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287 KiB

Open AccessArticle

Coercive Population Control and Asylum in the U.S.

by Connie Oxford

Soc. Sci. 2017, 6(4), 137; https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci6040137 - 7 Nov 2017

Cited by 4 | Viewed by 6377

In 1980, China implemented one of the most controversial population policies in modern times. China’s one-child policy shaped population politics for thirty-five years until its dissolution in 2015. During this time, many women were subjected to routine gynecological examinations, pregnancy testing, abortions, and [...] Read more.

In 1980, China implemented one of the most controversial population policies in modern times. China’s one-child policy shaped population politics for thirty-five years until its dissolution in 2015. During this time, many women were subjected to routine gynecological examinations, pregnancy testing, abortions, and sterilizations, which were often forced upon them by family planning officials. Some women fled China and sought refuge in the United States after having experienced a forced abortion or forced sterilization or feared that they would be subjected to a forced abortion or forced sterilization. This article focuses on how the U.S. government responded to China’s one-child policy through the passage of immigration laws and policies that made asylum a viable option for Chinese nationals who had been persecuted or feared persecution because of coercive population control policies. Based on observations of asylum hearings and interviews with immigration judges and immigration attorneys, this article uses feminist ethnographic methods to show how China’s one-child policy and U.S. asylum laws shape the gender politics of reproduction and migration. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Women, Gender and Politics: An International Overview)

255 KiB

Open AccessFeature PaperArticle

The Influence of Women Legislators on State Health Care Spending for the Poor

by Marie Courtemanche and Joanne Connor Green

Soc. Sci. 2017, 6(2), 40; https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci6020040 - 16 Apr 2017

Cited by 12 | Viewed by 5539

Abstract

In the realm of representational politics, research exploring the relationship between descriptive representation and substantive representation is conflicted with some scholars finding policy outcomes influenced by the presence of women in office and others displaying a complicated or null relationship. We enter the [...] Read more.

In the realm of representational politics, research exploring the relationship between descriptive representation and substantive representation is conflicted with some scholars finding policy outcomes influenced by the presence of women in office and others displaying a complicated or null relationship. We enter the discussion by investigating the effect of increased representation of women across state legislatures on state health care spending for poor children, the disabled, and elders, issues which disproportionately affect women. Using a 50-state dataset spanning from 1999 to 2009 we find that spending is indeed more generous when the number of women representatives is substantial, regardless of party. This generosity, however, is conditional upon the presence of considerable aggregate need. The findings suggest that contextual factors must be considered when exploring the influence of women on policy outcomes. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Women, Gender and Politics: An International Overview)

233 KiB

Open AccessFeature PaperArticle

At the Interface of National and Transnational: The Development of Finnish Policies against Domestic Violence in Terms of Gender Equality

by Tuija Virkki

Soc. Sci. 2017, 6(1), 31; https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci6010031 - 15 Mar 2017

Cited by 10 | Viewed by 5654

Abstract

Although gender inequalities are the main social mechanisms behind the (re)production of domestic violence, policy responses to domestic violence as a gender-related problem vary at both the national and transnational levels. This article examines the interaction between national and transnational policies against domestic [...] Read more.

Although gender inequalities are the main social mechanisms behind the (re)production of domestic violence, policy responses to domestic violence as a gender-related problem vary at both the national and transnational levels. This article examines the interaction between national and transnational policies against domestic violence, focusing on how domestic violence is constructed as a gender-related problem in Finland, a Nordic welfare state that is often cited as a role model in gender equality. Using the conception of policies as historically changing and culturally specific discourses, this article offers an overview of the ways in which the perspective on domestic violence of the transnational feminist movement has been engaged and transformed in the Finnish context over the five last decades. It is shown that transnational pressure has played a critical role in pushing Finland towards a stronger recognition of domestic violence as a gender issue. However, this transformation has taken place rather within the framework of more neutral “women-friendly” welfare policies than within a feminist framework. The article concludes that the Finnish way of translating transnational norms to the national level is characterized by a tendency to modify the transformative meanings underpinning the transnational feminist discourses to a more gender-neutral form. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Women, Gender and Politics: An International Overview)

180 KiB

Open AccessFeature PaperArticle

Women, Gender, and Politics in Morocco

by Moha Ennaji

Soc. Sci. 2016, 5(4), 75; https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci5040075 - 18 Nov 2016

Cited by 16 | Viewed by 20038

Abstract

This article analyzes the intersection of gender, women’s activism, and political participation in Morocco in a socio-political approach. The emergence of women’s activism is an answer to the gender-based discrimination in the country. Women’s non-government organizations (NGOs) struggle for women’s rights and participate [...] Read more.

This article analyzes the intersection of gender, women’s activism, and political participation in Morocco in a socio-political approach. The emergence of women’s activism is an answer to the gender-based discrimination in the country. Women’s non-government organizations (NGOs) struggle for women’s rights and participate actively in the feminization and democratization of the public sphere to ensure sustainable development. They create progressive social change through the mobilization and participation of women. The role of women’s NGO’s (liberal and Islamic alike) in the struggle against gender inequalities is remarkable in regard of their efforts to consolidate democracy and social justice and to challenge traditional thinking and inequitable, oppressive, undemocratic, sexist practices of governance. Despite the different approaches, they act together to achieve women’s rights in a variety of places. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Women, Gender and Politics: An International Overview)

219 KiB

Open AccessArticle

Turning Points in the Lives of Chinese and Indian Women Leaders Working toward Social Justice

by Rosanna Hertz

Soc. Sci. 2016, 5(4), 63; https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci5040063 - 13 Oct 2016

Cited by 1 | Viewed by 4373

Abstract

Institutional change has a human face. This paper explores how a select group of women in China and India experienced economic and political turmoil and why they chose to become change agents. Through in-depth interviews with 40 women from NGOs, government agencies and [...] Read more.

Institutional change has a human face. This paper explores how a select group of women in China and India experienced economic and political turmoil and why they chose to become change agents. Through in-depth interviews with 40 women from NGOs, government agencies and private business, four broad moments in the evolution of a change agent are identified and discussed: (1) awareness of a double-bind; (2) reframing the tension induced by that double-bind; (3) becoming an agent of change; and (4) building a vibrant network. To highlight these key features, four women’s narratives are discussed in greater depth from recognizing injustice to taking a non-traditional stand. The paper concludes with a call for further comparative work on the role of personal narratives in shaping a movement for change. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Women, Gender and Politics: An International Overview)

214 KiB

Open AccessArticle

The Impact of Sanctions and Neo-Liberalism on Women’s Organising in Iran

by Tara Povey

Soc. Sci. 2016, 5(3), 26; https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci5030026 - 23 Jun 2016

Cited by 2 | Viewed by 6131

Abstract

As in the case of many contemporary movements, Iranian women’s activism is connected into local, international and transnational politics. However, Iranian women’s views of transnational solidarity and perceptions of foreign support for women’s rights in Iran are complicated by the experience of Western [...] Read more.

As in the case of many contemporary movements, Iranian women’s activism is connected into local, international and transnational politics. However, Iranian women’s views of transnational solidarity and perceptions of foreign support for women’s rights in Iran are complicated by the experience of Western foreign policy of the last three decades. This is perceived to have claimed to support women’s rights and liberalism against what is often described as a “conservative theocratic state” but has, in some ways, made it more difficult for women to organise “on the ground” and strengthened the hand of conservative forces both materially and ideologically. Two facets of Western foreign policy towards Iran will be discussed and analysed in relation to their impact on women; firstly, this article will investigate the impact of sanctions and the international isolation of the country since 1979 on women’s organisations. Secondly, it will analyse neo-liberalism and the changing nature of the Iranian state, as well as political elites. Utilising interviews with Iranian women activists conducted in 2009, in addition to April 2015, the article will discuss views of transnational solidarity and the diverse political strategies utilised by women activists and organisations in Iran today. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Women, Gender and Politics: An International Overview)

220 KiB

Open AccessArticle

Veiled Politics: Muslim Women’s Visibility and Their Use in European Countries’ Political Life

by Anna Vanzan

Soc. Sci. 2016, 5(2), 21; https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci5020021 - 18 May 2016

Cited by 3 | Viewed by 7726

Abstract

One of the many disastrous consequences of the tragic events of 9/11 is the war waged by the neocolonialists in order to “liberate” Muslim women. This gender-based war stands on a series of pillars, such as the presumption that Western civilization offers women [...] Read more.

One of the many disastrous consequences of the tragic events of 9/11 is the war waged by the neocolonialists in order to “liberate” Muslim women. This gender-based war stands on a series of pillars, such as the presumption that Western civilization offers women a great deal of privileges, while Muslim culture gives none. Therefore, it would be logical to suppose that, because of the many opportunities the West grants to Muslim women who reside there, the latter may have an active role in the local political process. However, Muslim women have scarce visibility in European political life, and their presence is sometimes merely instrumental to some party: in most cases, women are coopted because they are a good sample of “secular Muslims” (i.e., they do not wear the hijab, i.e., the veil and a modest attire); in others, they are appointed because they are veiled and can therefore become a good vehicle in order to win the support both of the Muslim community and of its sympathizers. In this paper, I will analyze some crucial aspects of Muslim women’s formal political participation in some European countries; in addition, I will focus on the Italian case with the help of a series of interviews with Muslim women who play an active role in local political councils. The study shows how in European politics, Muslim women can become a commodity even when they stand out as rising political individuals; but also how they fight to gain visibility and public recognition, in spite of the tense situation and of the rampant Islamophobia. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Women, Gender and Politics: An International Overview)

222 KiB

Open AccessArticle

The Fragility of Gender Equality Policies in Spain

by Octavio Salazar Benítez

Soc. Sci. 2016, 5(2), 17; https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci5020017 - 26 Apr 2016

Cited by 12 | Viewed by 7596

Abstract

Within the last decade, Spain has become a model in legislative policies for gender equality at the international level. However, the economic crisis has led to a growth in inequality, which has revealed the weaknesses of the adopted instruments. Despite the large amount [...] Read more.

Within the last decade, Spain has become a model in legislative policies for gender equality at the international level. However, the economic crisis has led to a growth in inequality, which has revealed the weaknesses of the adopted instruments. Despite the large amount of legislation in this area, the social reality has not changed at all, even experiencing a setback over the past few years. This situation was exposed in our country by a report issued in 2015 by the UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). This report showed the negative effects of the economic crisis and austerity policies on women, even in a context necessitating increased efforts towards women’s rights. Therefore, it is imperative that the concept of gender mainstreaming and the adoption of instruments of “hard law” be revisited. The goal should be to achieve gender justice based on three elements—distribution, identity, and representation—and a real parity democracy. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Women, Gender and Politics: An International Overview)

207 KiB

Open AccessArticle

Political Experience and the Success of Female Gubernatorial Candidates

by Valerie R. O’Regan and Stephen J. Stambough

Soc. Sci. 2016, 5(2), 16; https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci5020016 - 25 Apr 2016

Cited by 2 | Viewed by 5343

Abstract

This research examines the effect that political experience has on the success of female gubernatorial candidates by analyzing the female vs. male gubernatorial elections from 1976–2014. The study questions whether prior statewide political office experience is advantageous for female candidates and is this [...] Read more.

This research examines the effect that political experience has on the success of female gubernatorial candidates by analyzing the female vs. male gubernatorial elections from 1976–2014. The study questions whether prior statewide political office experience is advantageous for female candidates and is this consistent across party lines. This research builds on the political pipeline theory, which suggests that the shortage of women holding higher level political office, such as governor, is due to the lack of qualified and motivated women running for political office. We argue that women who hold lower level statewide office develop the necessary experience and name recognition that provides them with the qualifications and motivation, both within themselves and from other sources such as political parties, to run for and win the office of governor. Our findings suggest that statewide office experience is important for the success of Democratic women gubernatorial candidates but not for Republican women gubernatorial candidates. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Women, Gender and Politics: An International Overview)

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