“Making” Rural Elites: Empowerment of Chinese Rural “Public Affairs Live Streamers” on Short Video Platforms

Abstract

The present study explores the emerging role of “public affairs live streamers” on the short video platform Kuaishou, examining how these individuals have evolved into new forms of rural elites, expanding opportunities for civic participation and rural governance in China. Through content analysis and case studies, the research identifies six key themes central to the streamers’ discourse: land and property issues, financial aid and subsidies, policy and governance, advocacy for the public, educational outreach, and customs. These themes underscore their role as rural knowledge elites who bridge the gap between the government and rural residents through digital platforms. The study further examines the mechanisms behind the emergence of “public affairs live streamers”. Empowered by the platform, these streamers effectively convert their cultural capital into online social capital, which may then be partially transformed into offline social influence and economic returns. However, their empowerment is constrained by the platform’s algorithm distribution mechanisms and opaque content regulation, making the conversion of capital unstable, traffic-dependent, and challenging to sustain. Linking to the broader socio-political landscape, the study delves into the empowering role of “public affairs live streamers” in society. These online rural elites blend knowledge with digital skills to facilitate public engagement and inspire civic awareness in rural areas through their activities. Nonetheless, their contribution to rural governance and civilization is often limited to informal mediation and emotional expression, with limited capacity to foster rational discourse or deeper improvements in rural governance. Overall, this study contextualizes the rise of rural elites within China’s rapid technological and rural development, offering a fresh perspective on how digital media can supplement governance strategies and enhance grassroots’ civic participation. Based on this analysis, the study proposes recommendations for improving platform governance and integrating public affairs streamers into broader participatory frameworks, thereby stabilizing their empowering effects and promoting sustainable rural governance.

1. Introduction

1.1. From Gentry to New Village Sages: The Role of Rural Elites in China

Rural elites have played a crucial role in the structure of China’s rural society and its governance systems. Pareto (2001) defined “elites” as groups excelling in their domains. Mills (2004) attributed elite status to wealth and power, with prestige invariably following. Giddens (2000) considered modernity to be constructed through trust in abstract systems, emphasizing the importance of reliable professional knowledge and connections with experts or their agents in contemporary society.

In traditional China, figures such as shenshi (gentry), xiangshen (rural gentry), and xiangxian (village sages) combined education, land ownership, and social prestige to influence local affairs. Operating beneath the reach of imperial authority (Wen, 1999), these elites mediated between the state and rural residents, often acting as both enforcers of policy and protectors of community interests (Fei, 2011; Duara, 2008). Their leadership sustained local order while reflecting a hierarchical social structure that often aligned them with landlord interests.

During the People’s Communes era, state power deeply infiltrated the grassroots level of rural society, influencing all aspects of village life and replacing familial ties with administratively linked public connections. By the late 20th century, the governance model of “township government and village governance” (xiang zheng cun zhi) had superseded the all-encompassing commune system, with village officials becoming the main agents of rural governance. However, the dual roles of “state agent” and “village head” often led to complexities in the decision-making processes of village officials (Zhang & Wu, 2021).

In recent years, the Chinese government has actively promoted a new form of rural elite: the xin xiangxian (new village sages). Recognized by local governments, these semi-official rural elites have distinguished backgrounds in business, culture, or philanthropy and are encouraged to reinvest in their home communities. As carriers of both social prestige and modern knowledge, they are seen as agents of rural revitalization and moral leadership (Hu & Gao, 2017; H. F. Chen & Gao, 2020), serving as pivotal figures in policy advocacy, democratic administration, and governance reform while continuing the structured role and moral authority historically associated with the traditional rural gentry (Ni & Wang, 2021; Zuo, 2023). To summarize, in both Chinese imperial and modern contexts, rural elites have long served as intermediaries in village governance, fostering public consensus, resolving conflicts, and articulating collective concerns through their moral authority and social networks (Ma et al., 2021; Gong & Qiao, 2021). Building on this evolving conception of rural elites, the following section turns to a new group of actors, namely “public affairs live streamers” on short video platforms, who, though unofficial and digitally native, are increasingly performing similar intermediary and governance functions in today’s rural China.

1.2. “Public Affairs Live Streamers” on Short Video Platforms as Rural Knowledge Elites

Short video platforms, with their simple operation, vivid sensory experiences, and real-time interactive live streaming features, have become widely used media platforms among Chinese rural users. Beyond depicting rural landscapes and farmers’ lives, these platforms also host discussions on civic issues like rural education, health, elderly care, and political topics such as local governance, land policies, and poverty alleviation.

In China, short video platforms such as Kuaishou and Douyin have created new spaces for rural expression and civic participation, enabling the emergence of a new type of rural actor: “public affairs live streamers” (shuoshi zhubo). These digitally empowered individuals engage with rural public affairs and serve as rural knowledge elites on digital platforms.

As rural content creators, public affairs live streamers interpret laws and policies, provide practical guidance, and address issues related to agriculture and governance on the platform. Despite lacking advanced educational credentials or formal legal qualifications, “public affairs live streamers” have become adept in agricultural laws and local governance through self-study, especially in areas like land rights and contract laws. By consistently responding to follower concerns and solving problems, they build credibility and gradually become influential opinion leaders.

Through content creation and interactive practices, public affairs live streamers establish public discussion spaces where rural residents can voice concerns, share experiences, and seek advice. Their short videos function as key tools for disseminating information and knowledge. Comment sections enable asynchronous communication among users. Live streams support real-time interaction, often involving co-hosted sessions with experts, fellow streamers, or engaged audience members. These interactive modes support the exchange of practical knowledge and rural concerns. At the same time, they turn information-sharing into performative acts that enhance the streamers’ visibility and perceived authority.

As digitally enabled intermediaries, public affairs live streamers play a growing role in grassroots governance by connecting rural residents with formal institutions. Their authority stems not from institutional backing but from digital influence and accumulated credibility within online communities. They perform functions similar to traditional rural elites—offering guidance, resolving disputes, and shaping public opinion—while also acting as civic educators who promote legal awareness and participatory values. This emerging form of rural digital elite complicates conventional understandings of authority and empowerment in rural China—a dynamic further examined through the lens of social capital theory.

1.3. Empowering Mechanism Through Digital Media Under Social Capital Theory

Digital media platforms have reshaped rural power structures by empowering users with new capabilities for expression and civic engagement. In the present study, we adopt Richardson’s (2018) three-dimensional framework to conceptualize empowerment: agency or autonomy, achievements, and resources. Agency or autonomy encompasses an actor’s ability for critical thinking, independent decision-making, and implementing these decisions, representing core personal attributes. Achievements pertain to goal fulfilment, such as educational attainment, increased labour market engagement, and enhanced physical health. Resources include material assets, social capital, and institutional settings, which not only precede and enhance “empowerment” but also result from it.

Rural public affairs live streamers exemplify empowerment across these three dimensions. They demonstrate agency by proactively acquiring relevant knowledge, articulating viewpoints, and sharing their insights on topics such as agricultural policies, legal issues, and rural community concerns. Their achievements are evident in their established roles as influential opinion leaders who help shape public discourse and improve rural residents’ understanding of policies and rights. Regarding resources, these streamers cultivate extensive follower networks, whose financial support through virtual rewards and purchases may potentially improve the streamers’ economic conditions and material well-being.

Social capital theory provides a useful framework for understanding how rural public affairs live streamers achieve empowerment. Bourdieu and Wacquant (1992) categorized capital into three interchangeable types: economic, cultural, and social. Social capital includes social obligations and connections and draws on both actual and potential resources from established networks. The quantity of social capital an individual possesses depends on the size of the network they can effectively mobilize and the capital each member holds (Bao, 1997). Putnam (2001) also emphasized the importance of connections and reciprocity, describing social capital as social connections among people, along with the shared expectations of mutual help and trust that develop from these relationships. Coleman (1988) emphasized the functions or outcomes associated with social capital, arguing that it enables the achievement of goals that would otherwise be unattainable. A common thread across these definitions is that social capital refers to specific aspects of social structures that facilitate social action (Adam & Rončević, 2003), making social capital theory particularly useful for explaining empowerment in networked societies.

With the rise of digital media, concepts like “online social capital” (Williams, 2006) and “social media social capital” (de Zúñiga et al., 2018; Huber et al., 2019) have been introduced to differentiate from traditional offline or face-to-face social capital. “Online social capital” has emerged, referring to the social capital accumulated through online interactions and relationships. Research indicates that online social capital significantly facilitates the formation and expansion of social networks, enabling users to both maintain existing connections and develop new ones (Geber et al., 2016). In digital platforms, traffic serves as an essential prerequisite for achieving platform business logic and acts as a bargaining chip in platform growth and expansion. As a fundamental resource, traffic is utilized to allocate and generate online social capital, which can subsequently be converted into other forms of online and offline capital and power. The logic of traffic permeates content dissemination driven by social media algorithms and shapes every user’s interaction process (Kuang & Wang, 2023). Consequently, online social capital plays a critical role in facilitating empowerment for digital content creators. Regarding the relationship between social media use and the acquisition of online social capital, Huang et al. (2022) found that social media use effectively increases the acquisition of online social capital, which not only directly enhances users’ life satisfaction but also, through specific mechanisms, transforms into offline social capital to further enhance individuals’ benefits in real life. Concerning the conversion of online social capital, Calderón Gómez (2021) found that cultural capital is transformed into digital capital through individuals’ processes of techno-socialization. Subsequently, digital capital—or online social capital—can be reconverted into economic capital through professional networking for job seeking, as well as through access to goods and services; into cultural capital via knowledge acquisition; and into offline social capital through differentiated management of social ties.

For rural public affairs live streamers, short video platforms serve as key channels for building and mobilizing online social capital. Through content creation and interactive activities, streamers establish networks of followers and collaborators, which represent their online social capital. By leveraging live stream rewards and e-commerce (such as product promotion), they have further opportunities to convert this online capital into tangible benefits, such as increased visibility, enhanced authority, and economic gains through virtual tipping and commercial activities.

Drawing on the theoretical foundations and empirical insights above, the present study examines the role of “public affairs live streamers” as emerging rural knowledge elites operating on Kuaishou. The study addresses two central research questions:

RQ1: How do “public affairs live streamers” on Kuaishou emerge as new forms of rural elites, and what themes characterize their engagement in rural public affairs?

RQ2: Under the framework of social capital theory, how do “public affairs live streamers” achieve empowerment through short video platforms by accumulating online social capital and converting it into offline social or economic capital?

2. Methods

This research focuses on Kuaishou, a leading Chinese short video platform with 42.46 million rural users actively creating and sharing content monthly. The study employed content analysis and case study methods, using purposive sampling to select ten “public affairs live streamers” (Appendix A). Two of the streamers were selected for in-depth case tracking and interviews.

For the content analysis, we selected three top videos from each streamer for thematic coding, followed by additional videos to refine and validate emerging themes. To address potential bias due to the fixed content styles of these streamers, additional content from other similar content creators on the Kuaishou platform was incorporated. This iterative three-stage coding process resulted in thematic categories and specific sub-themes that captured the diversity of topics addressed by “public affairs live streamers” in their content.

For the case study, we conducted a six-month online ethnographic investigation and interviews with two representative rural “public affairs live streamers”. The online ethnography involved weekly tracking of their video content and live streaming sessions, focusing not only on the content itself but also on the interactions between the streamers and their audience. Additionally, we conducted interviews with each streamer via online video calls and text-based communication, each lasting over an hour, to explore their motivations, experiences, and account management strategies.

The two “public affairs live streamers” selected for this study are as follows: The first, known as the “Rural Land and Housing Policy Legal Education Broadcaster” (“Legal Education Broadcaster” for short), was born in 1965 in Liaoning province and operates a greenhouse planting and breeding business. During his live streams, he primarily educates his audience on rural land and housing policies, civil litigation, petition procedures, and disciplinary inspection reporting rules, and he has 22 thousand followers. The second streamer, “Brother Y Talks and Serves” (“Brother Y” for short), is a post-90s individual from Jilin province who co-manages a seed company. In his live streams, he addresses issues like homestead rights confirmation, social welfare, and the one-child policy subsidies for his audience, and he has 927 thousand followers.

These two streamers were selected for their “grassroot” identities, distinct content areas, and varied outcomes in online social capital conversion. First, as grassroots creators, their processes of cultural and social capital conversion, as well as media empowerment, are more pronounced compared to officials. Second, they are representative of two key areas in rural public affairs—land and property issues (Brother Y) and legal and policy education (Legal Education Broadcaster). Third, the contrast between their online social capital conversion outcomes enables the exploration of different empowerment pathways. Finally, practical constraints, such as the time and resource demands of online ethnography and non-responses from other participants, limited the sample.

Overall, this mixed-methods approach balances broad coverage with in-depth analysis: content analysis provides a comprehensive overview, while case studies offer insight into capital accumulation and conversion mechanisms.

3. Results

3.1. Descriptive Results from Content Analysis

Rural “public affairs live streamers” on Kuaishou can be categorized into three occupational types. The first consists of village officials, such as village and township party secretaries. The second category encompasses rural business and service providers, such as operators of seed stores and sellers of agricultural products. The third category includes agricultural producers involved in farming, livestock, fisheries, and pastoral activities. Within the three categories of “public affairs live streamers” on Kuaishou, the second and third categories, classified as “grassroots” streamers active in agriculture or rural services, experience the strongest form of empowerment. In contrast, the platform’s empowering effect is less pronounced for village officials who serve as opinion leaders. Their prestige primarily derives from their official roles, and they possess higher social and cultural capital off the platform compared to other rural figures.

The content themes identified from ten “public affairs live streamers” on Kuaishou include six main themes: land and property issues, financial aid and subsidies, policy and governance, advocacy for the public, educational outreach, and customs (see Appendix B). These themes collectively provide a comprehensive view of rural life, addressing its economic, social, cultural, and political dimensions.

Land and property issues dominate discussions among “public affairs live streamers”, focusing on subthemes like land rights, village consolidation, and illegal constructions. In China’s collective land ownership system, land is a vital resource for farmers, and disputes over its allocation and usage are common, particularly during government efforts to affirm land contracting rights and execute village consolidations. This context fuels a significant demand among farmers for external knowledge and assistance. Videos addressing these issues are highly valued as they provide essential insights and support to rural residents facing these complex challenges. Beyond land and property issues, the theme of financial aid and subsidies also pertains to the income and living standards of rural residents. This category covers various financial support measures aimed at socio-economically disadvantaged groups, including pensions, military subsidies, and social security issues. These videos highlight societal concern for the welfare of vulnerable populations, particularly focusing on the elderly. By providing detailed explanations of government policies, these videos help farmers access and understand subsidies and benefit programmes that may be unfamiliar to them. This educational content further underscores the role of “public affairs live streamers” as conduits of information and facilitators of knowledge on digital platforms, thereby enhancing rural residents’ understanding of their rights and entitlements.

The themes of policy and governance, along with advocacy for the public, are closely linked to rural residents’ participation in governance. These themes underscore the “public affairs live streamers” commitment to involving rural communities in dialogues and decision-making processes that have direct impacts on their lives. In the policy and governance theme, streamers serve as voices for the government, tasked with disseminating information and directives. For public advocacy, streamers act as advocates for Chinese farmers, engaging audiences by appealing to shared emotional concerns. For instance, a live streamer posted a video titled “Rural Roads Are Getting Narrower: A Growing Concern for Villages”, which highlights issues in the implementation of the government’s “Village-to-Village Access” project. Although the project was originally intended to improve rural road connectivity, three major problems have emerged during the implementation of the policy: only the main roads are being constructed, the roads are too narrow to accommodate vehicles, and the pavement is thin and prone to damage. Such active engagement exemplifies how rural “public affairs live streamers” serve as representatives of rural residents, voicing their concerns and practicing online communication with the government. This approach plays a crucial role in advancing democratic practices in rural areas and promoting more transparent, inclusive, and participatory governance.

The themes of educational outreach and customs in the video content vividly illustrate “public affairs live streamers” as modern rural knowledge elites within online rural communities. Educational outreach highlights the streamers’ proactive endeavours to educate and engage with rural residents, facilitating a deeper comprehension of legal education, agricultural techniques, market information, and historical insights. The customs theme reveals the streamers’ active participation in dialogues about traditional practices and societal norms, emphasizing their impact on cultural perceptions. Together, these themes underscore the streamers’ pivotal role in cultivating well-informed and culturally attuned online rural communities, which are essential for the progressive evolution of rural governance and societal norms.

3.2. Capital Conversion Mechanisms in the Empowerment of Rural “Public Affairs Live Streamers”

3.2.1. Cultural Capital Converted into Online Social Capital

Short video platforms offer rural users new opportunities to accumulate online social capital, fostering the emergence of “public affairs live streamers” as new rural elites. This social capital is built both on pre-existing offline relationships and new, interest-based connections. On the one hand, these platforms help maintain social ties in mobile and dispersed rural communities, with engagement such as likes and shares often rooted in offline acquaintance networks (Li et al., 2023). On the other hand, their open, interactive nature enables the formation of “quasi-social” relationships (He, 2000) based on shared concerns and identities, contributing to new social capital formation. In this context, cultural symbols and shared rural values help shape “virtual rural communities” grounded in collective identity (Liu, 2018).

According to Bourdieu and Wacquant (1992), cultural capital refers to non-economic assets such as knowledge, skills, education, and cultural competencies that can provide individuals with social mobility and legitimacy. It exists in three forms: embodied (long-lasting dispositions of the mind and body), objectified (cultural goods like books and instruments), and institutionalized (educational qualifications). While traditionally associated with formal schooling, cultural capital can also be informally acquired through self-learning and lived experiences—particularly in rural contexts where access to institutionalized education may be limited.

For rural public affairs live streamers, online social capital is closely tied to the transformation of such informal cultural capital. Although the two streamers studied did not possess formal legal education—having completed only junior high or high school—they acquired cultural capital through self-directed learning, personal legal experiences, and engagement with rural governance issues. This legal literacy became a resource they leveraged in their live stream content, shaping their public credibility. Furthermore, both streamers used their platforms not only to disseminate knowledge but also to engage in local affairs. Brother Y frequently mediated land disputes, assisted with social welfare applications, and advocated villagers’ rights. These actions demonstrate how accumulated cultural capital—rooted in knowledge, communication ability, and moral authority—was actively transformed into online social capital through both informational and relational work.

In addition to legal knowledge, growing media literacy played a central role in strengthening their social capital. Both streamers gradually mastered platform functionalities, such as filtering disruptive users, managing interactions, and strategically engaging audiences. Brother Y, for example, gained over 100,000 followers within a month by releasing viral videos on topics relevant to rural life, such as land rights and pension policies. His ability to select resonant content and communicate effectively illustrates how cultural capital was operationalized into influence.

Emotional connection further deepened trust and network strength. While technical proficiency—such as managing comments or optimizing content—was essential, the ability to establish authentic emotional bonds with audiences represents a more advanced form of media literacy. Public affairs live streamers often cultivated kinship-like relationships with their followers, using familial language and offering informal, empathic advice. In one live stream, a middle-aged woman emotionally recounted her marital problems and asked Brother Y—despite his younger age—for guidance. Her trust in his judgement, drawn from repeated online interactions, reflected the embodied cultural capital he had cultivated through consistent, empathetic communication. This capacity to perform emotional labour not only reinforced his credibility but also played a crucial role in expanding his follower base, demonstrating how emotional connection can serve as a key driver of social capital accumulation.

In sum, the transformation of cultural capital into online social capital among rural public affairs live streamers relies on a combination of domain expertise and platform literacy—with the latter encompassing not only technical skills but also emotional labour that fosters parasocial relationships with their audiences (Hoffner & Bond, 2022). Their role as cultural mediators—translating everyday rural concerns into accessible and trustworthy communication—enabled them to build credibility, expand their networks, and emerge as influential digital actors within their communities.

3.2.2. Online Social Capital Converted into Economic Capital

As Bourdieu stated, “Capital does not exist or function unless it is related to a specific field (Bao, 1997; Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992)”. Social capital can, under certain conditions, be converted into economic capital. This mechanism helps explain how rural public affairs live streamers may transform their online social networks into material benefits. The following two cases illustrate contrasting outcomes of this conversion on the Kuaishou platform.

“Brother Y” serves as a successful example of this transformation. Initially engaging with Kuaishou not for profit, he later began to generate economic returns through live streaming. He shared, “After becoming a live streamer, I bought a house with my own efforts”. During his streams, he promoted seed products from his own company and managed online orders. He reported that one-third of his company’s income was generated through online sales. For Brother Y, Kuaishou was not only a space to share professional knowledge and build credibility, but also a channel through which follower trust was converted into customer engagement and financial gain. The more followers he gained, the larger his potential consumer base became.

In contrast, the experience of the “Legal Education Broadcaster” highlights the challenges of converting online social capital into economic capital. Although his viewership improved over time—from fewer than 10 viewers to around 30–50 viewers per stream—monetary returns remained minimal. He initially planned to charge for call-in sessions, but competition from village officials and free legal services discouraged this approach. His Kuaishou shop listed 38 books, with a modest profit margin of CNY 3–5 per book. Occasional red packets for free legal assistance constituted his only other form of income. He explained, “I’ve been working like this for years without pay… my family doesn’t approve”. His family’s opposition stemmed from the platform’s low returns and fear of offending local officials.

These two cases demonstrate that while digital platforms provide the technological infrastructure for accumulating social capital, conversion into economic capital depends on how effectively live streamers act as intermediaries. Brother Y successfully mobilized audience trust and attention into product-based revenue. In contrast, the Legal Education Broadcaster struggled due to limited engagement strategies, weak monetization models, and a mismatch between content and audience demand. These differences underscore that followers, traffic, and recognition alone do not guarantee economic return—streamers must also navigate competition, the value proposition, and platform dynamics to enable successful conversion.

3.2.3. Online Social Capital Converted into Offline Social Capital

Online social capital originated within the media field, and its influence was largely confined to the platform. There could be a noticeable divergence in the social capital of rural elites inside and outside the media field within the virtual community.

On the Kuaishou app, the “Legal Education Broadcaster” boasted over 20,000 followers, with strangers frequently seeking his assistance via call-ins during live streams. Fans supported him actively in the comments, and rural officials not only watched his videos and live streams but also engaged directly with him. Despite this online recognition, he revealed that his Kuaishou prestige did not translate into offline respect in his local community. He once ran for a position on the village committee and, despite voting for himself, was not elected. His relationship with village officials was strained. For instance, he refused to pay a village-imposed fee, deeming it illegal based on his legal expertise. This action caused officials to deliberately avoid him, and instead, they dealt with his family. These incidents highlight a significant disparity between his esteemed online persona, bolstered by his cultural capital, and his real-world social standing.

In contrast, “Brother Y’s” experience demonstrated that prestige on a media platform could indeed be converted into real-life social capital. When “Brother Y” initially began sharing content on Kuaishou, he recalled being told, “Your parents are still farming in the mountains, and here you are doing this”. He reflected, “It’s tough for me to hear”. However, as his follower count grew and his financial situation improved, these critical voices gradually subsided. Relatives and friends began to seek his advice, recognizing his growing influence. “Brother Y” acknowledged that his live streaming on Kuaishou significantly boosted his reputation in his real-life community.

These two cases demonstrate that rural “public affairs live streamers”, acting as modern rural knowledge elites, could convert their cultural capital into online social capital, which might then be transformed into economic capital or social capital in real life. However, these transformations were based on potential rather than inevitability. Throughout this process, the media not only empowered these agricultural broadcasters in terms of representation but also enhanced their ability to earn a livelihood.

4. Discussion

4.1. Online Social Capital as a Medium of Dual Dimensions of Empowerment

This study identifies rural “public affairs live streamers” as a distinct category of Kuaishou broadcasters who, through digital platforms, have accumulated significant rural followings and influence. Their rise is enabled by the accumulation and strategic use of online social capital—attention, trust, and relational ties—that translates individual visibility into collective influence. These streamers address agricultural policies and legal issues, mediate disputes, and respond to villagers’ inquiries. Drawing on self-acquired cultural capital—especially legal knowledge and communication skills—they resemble traditional rural sages in China. Their activities reflect a form of dual empowerment: economic empowerment through monetizing social capital and political empowerment through increased civic influence and participation.

Economically, short video platforms allow these streamers to convert cultural capital into online social capital, which is then monetized through donations or live stream commerce. This illustrates Bourdieu’s capital conversion logic in a digital context, where symbolic and relational recognition online can yield tangible income. By gaining trust and attention, streamers attract financial support, creating a new livelihood model beyond traditional agriculture.

Politically, online social capital enables these streamers to act as grassroots civic agents. Their credibility and visibility online enhance their ability to inform, advocate, and mobilize. They help rural residents shift from passive policy recipients to active public participants, shaping a digitally mediated form of rural citizenship. Their articulation of grievances and explanation of policies foster broader civic dialogue.

Building on their political empowerment, rural public affairs live streamers have begun to informally reshape local governance from the bottom up. Their influence operates through three key functions: disseminating civic knowledge, complementing formal governance mechanisms, and providing emotional channels for expressing rural grievances. Through their videos and live streams, they expand discourse beyond village boundaries, fostering new public spheres where rural residents engage with legal knowledge, property rights, and rural policies. These streamers offer flexible, low-cost alternatives to institutional channels by acting as educators, mediators, and opinion leaders, helping villagers solve real-life problems and access critical information (H. F. Chen & Gao, 2020). In doing so, they enhance civic awareness and promote grassroots participation. At the same time, they serve as pressure valves for frustration in economically and politically marginalized communities. For example, a video titled “The Truth About Elections in J County”, which exposed vote-buying practices through kuaiban (a rhythmic storytelling performance using bamboo clappers) performance, sparked public discussion while remaining online for years, suggesting tacit acceptance by the platform. As Mosco (2006) argues, such self-deprecating revelations defuse tensions while enabling critique within acceptable boundaries.

In sum, online social capital functions as the key medium through which digital platforms enable both economic and political empowerment, linking visibility to income and connectivity to civic influence.

4.2. Limitations of Empowerment

Although “public affairs live streamers” gain individual empowerment through providing public services, this empowerment is inherently limited and fragile.

First, the empowerment they receive is uncertain due to opaque algorithmic distribution and content moderation (Heiland, 2023; Kellogg et al., 2020). Platforms often deprioritize public service content, limiting its visibility. At the same time, streamers’ ability to manage accounts and maintain engagement is crucial yet uneven. When traffic or income declines, many shift to more commercial or entertaining content. For example, “Brother Y” moved from selling seeds to promoting herbal remedies during the pandemic, reflecting how unstable algorithms can reshape both content and livelihood.

Second, empowerment lacks sustainability, which is closely related to the uncertainty of economic empowerment and the political risks inherent in public affairs content. Platform rules regarding sensitive topics are vague, and enforcement is often opaque, meaning streamers may face deboosting or account suspension without prior warning. The Legal Education Broadcaster, for instance, received multiple violation notices before his account was eventually banned. This high dependence on platform governance, coupled with a lack of consistent audience feedback and financial return, makes it difficult for streamers to sustain long-term engagement with public interest content.

Third, although streamers offer space for emotional expression, they may inadvertently intensify tensions in the online public sphere while remaining unlikely to produce meaningful structural change. On topics such as rural pension security or resource inequality, content that highlights grievances may attract visibility, but expressions of discontent are often confined to vague narratives like “rural hardship”, leading to a lack of focused demands. Moreover, live streams tend to function more as emotional outlets, which can polarize discourse and reduce opportunities for rational dialogue (Gamboa et al., 2024; Versteegen, 2024).

In sum, the empowerment experienced by public affairs live streamers is partial, precarious, and shaped by the very platforms that enable it. While they open new channels for civic participation and expression, their reach is constrained by digital infrastructures, economic instability, and political sensitivities. These limitations point to the need for structural support and alternative models, which we explore in the following section.

4.3. Recommendations

Given the partial and precarious nature of empowerment identified in this study, several measures can be taken to improve the sustainability and impact of rural public affairs live streamers’ engagement. These recommendations aim to address structural challenges at the platform, institutional, and community levels.

First, platform governance should be more transparent and inclusive. Current algorithmic logics and opaque content moderation practices disproportionately affect public service content. Platforms like Kuaishou could introduce clearer guidelines for politically adjacent but socially valuable content, create appeal mechanisms for unjustified takedowns, and provide visibility support for verified rural knowledge creators. Such measures would reduce the uncertainty faced by public affairs streamers and encourage continued production of socially meaningful content. Effective platform governance depends on both external regulation and internal reform toward shared co-governance (Lu et al., 2023).

Second, training and resource support should be institutionalized. Governmental and civil society actors could collaborate with platforms to provide rural streamers with training in digital literacy, emotional labour management, and civic communication strategies. These initiatives could help reduce burnout, improve content quality, and enhance the ability of streamers to frame policy-relevant discussions in constructive ways. Additionally, financial incentives such as public interest content funds or partnerships with local development programmes could help stabilize their income sources.

Third, public affairs streamers should be integrated into broader governance and civic engagement frameworks. Local governments could explore low-risk mechanisms for consulting or partnering with influential streamers in rural education, policy outreach, or conflict mediation. This would help institutionalize their roles as civic intermediaries without overburdening them or exposing them to excessive political risk. Moreover, their involvement could complement formal institutions by supporting the goals of shanzhi (good governance), which emphasizes participatory dialogue, local problem-solving, and consensus-building (J. Chen et al., 2010). To ensure effective engagement, clearer boundaries should be set to distinguish between entertainment-driven activism and serious and service-oriented public engagement, enabling streamers to contribute meaningfully to rural modernization while maintaining professionalism and accountability.

In conclusion, while short video platforms have opened new possibilities for civic engagement in rural China, realizing their full potential requires a more supportive and coordinated environment. Strengthening structural safeguards, building capacity, and fostering responsible collaboration between platforms, institutions, and streamers can help transform fragile, individual empowerment into more sustainable and collective civic participation.

5. Conclusions

This research underscores the influential role of “public affairs live streamers” on short video platforms like Kuaishou, illustrating their emergence as a new type of rural knowledge elites and their growing impact on rural governance in China. These streamers utilize the widespread accessibility of digital platforms to disseminate knowledge, mediate disputes, and foster civic engagement. By transforming self-acquired cultural capital into online social capital—manifested in followers, visibility, and trust—they participate in a dual process of economic and political empowerment. Their hybrid role as educators, mediators, and civic actors enables them to reshape the dynamics of rural public life from the bottom up. However, the empowerment provided by digital platforms remains partial and fragile. Their influence is constrained by the commercial logic of platform operations and the absence of formal mechanisms for integration into governance structures. Although streamers help democratize information flows and raise civic awareness, their visibility and impact are highly dependent on algorithmic exposure and traffic dynamics. This reliance creates significant uncertainty regarding their income, audience reach, and long-term sustainability. While they may contribute to informal problem-solving and local dialogue, their capacity to address deeper institutional challenges or shift dominant narratives remains limited. They help mediate grassroots concerns but rarely influence the structural foundations of authority or public discourse.

The findings of this study enrich our understanding of digital media’s dual role: it serves not only as a facilitator of empowerment but also as a gatekeeper that steers the direction and sets the boundaries of civic participation. As China continues to navigate digital and rural transformation, “public affairs live streamers” represent a hybrid model of rural leadership—rooted in local experience yet amplified by digital connectivity. Their presence offers important lessons for how digital platforms can support more participatory and inclusive forms of rural modernization.

Future efforts should focus on improving platform governance, supporting civic-oriented content production, and integrating public affairs streamers into broader governance frameworks. These measures could help stabilize the empowerment effects and ensure that digital participation leads to tangible improvements in rural public life. Ultimately, the long-term promise of “public affairs live streamers” lies not in replacing traditional governance structures but in enhancing them through constructive, bottom-up civic engagement.