3.2.2. Determining Experimental and Control Groups: Methodological Considerations
To ensure conceptual clarity, this study follows the classification framework outlined in the Plan, which categorizes ecological civilization institutions into eight major areas: property rights for natural resource assets; territorial space development and protection; spatial planning; resource conservation and total quantity management; resource paid-use and ecological compensation; environmental governance systems; ecological and environmental protection markets; and performance evaluation and accountability mechanisms. According to the Plan, policies that simultaneously involve several of these institutional categories are defined as comprehensive policies, while those addressing only a single category are treated as single-issue pilots. Building on this classification, the policy system of ecological civilization pilots in China is characterized by typological diversity, a proliferation of initiatives, broad stakeholder involvement, and intricate governance processes. Given this complexity and the limited accessibility of certain policy documents, this study does not attempt to provide comprehensive coverage of single-issue pilots. Instead, it focuses on nine national-level comprehensive pilot policies that embody integrated institutional reforms. These policies have been primarily operationalized through the establishment of comprehensive ecological civilization demonstration zones, which function as the principal mechanism for advancing reform through pilot practices. The identification of these nine representative policies results from a rigorous process of review, synthesis, and critical screening of policy documents, thereby ensuring both their conceptual representativeness and practical clarity as pilot initiatives.
The “national ecological civilization construction” plan referenced in this study is derived from a systematic review and synthesis of nine national-level comprehensive pilot policies, rather than from individual policy documents issued by specific departments or joint agencies. Based on these nine policies, we construct a standardized framework at the prefecture-level city scale. For each policy, a city’s inclusion as a pilot equals 1, and the cumulative score across all nine policies naturally increases for cities participating in multiple pilot initiatives. This cumulative score reflects the depth of a city’s involvement in China’s ecological civilization construction strategy and constitutes the first step of the standardized framework.
During the process of integrating and standardizing the pilot policies, several methodological challenges arose. The first concerns duplicate pilot selection, as some cities were designated multiple times—either across different phases of the same policy or under distinct policies issued at different stages. The second involves variation in pilot levels, since the scope of pilot programs differs by issuing departments and periods, covering provincial-level regions, prefecture-level cities, county-level cities, and their subordinate districts. To resolve these complexities, this study draws on established approaches in prior research and applies three methodological considerations. Following common practice in the literature [
27,
28], cities participating in multiple initiatives are assigned the implementation year of their earliest entry. Second, for standardization at the prefecture level, we adopt the principle that “any province designated as an ecological civilization pilot region is treated as including all its prefecture-level cities.” Although consistent with prevailing practice, this approach may overstate pilot coverage. Third, to mitigate this risk, our scoring method simplifies the weighting scheme proposed previously [
29]: rather than assigning 0.5 to each prefecture-level city under provincial-level pilots, we assign a value of 1.0. This adjustment is justified by the broader scope of policy documents incorporated in our framework, which provides sufficient scoring opportunities and thereby minimizes the likelihood of overestimation. Accordingly, provincial-level inclusion contributes only a single incremental point to the cumulative score.
To further reduce subjectivity in determining pilot cities, the standardized identification framework incorporates two additional steps. First, third-party evaluation standards are introduced to account for the cumulative effects of ecological civilization policies. Specifically, a widely applied ecological civilization index is employed as an objective benchmark, in which a composite score of 70 or above is commonly used to indicate a nationally recognized “good” level of ecological performance, following assessment practices documented in authoritative reports developed by national expert institutions, such as research teams affiliated with the Chinese Academy of Engineering [
30]. Second, beyond formal policy inclusion and quantitative performance thresholds, an expert-based evaluation is incorporated as a complementary screening step. Expert assessments are used to qualitatively evaluate the overall quality of green development in candidate cities, serving as a robustness-enhancing supplement to standardized indicators. This combined approach helps ensure that the final identification of pilot cities is grounded in both transparent, rule-based criteria and informed professional judgment.
In summary, the three-tiered framework integrates policy engagement, ecological performance thresholds, and expert judgment into a unified and transparent selection mechanism. Applying these criteria, 84 cities were identified as exemplifying the highest level of ecological civilization construction in China. This rigorous process enhances both the scientific robustness of the dataset and the credibility of the findings, thereby providing a solid foundation for the subsequent empirical analysis.
Importantly, the identification strategy rests on the assumption that the designation of ecological civilization pilot cities is primarily driven by national policy objectives rather than short-term fluctuations in urban green productivity. In other words, cities are selected as pilots based on their institutional capacity and policy readiness rather than on contemporaneous changes in GTFP. This assumption is consistent with the top-down policy design of ecological civilization initiatives in China and supports the validity of the DID identification strategy.
Following the identification of 84 pilot cities, this study conducts a time–space–policy triangulation to further validate the selection results. This multi-dimensional cross-check is deliberately designed to demonstrate, from an alternative perspective, that the criteria applied are both rigorous and non-arbitrary. More importantly, the triangulation not only reinforces the robustness of the sample by aligning temporal consistency, spatial rationality, and policy coherence, but also provides a seamless analytical bridge to the subsequent heterogeneity analysis. In this sense, the verification process itself becomes an integral part of the methodological design, ensuring both conceptual rigor and analytical continuity. The temporal distribution of the pilot cities is presented in
Figure 2.
As shown in
Figure 2, this study selects 2010 as the starting year for policy evaluation, as it marks the launch of the first batch of low-carbon city pilots initiated by the NDRC. This policy integrated multiple environmental regulatory tools and adopted a pilot governance model, signifying a major milestone in China’s comprehensive environmental regulation efforts with far-reaching implications. Additionally, the choice of 2010 precedes the incorporation of ecological civilization construction into the national “Five-Sphere Integrated Plan” during the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China in 2012. This enables a more comprehensive understanding of the evolution of China’s ecological civilization construction from a temporal perspective, capturing the trajectory of policy development over time. The number of pilot cities has exhibited a steadily increasing trend since 2010. The year 2012 saw the largest increase, with 24 new cities selected. In the same year, the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China established ecological civilization construction as a fundamental national policy and incorporated it into the “Five-Sphere Integrated Plan.” This development led to the launch and comprehensive rollout of numerous related policies and pilot projects. Between 2011 and 2015, the number of pilot cities continued to grow steadily, in alignment with the implementation of the 13th Five-Year Plan, reflecting the gradual expansion of policy implementation and regional coverage. The promulgation of the Plan provided the institutional framework—commonly referred to as the ‘four beams and eight pillars’—thereby marking ecological civilization construction’s transition into a new stage of institutionalization. Following this, the 2016 issuance of the
Opinions on Establishing Unified and Standardized National Ecological Civilization Pilot Zones stipulated that no department could launch new ecological civilization pilot projects without prior approval from the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and the State Council. Additionally, all self-initiated pilot projects were required to conclude by 2020. This policy shift led to a sharp decline in the number of new pilot cities between 2016 and 2017, with relatively few meeting the screening criteria for inclusion. While no new pilot cities were established in 2018 and 2019, the focus shifted toward refining and enhancing the organization, implementation, and policy requirements of the existing pilot projects, making 2019 a natural endpoint for the observation period. This also corresponds to the data scope adopted in this study, as the comparability of post-2019 data was further reduced by the exogenous shocks of the COVID-19 pandemic.
The trajectory of pilot cities demonstrates a gradual shift from initial experimentation to broader expansion, reflecting the evolution of ecological civilization construction from exploration to phases of development, stabilization, and maturity. Changes in the number of pilots also indicate the ongoing refinement of institutional frameworks and the progressive modernization of China’s governance system and capacity. Accordingly, the temporal distribution of pilot cities aligns with national macro-policy shifts and serves as cross-validation of the methodological rigor of the selection criteria adopted in this study.
Beyond the temporal dimension, this study also examines the spatial characteristics of pilot cities, including their resource endowments, regional distribution across eastern, central, and western China, and the distinction between the Yangtze River Economic Belt and non-Yangtze River areas. This spatial distribution corresponds closely with national policy orientations and provides complementary validation of the selection framework. These spatial patterns offer further support for the heterogeneity analysis, as illustrated in
Figure 3.
(1) From the perspective of resource endowment, resource-based cities are characterized by economies centered on the extraction and processing of natural resources, such as minerals and forests. In this study, the pilot cities are classified in accordance with the
National Plan for the Sustainable Development of Resource-Based Cities (2013–2020). Among the ecological civilization pilot cities, 65% are non-resource-based and 35% are resource-based, indicating that the former outnumber the latter. This distribution is broadly balanced and consistent with national macro-regional policy orientations, thereby reinforcing the rationality of the selection as it reflects the state’s dual strategy of revitalizing resource-dependent regions and advancing green transformation in non-resource-based urban centers. The two categories of cities nonetheless exhibit distinct trajectories in ecological civilization construction, particularly in terms of resource endowment, environmental pressures, and policy orientation [
31,
32]. Resource-based cities, endowed with abundant natural assets, remain heavily reliant on extraction for economic growth, whereas non-resource-based cities tend to emphasize manufacturing and service industries. In terms of environmental pressures, resource-based cities are more vulnerable to land degradation, water contamination, and air pollution caused by intensive exploitation, thereby necessitating strong measures for environmental protection and ecological restoration. By contrast, non-resource-based cities, though less affected by direct extraction, face challenges associated with industrialization and urbanization, including excessive energy consumption and elevated pollutant emissions, which require improvements in resource efficiency and the adoption of cleaner production practices. These contrasting conditions are reflected in divergent policy orientations: resource-based cities often require stricter environmental regulation and resource management to mitigate ecological risks, while non-resource-based cities prioritize industrial upgrading and green technological innovation to achieve sustainable development. Despite these differences, both types of cities converge on the common objective of advancing green development and fostering a virtuous cycle that integrates high-quality economic growth with ecological sustainability.
(2) From the perspective of policy and regional division, a considerable body of academic research classifies mainland China into eastern, central, and western regions according to differences in economic development levels and geographical location, in order to investigate regional heterogeneity [
33]. This tripartite division is firmly established in the scholarly literature and simultaneously grounded in national policy. As stated by the NDRC, the eastern–central–western division constitutes a policy-based framework rather than an administrative or purely geographical boundary [
34]. Among the pilot cities, 56% are in the eastern region, 32% in the central region, and 12% in the western region, with the distribution following the pattern: eastern > central > western. This regional allocation is not only consistent with China’s long-standing policy framework of eastern–central–western division but also serves as an implicit validation of the rationality of the selection, as it echoes national efforts to balance development opportunities across diverse regions. The levels of ecological civilization development across these regions vary, each presenting distinct advantages and challenges. The eastern region, with its advanced economic development, technological innovation, and educational resources, benefits from a solid industrial foundation and progress in environmental technologies and pollution control. However, it also faces significant environmental pressures, including severe pollution, resource depletion, and ecosystem degradation, driven by rapid industrialization. In contrast, the central region, rich in natural resources and agricultural land, holds potential in areas such as ecological tourism and sustainable agriculture. Some cities in this region have actively explored green development strategies, but challenges persist in industrial upgrading and technological innovation, with certain areas still reliant on heavily polluting industries. The western region, with vast land, abundant water, and mineral resources, enjoys relatively low industrial pollution and population density, creating favorable conditions for ecological restoration and environmental protection. However, it struggles with weak economic foundations, underdeveloped infrastructure, and regional disparities. Advancing ecological civilization construction requires region-specific strategies that leverage these diverse strengths while addressing inherent challenges. Over time, the selection of pilot cities has shifted from a concentration in the eastern region to greater inclusion of central and western cities, reflecting the government’s increasing focus on promoting balanced, coordinated, and sustainable regional development.
(3) From a geographical perspective, this study classifies the experimental group cities based on the Yangtze River Economic Belt Strategy outlined in the 2015 Government Work Report. As one of China’s “Three Major Strategies,” this initiative plays a vital role in optimizing economic spatial distribution and fostering a new framework for international openness. The Yangtze River Economic Belt includes 11 provinces and municipalities (Shanghai, Jiangsu, Zhejiang, Anhui, Jiangxi, Hubei, Hunan, Chongqing, Sichuan, Yunnan, and Guizhou) and serves as a key demonstration zone for ecological civilization construction, with the Yangtze River Delta (Shanghai, Jiangsu, Zhejiang, and Anhui) being among the most economically dynamic, open, and innovative regions in the country. In this study, 38% of the ecological civilization pilot cities belong to the Yangtze River Economic Belt, while 62% are outside it, indicating that non-Belt cities outnumber those within the Belt. However, given China’s vast territory, diverse resource endowments, and 32 provincial-level administrative divisions, the density of pilot cities within the Yangtze River Economic Belt exceeds that of non-Belt regions. These findings underscore the importance of balancing regional development in ecological civilization construction, while validating the rationality of the selection and highlighting its alignment with overarching national policy priorities and scientifically grounded standards.
3.2.3. Measurement and Trends of GTFP
This paper constructs a GTFP index to comprehensively assess the impact and effectiveness of ecological civilization construction, accounting for the coordinated development of regional resources, environment, and economy. To measure GTFP, the study adopts a super-efficiency Slack-Based Measure (SBM) model that incorporates both energy consumption and environmental pollution [
35]. The index is then calculated using the GML method with global benchmarking. In addition, the selection of input, desired output, and undesired output indicators is based on established approaches in recent authoritative studies [
36,
37,
38], thereby enhancing the rigor and validity of the indicator system. The specific indicators used in the model are presented in
Table 1.
The GTFP index, , measures the change in GTFP from period T to T + 1. A value of = 1 indicates no change in GTFP; < 1 reflects a decline in GTFP; and > 1 indicates an improvement in GTFP. Based on the geometric mean of the GML index during the study period, GTFP improved in 143 cities, accounting for 50.5% of the total sample, suggesting that most cities in China achieved varying degrees of GTFP growth in recent years. At the national level, the GTFP of Chinese cities increased by an average of 0.1% annually between 2007 and 2020. Among all cities, Beijing recorded the highest growth in GTFP, with a geometric mean GML index change of 1.077, followed by Shanghai at 1.071 and Tianjin at 1.064. These top three cities, all municipalities, underwent different models of ecological civilization transformation during the study period and rank among the highest in terms of ecological civilization construction in China. On the other hand, the cities with the largest average annual declines in the GML index were Xuancheng, Zhangzhou, and Dongguan, with decreases of 1.8%, 1.9%, and 4.0%, respectively.
To provide a more intuitive presentation of the GTFP measurement results, the 283 cities in China are grouped into eastern, central, and western regions. The temporal trends in the geometric mean of the cities’ green GML index from 2006 to 2019 are illustrated in
Figure 4.
Overall, the green GML index for the nation and the three major regions—eastern, central, and western—exhibits a fluctuating upward trend, following a trajectory of initial increase, subsequent decline, and renewed growth. In recent years, the GTFP across regions has gradually converged, reflecting a more coordinated development pattern.
From a temporal perspective, the evolution of the GML index can be divided into four distinct phases. In the first phase, prior to 2007, GTFP remained low. This may be attributed to China’s accession to the WTO in 2000, which transformed the country into the “world’s factory.” The pursuit of economic growth through an extensive development model temporarily overshadowed environmental protection and energy conservation efforts. However, by 2006, heightened attention to environmental regulations and energy conservation prompted some polluting enterprises to scale back production or exit the market, improving green efficiency to some extent. The second phase, from 2008 to 2011, witnessed a decline in GTFP. This downturn can be linked to the global financial crisis, which posed a threat of economic recession. In response to insufficient demand, the government launched a 4 trillion yuan stimulus package in 2009 to counter the risks of economic hard landing. While these investments were instrumental in stabilizing economic growth, the resurgence of high-energy-consumption and high-pollution projects contributed to the decline in green efficiency. The third phase, from 2011 to 2016, saw a general upward trend in GTFP. This improvement aligns with the “12th Five-Year Plan,” where high-quality growth became a central economic objective, emphasizing environmental protection, energy conservation, and green development. At the macro level, the government supported the development of environmentally friendly high-tech industries and strategically positioned emerging industries, while simultaneously promoting ecological civilization pilot policies to modernize environmental governance systems and capabilities. At the micro level, stricter environmental regulations increased pollution control costs for enterprises, forcing them to innovate in production processes, technologies, and emission reduction practices [
39]. The success of environmental policies during this period effectively enhanced urban GTFP. In the fourth phase, from 2016 to 2020, GTFP continued to grow steadily, reflecting the achievements of environmental protection efforts and the maturation of ecological civilization construction during the “13th Five-Year Plan” period. Throughout most years of this phase, the GML index remained above 1, indicating consistent growth in GTFP, although the growth rate slowed. This deceleration aligns with the diminishing marginal returns inherent in the ecological civilization construction process. The introduction of the “four beams and eight pillars” framework for ecological civilization system reform in 2015 marked a turning point, providing clearer strategic direction for environmental governance. The scope of ecological protection became more diversified, multilayered, and refined, signaling a new phase in ecological civilization and the “Beautiful China” initiative.
From a regional perspective, the GTFP of eastern cities is generally higher than that of central and western cities. However, there are periodic variations throughout the sample period, suggesting that the driving mechanisms behind green transformation may differ across these regions. The growth rate of GTFP follows the pattern of eastern > central > western, indicating that the rapid increase in GTFP is, to some extent, dependent on the economic foundation and development potential of each region. Eastern cities benefit from well-developed infrastructure, locational advantages, and superior technological innovation and industrial development compared to their central and western counterparts, driving GTFP at a faster pace. From a strategic and policy perspective, the implementation of regional coordination strategies—such as the “Western Development” initiative in 2000 and the “Rise of Central China” strategy in 2006—led to the relocation of high-energy-consuming and heavily polluting industries from the east to the central and western regions. This industrial transfer intensified the energy conservation and emission reduction pressures in these regions, further constraining their GTFP growth. Meanwhile, leveraging its advanced infrastructure, technology, talent, and information advantages, the eastern region attracted foreign high-tech industries, fostering the concentration of high-value-added, technology-intensive sectors and driving industrial upgrading. From the perspective of traditional economic geography, developed regions often possess significant locational advantages, while underdeveloped regions face spatial constraints that hinder initial development. Merely relying on fiscal support from policies like “Western Development” without institutional policy tools to promote regional development model upgrades has limited the ability of central and western regions to transition away from extensive production models and inefficient industrial structures in the short term. Consequently, the three regions exhibit disparities in human capital accumulation, technological innovation, knowledge spillovers, and levels of industrialization and urbanization. However, with the continuous advancement of ecological civilization construction and environmental policies during the 13th Five-Year Plan period, governments at all levels have prioritized industrial restructuring, innovation-driven growth, and energy conservation. All regions have actively promoted high-tech industries, emphasizing balanced and coordinated development. These efforts have gradually narrowed the inter-regional GTFP growth disparities, fostering more sustainable and inclusive development across the eastern, central, and western regions.