals to mobilize their followers. VOX directs its attacks at the left and the Spanish Prime Minister, while Chega emphasizes criticism of the political system as a whole. The results show that polarization and the evocation of emotions such as indignation, pride, and hope are central strategies in their posts. Furthermore, messages with strong emotional charge and audiovisual elements generate a greater impact, especially on TikTok and Instagram, where virality is significantly higher than on X. The study concludes that the communication strategies of these parties are based on ‘data populism’, where interaction and visibility on social media reinforce their political narratives and consolidate their base of support. Full article

The present study explores the emerging role of “public affairs live streamers” on the short video platform Kuaishou, examining how these individuals have evolved into new forms of rural elites, expanding opportunities for civic participation and rural governance in China. Through content analysis and case studies, the research identifies six key themes central to the streamers’ discourse: land and property issues, financial aid and subsidies, policy and governance, advocacy for the public, educational outreach, and customs. These themes underscore their role as rural knowledge elites who bridge the gap between the government and rural residents through digital platforms. The study further examines the mechanisms behind the emergence of “public affairs live streamers”. Empowered by the platform, these streamers effectively convert their cultural capital into online social capital, which may then be partially transformed into offline social influence and economic returns. However, their empowerment is constrained by the platform’s algorithm distribution mechanisms and opaque content regulation, making the conversion of capital unstable, traffic-dependent, and challenging to sustain. Linking to the broader socio-political landscape, the study delves into the empowering role of “public affairs live streamers” in society. These online rural elites blend knowledge with digital skills to facilitate public engagement and inspire civic awareness in rural areas through their activities. Nonetheless, their contribution to rural governance and civilization is often limited to informal mediation and emotional expression, with limited capacity to foster rational discourse or deeper improvements in rural governance. Overall, this study contextualizes the rise of rural elites within China’s rapid technological and rural development, offering a fresh perspective on how digital media can supplement governance strategies and enhance grassroots’ civic participation. Based on this analysis, the study proposes recommendations for improving platform governance and integrating public affairs streamers into broader participatory frameworks, thereby stabilizing their empowering effects and promoting sustainable rural governance. Full article

Populist leaders have strategically exploited conspiracy theories as powerful political tools to shape national identities, delegitimise opponents, and consolidate their authority. This paper examines the historical genealogy of conspiratorial populism, tracing its evolution across distinct political and economic crises from the 1970s to the present. Using a threefold analytical framework—(1) constructing external threats, (2) demonising domestic elites, and (3) positioning populists as the defenders of the “pure people”—the study demonstrates how conspiracy theories have been central to the rise and endurance of nativist populism. By analysing key historical waves—ranging from the economic turmoil of the 1970s, the collapse of communism, the post-9/11 security environment, the 2008 financial crisis, and the 2015 refugee crisis, to the COVID-19 pandemic and ongoing geopolitical conflicts—this paper highlights how conspiratorial narratives have been repeatedly adapted to shifting socio-political contexts. Full article

This article examines Gustave Le Bon’s thinking, focusing in particular on the aspects most closely connected to the search for the “laws” of the rise and fall of civilizations. Indeed, throughout his intellectual career, Le Bon cultivated the ambition of providing a credible answer to the problem of French decadence. In other words, he tried to become a kind of “Machiavelli of the age of crowds”. This article argues that this political objective affected Le Bon’s theory and his psychology of crowds. Since he wanted to make his political recipes appear credible to the elites of the Third Republic, he had to modify his theoretical architecture on nonsecondary points. He managed to hide the inconsistencies under the veil of effective rhetoric but, in retrospect, one can easily recognize that, in his theory, he uses three different ideas of the unconscious to explain the behavior of crowds, peoples, and “races”. Full article

This article focuses on the genealogy of the Mackintosh archive, showing how subjects are interpellated through archival networks that span imperial and metropolitan sites, linking people, ideas, knowledge and material resources. By tracing the Mackintosh archive across generations of family members embedded in British imperial society, it shows how archives call forth an individual—Sir James Mackintosh—as a symbol and a site of the interconnections between the patriarchal family, the male-dominated state and the production of cultural imaginaries of belonging. Tracing this archive, it argues that the ‘society’ to which James Mackintosh belonged is both reflected in, and constituted through, the letters and journals that comprise his archive. In form and content, they provide the material evidence for the interconnectedness of social, familial, intellectual and political lives. They function both as fantasies and representations of belonging to a social network—a community—and a constitutive part of the consolidation of that network. The letters and diaries that comprise the Mackintosh Archive bear witness to the formation of a literary elite at the turn of the nineteenth century and the mobility of that elite around European-imperial space. Thus, the Mackintosh Archive illustrates the point, made by an increasing number of imperial and global historians, that ideas and identities were forged through inter-connections across space. Full article