Search Results (22)

Soon after the devastating Ansei Edo earthquake in 1855, popular prints known as catfish prints (namazu-e) circulated widely. These prints were rooted in the folk belief that a giant catfish beneath the earth caused earthquakes. Various types of catfish prints were published: some depicted a punished earthquake catfish and served as protective charms against future quakes, while others functioned as sharp social commentary. In the latter type, the catfish was portrayed as a popular deity capable of bringing favorable societal change for people in the lower social class, symbolizing hope for commoners through reduced economic disparities after the disaster. The print “Prodigal Buddha” positioned the catfish as an antihero, criticizing the Tokugawa government’s inefficacy and the failure of religious institutions to provide spiritual salvation. By juxtaposing the catfish—now a newly popular deity—with a thunder god, formerly a fearsome deity but now submissively obeying the catfish, the print effectively visualizes the shift in status between the two. This article examines the criticism directed at political and religious authorities in the aftermath of the disaster, analyzing the layered symbolism of the thunder gods in the print. Full article

The Huayan Grotto in Anyue County is one of the most typical caves of the grottoes of Sichuan 四川 and Chongqing 重慶. Being well known for its grand scale and the beautiful style of its sculptures, the cave was designed and carved by the Liu-Zhao sect 柳趙教派 in eastern Sichuan during the Southern Song Dynasty. The Liu-Zhao sect is a local religious group that relies on grottoes and statues to state concepts, propagate ideas, and spread doctrines. The sect is good at integrating a variety of Buddhist thoughts to form its own unique theoretical and practical system. The large-scale statue-making activities under the auspices of the Liu-Zhao sect 柳趙教派 are a classic example of the localization of Buddhism in Southwest China. The ideological system of the Liu-Zhao sect is centered on Huayan, and Huayan Grotto is the very concentration of its special philosophy. This paper considers that the cave constitutes a holy place, with a theme of thoughts of Huayan, which was built based on important doctrines of two masters. Through the combination and arrangement of diversified images, the cave is so far the most complex, complete, and systematic visualized representation of the Huayan’s theory and practice. Inside the cave are carved full-length portraits of Li Tongxuan 李通玄, the Elder of Huayan, and Guifeng Zongmi 圭峰宗密, the fifth patriarch of the Huayan sect. There are also statues and inscriptions that illustrate Li’s thoughts, such as the Ten Assemblies in Ten Locations 十處十會and the Sudhana’s Pilgrimage 善財遍參based on Li’s exegetical writings on the Avataṃsaka Sūtra; the Three Saints of the Huayan School (Huayan sansheng 華嚴三聖) carved on the basis of Li’s pioneering idea about the trinity of three saints; and the mind-only verse 惟心偈, emphasizing mind as the foundation of Avataṃsaka practice. Zongmi’s Avataṃsaka thoughts were mainly expounded through a series of commentaries on the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment 大方廣圓覺修多羅了義經, to which the impressive Twelve Bodhisattvas of Perfect Enlightenment are directly related. In addition to the theoretical system, the cave offers two means for Avataṃsaka practice. Highly qualified Avataṃsaka practitioners practice by viewing the Trinity of Three Saints and the Buddha’s Light, and then they go through five phases of fruition to attain Buddhahood, which is the Avataṃsaka practice dominated by Li Tongxuan’s thoughts. Less qualified practitioners practice through repentance liturgies and sitting in meditation at the Ritual Site of Perfect Enlightenment, which is the practice of Perfect Enlightenment advocated by Zongmi 宗密. Full article

The Western Regions during the Han and Tang Dynasties served as a significant cultural intersection along the Silk Road, with stupas acting as core architectural forms of Buddhist dissemination, embodying religious, cultural, and artistic evolution. This study is a research article based on typological analysis, integrating historical documents and archaeological site data to explore the stylistic evolution of stupa architecture in the Western Regions during the Han and Tang Dynasties, revealing the changes in religious beliefs and the process of cultural adaptation and integration of Buddhism in a multicultural context. The study demonstrates that the distribution of stupas shifted from being concentrated in areas such as Shanshan and Shule during the Han Dynasty to expanding across a wider region during the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties, eventually forming a Gaochang-centered pattern in the Tang Dynasty. Architectural styles evolved from the simplicity of domed stupas to diversification and then to standardization. The number of niches increased from none to many before decreasing again, while the proportions of the stupa bases gradually increased. This evolution highlights the transition of stupa styles from a singular form to diversification, eventually achieving standardization in the Tang Dynasty. This transformation not only reflects the optimization of the temple layout, gradually shifting from a stupa-centered to a Buddha hall-centered structure, but also illustrates the evolution of stupas from symbols of the Buddha’s tomb to carriers for Buddha statues and ultimately to representations of the Mount Sumeru cosmological concept. This transition also mirrors the shift in Buddhist beliefs, evolving from Theravāda to Mahāyāna Buddhism and then returning to Theravāda practices. This not only facilitated the regionalization of stupa forms and the integration of artistic styles but also provided a significant medium for cultural exchange between China and the West. Full article

The value of the Buddhist cave lies not only in the Buddha statues but also in the surface painting. Hyperspectral imaging technology, as an emerging and effective method for component identification, offers a non-contact and non-destructive approach to the preservation and restoration of oil paintings. This study employed hyperspectral cameras to capture common pigments on the surfaces of Buddhist caves. Then, the results were processed and used as a database to identify the paintings. Additionally, a series of experiments were conducted to examine the impact of binder, substrate types, and pigment sizes on the reflectance spectrum of the paints. The Spectral Angle Matching (SAM) algorithm was then used to analyze the Yuanjue Cave and Qiqushan Stone Carvings of the Tang Dynasty in China. The findings revealed that the position of absorption peaks in the reflectance spectra is not significantly influenced by the substrate but is affected by the binder. Moreover, the absorption depth varies regularly with particle size. Furthermore, the spectral matching results demonstrate that components can be accurately identified even for similar colors. Based on the pigment distribution, the study also inferred specific details of ancient paintings, including the painting steps and hidden information in the manuscript layout. These findings hold significant implications for the restoration of representative surface paintings of the Tang Dynasty Buddhist cave, providing a reference for the selection of restoration materials and methods. Full article

This paper argues that the historical process of the Sinicization of Buddhism and the evolution of the value of female roles in Buddhist beliefs have advanced hand in hand; the more Buddhism becomes Sinicized, the higher the status of women in Buddhist beliefs becomes. To some extent, the Sinicization of Buddhism can be considered a feminization process. Female roles in Buddhist beliefs are often passive objects and marginal positions that are uncertain and continuously presupposed by others. This article starts from a cultural, philosophical perspective, aiming to examine the internal logic of the evolution of female roles in Buddhist beliefs. In terms of individual experience, the highlighting of the identity as a “subject” of sexual desire makes women a necessary but insufficient prerequisite “option” for guiding male sexual desire—in Indian Buddhist beliefs, women’s enlightenment involves both reflecting on sexual desire itself and negating their own gender disadvantage. As Buddhism spread worldwide, Western Buddhist traditions laid the foundation of Buddhist belief on “sacred images”, while various local cultural genes infiltrated the imagination of “Western Buddhist nations”. The Buddha’s gender orientation achieved a transcendence of both male and female or a bilateral blend, leaning more towards female. Ultimately, from the perspective of family identity, in a Chinese Buddhist belief world organized by the patriarchal system, the unique role of women in the family—“mother”—pushes Buddhist belief back to the scene of the emotional world. Full article

In Ying Xian Fogong Si Shijia Ta 應縣佛宮寺釋迦塔 (Sakyamuni Pagoda of Fogong Temple in Ying County), Shanxi, there are statues set on each floor, and 26 exist in total, with six murals painted on the first floor. The pagoda was designed as a vertically rising Buddhist temple, and the interior space of each floor was customized for the statues. Based on previous research and through surveying and mapping of the architecture and statuary (including the murals on the first floor) combined with geometric design analysis, this paper proposes the following: First, there exists a clear geometric proportion among the interior space and statues on each floor of the pagoda. Second, clear proportional relationships also exist among the statues on each floor, and each of the 26 statues has ‘classical’ proportion rules. Third, the height of the giant Buddha statue on the first floor is the module for not only the height of the statues on each floor but also the construction of the whole pagoda such that the height of the statue on the first floor is 1/6 of the total height of the pagoda (excluding the base). And the ratio of the pagoda’s total height to the first floor’s diameter, the ratio of the total height to the top-story height under the column capital, and all the other geometric proportions are closely related to the architectural modeling. And finally, in the construction of the pagoda, statues, and murals, the scale is deduced to be 1 chi 尺 (Chinese foot) = 29.5 cm. These values give clear scale logics not only to the construction but also to the details of the statues. Accordingly, the most frequently used proportions in the architectural space, statues, and murals of the Pagoda of Fogong Temple are $\sqrt{2}$, 3:2, 5:3 (or 8:5), and 9:5, which are imbued with cultural messages, like Zhou Bi Suan Jing 周髀算經 (The Mathematical classic of the Zhou shadow-gauging instrument), Ying Zao Fa Shi 營造法式 (Treatise on Architectural Methods or State Building Standards), the ancient Chinese world view—tian yuan di fang 天圜地方 (the dome-shaped heaven and the flat, square earth) reflected from “ yuan fang tu 圓方圖 (rounded-square map)” and “fang yuan tu 方圓圖 (squared-circle map)”, ancient Chinese ideas that ”san tian liang di er yi shu 參天兩地而倚數 (‘three’ is the number of the heaven and ‘two’ is the number of the earth, and all numbers are based on them)” and “jiu wu zhi zun 九五之尊 (nine and five are the numbers of the honorable central position)”, and most probably related to the “mandala” of Esoteric Buddhism and to the Western “Golden Ratio”, which all need further research in depth. Full article

Anyuan Temple, constructed in the 29th year of the Qing Dynasty (1764), serves as a repository of numerous Sanskrit inscriptions and Hexi color paintings from the Qing era. Among its collections, the green Tara Buddha statue, exquisitely carved from wood, is recognized as a national first-class cultural relic. This edifice is instrumental in advancing our comprehension of painting artistry in royal temples. The current research focused on the pigments and binders utilized in the color paintings within Anyuan Temple, located in Chengde. An investigative process entailed collecting four samples from the paintings adorning the temple’s beams. These samples underwent comprehensive analysis using a variety of techniques, such as Scanning Electron Microscopy and Energy-Dispersive Spectrometry (EDS), Micro Raman Spectroscopy (m-RS), and X-ray Diffraction (XRD). The examination revealed that the paintings comprised pigments of lead white, cinnabar, malachite, and azurite, corresponding to the colors white, red, green, and blue, respectively. The enduring stability and aesthetic appeal of these pigments suggest their suitability for use in future conservation efforts. Additionally, Pyrolysis Gas Chromatography/Mass Spectrometry (Py-GC/MS) analysis identified animal glue as the binding agent in the wood component paintings. These insights are pivotal for the forthcoming restoration endeavors of Anyuan Temple, offering essential guidance in selecting the appropriate materials for restoration. Full article

Pagodas and pavilions (ge 閣) are the most popular and representative multi-story buildings since Buddhism was introduced to China. While providing visitors with a new visual experience, they have also largely reshaped the urban space and skyline in medieval China. The former originated from India and Central Asia and was transformed in China, developing a unique style; The latter originated more from the creation of Chinese architects and became a model of typical Chinese-style Buddhist architecture. Briefly, the pagoda matured earlier than the pavilion, and continuously developed while maintaining its basic style; the pavilion-style Buddhist architecture gradually developed later and finally matured after the Tang and Song dynasties (618–1276), partially presenting a different spatial logic from the pagoda, and bringing a new visual experience. In my opinion, although the pavilion may not necessarily be as large as the pagoda in terms of volume and absolute height, it can provide believers with greater visual impact in the internal space for worship, due to the cross-story giant Buddhist statues; the closer integration of Buddha statues and architecture makes it replace or share the core position of the pagoda in some monasteries and even become the visual center of the entire religious space. Due to the existence of the pavilion, viewers can not only worship the Buddhist statues on a two-dimensional plane or by looking up at the statues from the bottom, but have also gained a three-dimensional perspective, to worship directly at the Buddha’s shoulders, neck, and head. In the Buddhist grottoes, the layout of the early single-layer or multi-layer horizontally distribution of caves on cliff was also changed due to the excavation of the cross-layer giant statue grottoes, covered by multi-story pavilion-style buildings, providing viewers with a visual experience similar to that of the pavilions of great statues. Additionally, there is a new visual experience of worshiping the Buddha in a vertical circle, in cases such as Bamiyan and the Leshan Giant Buddha. Full article

Chinese Buddhists in the Eastern Han initially employed the term libai to denote a supreme ritual performed by believers and disciples when meeting the Buddha. Deeply rooted in an Indian ritual greeting tradition, libai consisted of the action of touching the ground with the forehead. Buddhist vinayas regulated the performance of libai for senior or sick saṃgha members. In accordance with the ritual rationale of pūjā, libai was frequently used, along with other ritualized actions, for worshiping Buddhist statues and sūtras. The Daoists appropriated libai as a ritual technique in complicated ways. Several pre-5th century texts appeared to apply the term to describe a solemn greeting ritual for high-ranked deities. Since the 5th century, Numinous Treasure and Celestial Master Daoists have provided divergent understandings and usages of libai in their rituals. Specifically, Lu Xiujing considered libai to be a major part of the retreat that functioned to cultivate the body. The end of the 6th century witnessed the continuation of employing libai in the rituals worshiping the Daoist Three Treasures. Its diversity and significance were acknowledged by the early Tang Daoist monastic codes. The lawful performance of libai, interpreted by Zhang Wanfu, associated the body with the mind, and manifested the utmost sincerity. Full article

The Mother Goddess Worship’s (MGW) private shrine—Điện thờ Mẫu tư gia—has been a prominent worshipping place of a Vietnamese folk religion; however, it is rarely documented in scholarship in both Vietnamese and English. This paper is based mainly on in-depth interviews and numerous follow-up conversations with sixteen MGW spirit mediums in Hanoi capital city, additionally verified and supported by the authors’ field notes. The findings reveal that worshipping Buddha(s) at MGW private shrines is a remarkable phenomenon and becoming common; however, they vary at different levels because of different reasons in which non-religious causes are significantly considered. The absence of worshipping Buddha(s), if there is any, is explained by the problems of lacking space or being in serious spiritual conflicts that cannot be avoided. In those cases, a Buddha(s) altar is often immediately added when the space is improved, and Buddha(s) statues/pictures are still displayed. Furthermore, the continuous blending of MGW—a Vietnamese folk religion—with Buddhism—a world religion—is proved to be not only a way that religious people choose to nurture their faith and seek preferable religious practices but additionally to be flexible to adapt their religion in the modern era. Finally, regarding religious freedom and tolerance, we argue that private shrines are able to be active freely without any control by the government such as they used to be prohibited in the past. In some circumstances, government officers also benefit from services offered by local mediums, even though they might not be MGW followers. Furthermore, mediums’ neighbors are friendly to or even enjoy shrines’ activities. Such facts show the improvement in religious freedom in Vietnam in recent decades, as well as once again proving the tolerance of the Vietnamese people towards different religions and beliefs. Full article

The set of eighth-century objects known as the “Tōdaiji Golden Hall Platform Pacifying Objects” (Tōdaiji Kondō chindangu 東大寺金堂鎮壇具; “Tōdaiji objects”) is among the earliest concrete evidence of ritual practice in the Nara period. This study reveals how the Tōdaiji objects transformed the space inside the temple’s colossal central statue of the Vairocana Buddha into a symbolic heavenly realm where the deceased would traverse to arrive at Vairocana’s Pure Land. Close analysis of the Tōdaiji objects within Sovereigns Shōmu’s and Kōken’s religiopolitical applications of the Kegon teaching strengthens Okumura Hideo’s argument that Kōken orchestrated the emplacement of these objects in the year 757 as part of commemorating the one-year anniversary of Shōmu’s death. I argue that the Tōdaiji objects encapsulated Kōken’s filial piety towards her father, Shōmu, by praying for his swift ascension to Vairocana’s Pure Land. The objects furthermore served as a reenactment of Buddhist repentance that not only ensured Shōmu’s salvation, but also the prosperity of Kōken’s new reign. Full article

The brilliant effect of the Buddha not only strengthens Buddhist believers’ psychological effects of worship, consecration, and showing off of merits, but also becomes an important dissemination method to attract the public to join in. Starting from the golden skin of ancient Buddha statues, this paper analyzes the relevant historical documents and unearthed objects of gilded Buddha statues in ancient India, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and China and pays attention to the body decoration and technology dissemination as well as the process and influence of Chinese localization. In traditional Buddhist culture, gold technology and its application have an important impact on artistic expression, appearance protection, and the psychology of Buddhist statues. In the Late Tang Dynasty, the government and Buddhism suffered conflicts between supply and demand due to gold resources. The forced stripping of gilded Buddha statues became a historical epitome reflecting the deep social and economic problems. Full article

Within the cultural integration of Indian Buddhist art and Chinese Buddhist art, standing Buddha statues carved in-the-round with thin, tight-fitting robes require special attention. Unlike other types of Buddha statues found in China, they are depicted wearing robes of a foreign style, while displaying the facial and body features of East Asians. These statues, which were excavated on the Shandong Peninsula in the last century, are believed to have been carved during the Northern Qi Dynasty (550–577). After years of academic exploration, the transmission route, transit point and reasons for their introduction into Shandong remain unclear, which are topics that this paper aims to address. According to typology analysis, the Buddha statues in question can be divided into three types, and their foreign counterparts have been identified through the iconology comparisons of Chinese and foreign Buddha statues. From this, in chronological order, the transmission route of three Buddha statue types can be inferred, namely from India to the Shandong Peninsula via the Malay Peninsula, the Mekong Delta and the southeastern coast of China. The route of contemporaneous Indian monks travelling from the east to the Northern Dynasties, as recorded in Chinese historical documents and the Buddhist Canon, verifies this conclusion. Along this route, the north-central Malay Peninsula is one of the main transit points where the Buddha statues were locally adapted and then spread further east. Full article

Since 2004, scientific research on the damaged Giant Buddha statues and Buddhist paintings in Bamiyan, Afghanistan, has been conducted at various laboratories and large-scale facilities using mass-spectrometry techniques (GC-MS, LC-MS, LC-MS/MS, nano-LC/ESI-MS/MS), ELISA, and synchrotron-based micro-analyses) in parallel to conservation intervention. Studies on samples from these cultural heritage objects have shown that each is composed of a polychromatic multilayered structure with sizing layers, ground layers, painted layers, and glaze. The carefully produced complex multilayered structures were examined using optical microscopy (visible and UV light) as well as synchrotron-based infrared microscopy, both of which revealed various organic and inorganic components in each layer. High sensitivity bulk MS and ELISA methods were used to further identify details regarding organic materials, such as fatty acids and collagens, and these results suggest different vegetable oils and animal species of glues. For example, cow milk casein and cow skin glue were identified in the Eastern Giant Buddha, suggesting that casein was used as a sizing agent and the cow skin glue as a binder for painting. The wall paintings from Cave N(a) (mid-7th century AD) were found to have horse glue used as sizing and drying oil (poppyseed/walnuts/perilla oils) as a binding media. The paintings’ complex structures and their organic and inorganic materials were fully understood using both imaging and bulk methods, and thus, these methods help to reconstruct historical wall painting techniques in full. Full article

The rubric of the presence of Buddhist sculpture in the absence of an actual deity represents an admirable aspect of Buddhist art, especially sculpture, where the best works have drawn on this paradox in an astounding fashion. An important element in the realization of this religious archetype is the Buddhist statues’ sublime poses. This article demonstrates the Buddhist posture hierarchy, based on a case study of a Tang-Dynasty Chinese Buddhist Bronze collected by the Pulitzer Arts Foundation, the posture of which is identified as lalitāsana: one leg pendant and the other bent horizontally. This article shows how this pose engendered various other compositional situations and postures popular in East Asia icon design and, moreover, that this sculpture might form part of an assemblage, where the pose indicates the central Buddha figure, to which all of the other figures are formally and doctrinally posed following a hierarchy. This article argues that Buddhist figures of different religious ranks are characterized by their pose and degree of movement. This research proves that the myriad forms of Buddhist postures and hierarchy have been devised to illustrate mythologies and philosophical, doctrinal, or social concepts, and their representations, in turn, have engendered other myths and beliefs. Full article