Search Results (12)

Several southern Italian dialects show a systematic alternation in the forms of the third person object clitic between proclisis and enclisis; moreover, in proclisis, the object clitic and the definite article have different forms that alternate between prevocalic and preconsonantal contexts. On the whole, the distribution of forms constitutes a varied and complex picture, which has often been treated in terms of allomorphy. In particular, this article examines the arrangement of proclitic forms in the Neapolitan variety in which the forms are distributed according to three different patterns. The article explores the possibility of analysing the alternations in purely phonological terms, using the representational tools of “floating melody”, “stress space” and “virtual geminate”. The results obtained are encouraging: while some alternations have proven to be allomorphic in nature, a unified phonological explanation has been developed for challenging issues, including the so-called “l-deletion” and the corresponding vowel lengthening. Full article

This study offers a detailed comparative analysis of the reflexes of Proto-Bantu noun class prefixes within nine Gabonese languages belonging to the B50, B60, and B70 groups of Guthrie’s referential inventory of the Bantu languages. Genealogically speaking, all of them are part of the Kwilu-Ngounie subclade of the Bantu family’s West-Coastal Bantu branch. Starting out from a robust dataset comprising over 4000 lexical items collected through fieldwork and existing descriptions, the Comparative Method is used to distinguish changes in noun class morphology due to regular sound shifts from those emerging from analogical reanalysis and levelling. The comparative study shows a systematic reduction and reorganization of the inherited Proto-Bantu noun class system, notably the loss of classes 12/13 and 19 across all languages, variable retention and loss of classes 7/8 and 11, and complex patterns of reshuffling involving classes 5, 9/10, and 1/2. Key innovations, potentially reinforcing lexicon-based hypotheses of phylogenetic subgrouping within Kwilu-Ngounie, include the development of a class 7 allomorphy conditioned by stem-initial segments in the B50 languages and the emergence of vocalic prefixes restricted to the B60 and B70 languages. Full article

This article focuses on the right edge of nominal stems in Greek and aims to show that stem-final segments should be analyzed as distinct morphological constituents. Two types of such constituents are identified. On the one hand, stem endings such as -a(ð), -i(ð), and -a(t) have a predictable distribution, as they are found in nouns with specific morphosyntactic properties and stress patterns. On the other hand, stem endings like -o, -a, and -i cannot function as predictors of the morphosyntactic status of the noun, although they may convey information about its stress position. The distinction between the two constituent categories is captured through an analysis couched within Distributed Morphology. Specifically, it is proposed that stem endings of the first category function as nominalizer exponents, while those of the second category serve as exponents of a Theme node, which is inserted post-syntactically and bears no grammatical features. The allomorphic variation exhibited by these exponents is accounted for by means of a phonological analysis based on Gradient Harmonic Grammar. The proposed approach is shown to capture empirical generalizations that have been overlooked in traditional grammatical descriptions and theoretical analyses based on multiple stem allomorphs. Full article

A highly productive derivational process, diminutive suffixation in Spanish (e.g., gatito ~ gatiko/gatico ‘little/well-known/beloved/awful cat’ < gato ‘cat’) has received much attention in the morphology–phonology interface literature. The present study contributes a novel comparative analysis of a dissimilatory alternation between diminutive suffix allomorphs -ito/a and -ico/a (-iko/a) across three Hispano-Romance varieties. In Judeo-Spanish, the voiceless dorsal stop [k] of default -iko/a dissimilates to coronal [t] after any dorsal segment [k, ɡ, ɡʷ, x, w] in the base-final syllable. In Colombian Spanish, the voiceless coronal stop [t] of default -ito/a dissimilates to dorsal [k] after only an identical [t] in the base-final syllable. By contrast, Castilian Spanish -ito/a does not dissimilate, thereby providing a baseline for comparison. All three varieties allow for optional iteration of the suffix, which conveys greater smallness or endearment than the simple diminutive, e.g., Castilian Spanish gatitito ‘little/beloved kitty’, without dissimilation. Iterated diminutives in Colombian Spanish show two patterns of dissimilation, which have not been fully acknowledged in the previous literature. For example, either (i) [it] and [ik] alternate to avoid adjacent identical syllable onsets, e.g., gat[ikitíko], or (ii) [it] is iterated until alternating with word-final [ik], e.g., gat[ititíko]. In all three Hispano-Romance varieties, base-final unstressed vowels are deleted before a vowel-initial diminutive suffix, followed by unstressed -o/a, and stress (indicated by an acute accent) is shifted rightward onto the penultimate syllable of the diminutive word. Vowel deletion and stress shift apply recursively in iterated diminutives. We propose an Optimality Theory analysis of these alternations in terms of suffix allomorphy that is phonologically conditioned by consonantal place dissimilation. The analysis is formalized as an interaction among constraints that enforce prosodic unmarkedness, output–output correspondence, allomorph preference, and similarity avoidance. We consider theoretical alternatives and compare our analysis to other recent proposals. Full article

An important line of research within a generative, formal approach to syntax in the early 21st century has centered on exploring phenomena related to the interface between syntax and other linguistic modules in human language. In this paper, we review the notion of interfaces and how they have been viewed within formal theoretical approaches to monolingual and bilignual competence and language acquistion, noting their relevance as they relate to language acquisition and bilingualism in the context of Galicia (Spain). We review a selection of Noun Phrase (NP) structures that implicate a syntactic interface: subject position, clitic directionality, and determiner clitic allomorphy. We provide a review of the relevant literature and the theoretical issues of interest as they relate to our understanding of these syntactic interfaces, reporting on our current theoretical understandings, persistent questions, and our view of the path forward as it relates to linguistic research on the Galician language. Full article

This paper uses facts about case allomorphy and possessive morphology in Balkar, a Turkic language spoken in southern Russia, to contribute to the examination of the internal structure of case. A number of recent findings in morpho-syntactic research indicate that case markers have a richer internal structure than their surface appearance typically suggests. Specifically, many works in this vein argue based on cross-linguistic facts about phenomena such as suppletion and syncretism that case features are organized into an implicational containment hierarchy. In this hierarchy, accusative case contains the features of the nominative, and the accusative is itself a sub-part of oblique cases. Many arguments for case containment have relied on diagnostics that are less direct than surface-level morpho-syntactic analysis. In this paper, I argue that there is a part of Balkar grammar that shows the containment of accusative case by obliques in a surface-evident way. While such containment is not normally evident in Balkar, I argue that in certain possessed oblique NPs we see an overt expression of the accusative, except when phonological factors interfere. I go on to discuss other related topics about Balkar and the case containment hypothesis more generally. Full article

In this paper, we investigate zero-derived nouns based on irregular verbs in Greek. This is an under-explored area in Greek morpho-syntax, and in this paper, we will make three main contributions. First, we will discuss the fact that the overwhelming majority of these nouns are feminine, while neuter nouns are considerably less represented and masculine nouns are almost nonexistent. As feminine is taken to be the semantically marked gender in the case of animate nouns, asserting female sex, and neuter is argued to be the default gender in Greek for inanimates, the fact that zero abstract nouns are feminine is surprising. We will argue that feminine is the default in the case of zero derivation by exploiting an analysis of flavors of n. Second, we will show that, contrary to the findings in earlier literature, certain zero-derived nouns do have argument structure, similarly to their affixed counterparts. As not all zero-derived nouns have argument structure, we will appeal to complex head formation to explain the properties of those zero-derived nouns that have an eventive interpretation but do not surface with arguments. Finally, we will turn to an examination of the size of the domain that is nominalized. Since, in our cases, we observe root allomorphy conditioned by a nominal affix in the presence of a zero verbal head, we will suggest that Pruning is the mechanism that allows this. Full article

The article argues that the alternation between the prepositions asce ‘from’ and an ‘from’ in the south Italian Greek variety Greko and a similar alternation between the preposition se ‘in, to, into’ and the allomorph s- found in both Greko and Standard Modern Greek represent instances of contextually conditioned allomorphy sensitive to a linearly adjacent definite article. Alternative approaches in terms of portmanteaux or making use of hyper-contextual rules for vocabulary insertion are shown to be unable to account for the data, supporting the need for allowing reference to linear adjacency relations in morphosyntactic theories of allomorphy. Full article

This paper discusses verbal stem allomorphy in Romance within the framework of Distributed Morphology (DM). We will present several technical instruments provided by the framework, applying them to an analysis of Romance verbal forms, with a particular focus on stem suppletion with the verb go. We conclude that the best solution to the problem of form–function discrepancies, as they appear in suppletion (but not only), is a spanning approach. This approach operates at Vocabulary Insertion only, without any need for the assumption of further, often critically discussed, morphological processes, such as fusion or pruning. Full article

In this article we examine the allomorphic variation found in Pennsylvania Dutch plurality. In spite of over 250 years of variable contact with English, Pennsylvania Dutch plural allomorphy has remained largely distinct from English, except for a number of loan words and borrowings from English. Adopting a One Feature-One Head (OFOH) Architecture that interprets licit syntactic objects as spans, we argue that plurality is distributed across different $\sqrt{\mathrm{root}}$-types, resulting in stored lexical-trees (L-spans) in the bilingual mental lexicon. We expand the traditional feature inventory to be ‘mixed,’ consisting of both semantically-grounded features as well as ‘pure’ morphological features. A key claim of our analysis is that the s-exponent in Pennsylvania Dutch shares a syntactic representation for native and English-origin $\sqrt{\mathrm{roots}}$, although it is distinct from a ‘monolingual’ English representation. Finally, we highlight how our treatment of plurality in Pennsylvania Dutch, and allomorphic variation more generally, makes predictions about the nature of bilingual morphosyntactic representations. Full article

In late-insertion, realizational models of morphology such as Distributed Morphology (DM), the insertion of Vocabulary Items (VIs) is conditioned by cyclic operations in the syntax. This paper explores whether an isomorphic relationship can be established between cyclic operations such as phases and prosodic domains. In the spirit of D’Alessandro and Scheer’s (2015) proposal of a Modular Phase Impenetrability Condition (MPIC), we strive to provide an analysis in which prosodic boundaries in even smaller, word-level-like syntactic structures—the ‘lexical domain’—can be identified solely within the syntax. We propose a DM-account for the distribution of nominal plural exponency in German, which reveals a dominant trend for a trochaic-foot structure for all but -s-plural exponents (Wiese 2001, 2009). Inspired by Gouskova’s (2019) and Svenonius’ (2016) work concerning the prosody–morphology interface, we argue that the index of a Prosodic Word $\omega$ in non-s-plurals is associated with a specific feature configuration. We propose that only a n[+pl(ural)] configuration, in which the nominalizing head n hosts the SynSem-feature Num(ber)[+pl(ural)], rather than a general cyclic categorizing phase head such as n, indexes a Prosodic Word $\omega$ for nominal plural exponents in (Standard) German. Based on this empirical evidence from German plural exponency, we argue that (i) prosodic boundaries can be established directly by syntactic structures, (ii) these prosodic boundaries condition VI insertion during the initial stages of Spell-Out, and (iii) prosodic domains are based on individual languages’ syntactic structures and feature configurations, and are thus relativized and language-specific in nature. Full article

Stem processing is an essential phase in word recognition. Most modern Romance languages, such as Catalan, Italian, Portuguese, Romanian, and Spanish, have three theme vowels that define verbal classes and stem formation. However, French verbal classes are not traditionally described in terms of theme vowels. In this work, stem formation from theme vowel and allomorphic processes was investigated in French verbs. Our aim was to define the verbal stem formation structure processed during mental lexicon access in French. We conducted a cross-modal experiment and a masked priming experiment on different French stem formation processes from the first and third classes. We compared morphology-related priming effects to full priming obtained through identity priming, as well as to no priming obtained through a control condition. Stems from the first and third classes with a theme vowel presented full priming, whereas stems from the third class with allomorphy presented partial priming in both experiments. Our results suggest root-based stem formation for French. Verbs are recognized through word decomposition into stem and inflectional suffixes, and stem processing is based on root, theme vowel, and allomorphic processes. These results support a single-mechanism model with full decomposition and pre-lexical access defined by morphological rules. Full article