Investigating Early-Married Women’s Perceived Agency and Marital Quality in Rural Indonesia

Abstract

Early marriage remains a persistent issue in Indonesia, with significant implications for women’s well-being and societal dynamics. Despite efforts to reduce its prevalence, challenges persist due to the intersection of social, cultural, and economic factors. This study aimed to examine the phenomenon of early marriage through the lens of women’s agency, focusing on their subjective experiences and perspectives within marital unions. Utilizing an interpretive phenomenological analysis (IPA), individual interviews were conducted with 17 early-married women in rural Indonesia to explore their lived experiences. Results highlighted early-married women’s definitions of happiness within marriage, their perceptions of agency and empowerment in marital relationships, and the role of agency in conforming to or resisting early marriage practices. The study provided insights into the complexities of early marriages in Indonesia and underscored the importance of understanding women’s agency in shaping marital outcomes and quality within a collectivist culture.

1. Introduction

In 2016, around 11% of all young women in Indonesia got married before their 18th birthday (Adiprasetyo & Jantra, 2017). This is the seventh-highest early marriage rate in the world and the second highest among Southeast Asian countries (Rumble et al., 2018). To address this early marriage rate, the Indonesia government puts forth coordinated efforts to achieve the targeted early marriage rate of 6.94% by 2030 (UNICEF, 2020). One of the efforts was to increase the minimum age of first marriage from 16 to 19 for women by amending the Marriage Law 1974. However, the results are still uncertain due to inconsistencies in the law, particularly in granting dispensation with parental consent (Judiasih et al., 2020). This is largely due to the fact that Indonesia is home to hundreds of cultural and ethnic groups where religious and cultural norms continue to influence people’s marriage practices (Susilo et al., 2021).

Marriage and family life in Indonesia are deeply influenced by the intersection of Islamic teachings, local traditions, and colonial legacies. The 1974 Indonesian Marriage Law reflects this complex blend, incorporating Dutch legal frameworks, Islamic principles, and regional customs (Blackburn & Bessell, 1997). The colonial introduction of Western legal ideas enabled greater state regulation of private life, including marriage. For instance, based on the 1974 Indonesian Marriage Law, marriage is defined as a spiritual and physical bond between a man and a woman aimed at building a harmonious household under one God (Sujono, 2022), and is only recognized if sanctioned by cultural, religious, or state authorities. Cultural traditions, especially Javanese as the majority ethnic group, have further reinforced patriarchal norms within the family (Smith-Hefner, 2005).

These patriarchal values were solidified during Suharto’s New Order regime (1965–1998), which promoted a Javanese-Muslim identity as the national ideal (Berger, 1997). The family was metaphorically aligned with the state, portraying Suharto and his wife as parental figures in a harmonious nuclear family (Sunindyo, 1998). The 1974 Marriage Law legally defined the husband as the head and the wife as the household manager (Jakimow, 2018), reinforcing gendered roles supported by state ideology and religious norms. Through agencies like the National Population and Family Planning Board (BKKBN), the government promoted a standardized family model as a tool for national unity and development (Platt, 2017; Robinson, 2008).

Although marriage was idealized as a source of emotional, spiritual, and social fulfillment for women (Platt, 2017), the legal framework preserved gender inequality. While the law grants women the right to divorce, for example, it simultaneously upholds male authority in the household (O’Shaughnessy, 2009). Religious patriarchal interpretations, such as the concept of kodrat (natural or divinely given essence), present a rigid understanding of gender roles, where men are viewed as imams or leaders and women as followers based on these teachings (Utomo, 2014). However, the Quran itself does not prescribe the general inferiority or submission of women to men; its guidance on gender relations is contextually situated and primarily concerns social order within specific domains, such as household responsibilities. Verses 4:34 in the Quran have often been misinterpreted to legitimize male dominance, even though many scholars argue that the verse addresses economic responsibility and moral conduct rather than inherent hierarchy (Ghafournia, 2017; Izadi, 2020). The broader ideology of male authority thus emerges from patriarchal readings that extend beyond the Quran’s textual intent, reinforced through collaboration between religious discourse, social norms, and state ideologies (Jakimow, 2018). This perspective reinforces the belief that men and women are naturally suited for different roles—men as providers and women as caregivers (Utomo, 2014). Thus, when coupled with legal and cultural expectations, this religious belief system continues to shape gender dynamics in contemporary Indonesian households (Jakimow, 2018).

Research shows that cultural traditions and religious beliefs play a critical role in influencing marriage, especially at a young age, with customs often dictating marriage as a form of worshiping God or a means to preserving cultural norms (Wahyuningsih et al., 2024) without age restriction. Another significant cultural factor that drives early marriage is the parents’ need to control young women’s sexuality and to protect their family’s honor (Yunizar et al., 2023). For instance, within the Javanese culture, some individuals choose to marry early to engage in sexual relations or to uphold the family’s honor, particularly in cases where premarital sexual relationships or pregnancies are involved. Similarly, others enter early marriage due to a long-standing tradition of arranged marriages (Bawono & Suryanto, 2019). While traditions and cultural norms exert a considerable influence on the prevalence of early marriage, beliefs regarding age, marital status, and familial responsibilities also dictate the timing and nature of marital unions (Berliana et al., 2018). For example, some women marry early to avoid the stigma of being unmarried by a certain age (Yunizar et al., 2023). Additionally, peer pressure and the normalization of early marriage within a particular social circle can also contribute to the perpetuation of this practice (Satriyandari & Utami, 2019). Coupled with these factors are the economic hardships that often force individuals and families to prioritize financial security over educational pursuits (Callaghan et al., 2015). As such, some underprivileged ethnic communities view early marriages as a means to alleviate economic burdens, especially when they involve partners who can contribute financially to the household (Callaghan et al., 2015).

Research has consistently shown negative consequences for young women in early marriages, including limited job opportunities and low educational attainment (Bennett, 2014; Delprato & Akyeampong, 2017), vulnerability to intimate partner violence (IPV) (Verma & Nair, 2022), increased physical health risks (Sabbe et al., 2015), and increased risk of stress and anxiety (Maharjan et al., 2019). Early-married women often encounter difficulties in adjusting to the demands of a married life and fulfilling their marital obligations, resulting in heightened levels of marital discord and dissatisfaction within their unions (Ghosh et al., 2017; Hajihasani & Sim, 2019; John et al., 2019; Widyastari et al., 2020). Studies suggest that early marriage is a contributing factor to higher divorce rates (Widyastari et al., 2020), particularly early divorce, attributable to a lack of adequate preparation for the complexities of married life, including the responsibilities and dynamics inherent in marriage (Nabila et al., 2022; Widyastari et al., 2020).

Despite extensive research on early marriage (Ghosh et al., 2017; Hajihasani & Sim, 2019; John et al., 2019; Widyastari et al., 2020), a significant gap persists in the literature, particularly the role of agency in early marital relationships.

Agency, as conceptualized by Kabeer (1999), refers to the capacity to define and pursue one’s own goals and interests. It is not merely about observable actions, but about the meaning, motivation, and intent behind them (Kabeer, 2002). Miedema et al. (2018) categorized agency into two domains: instrumental agency, which includes decision-making power in areas such as household, mobility, and reproductive choices; and intrinsic agency, which refers to the capacity to voice dissenting beliefs and challenge dominant gender norms. In patriarchal societies, this intrinsic agency, especially when women articulate non-normative attitudes, is a critical marker of empowerment. Yet, despite the growing recognition of its importance, most studies on early marriage rarely engage with women’s subjective agency or assess how it is exercised in typical marital relationships (Berliana et al., 2018; Judiasih et al., 2020; Rumble et al., 2018).

Sociological debates on agency provide a useful lens to expand this understanding. Burkitt (2016), drawing on Nobert Elias’ theory of interdependence, argues that individuals are never isolated actors but are embedded in webs of social, emotional, and institutional relationships. In such settings, power is not simply possessed but enacted relationally, often subtly, through these interdependencies. This relational view complicates the notion of agency as purely autonomous decision-making, suggesting that early-married women’s choices may reflect both their active negotiations and their constrained realities. As Burkitt notes, agency is expressed through ongoing internal dialogues and emotionally charged relationships, which are often contradictory and shaped by both vulnerability and resilience.

Similarly, Hays (1994) conceptualizes agency as both constrained and enabled by social structures, presenting it along a continuum that ranges from the passive reproduction of norms to transformative action. Within this framework, early marriage can be situated anywhere along this spectrum—signifying, in some instances, conforming to dominant expectations, and in others, a strategic assertion of control amid limited choices. This nuanced perspective is essential in contexts where girls may enter marriage early not solely under coercion, but as a perceived means of escaping poverty, limited educational opportunities, or domestic instability—decisions shaped by constrained alternatives.

Hitlin and Long (2009) further deepen the discussion by distinguishing between structural agency (actual power and resources) and perceived agency (an individual’s belief in their ability to act). Many early-married girls may feel they are exercising agency—choosing marriage as a solution—yet structurally, their options are severely limited. This gap is what scholars’ term “bounded agency”. Moreover, cultural ideologies influence how agency is understood and expressed. For example, in collectivist societies like Indonesia, decisions such as early marriage may align with familial obligations and cultural expectations, complicating external assessments of autonomy.

This layered conceptualization of agency is essential when evaluating early marriage in Indonesia, where despite legal reforms, its prevalence has sharply increased (Nabila et al., 2022). While education is often assumed to enhance girls’ agency, studies have not sufficiently explored how education nurtures intrinsic agency or the ability to challenge oppressive norms. Agency, when present, may function as a protective factor against negative marital outcomes such as divorce, poor adjustment, and maternal health issues (Abera et al., 2020; Durğut & Kısa, 2018; Tomar et al., 2021; Widyastari et al., 2020). Yet, without a deeper understanding of how early-married women perceive and navigate their choices, the protective capacity of agency remains speculative.

Thus, the present study sought to address this gap by focusing specifically on the dimension of marital outcomes and quality of life among early-married women, with a particular emphasis on their subjective perspectives. In doing so, it aimed to unravel the intricacies of how early-married women navigate their sense of agency within the confines of communal and patriarchal norms prevalent in Indonesian society. Specifically, this study tried to answer the following research questions: (a) How do women make sense of their experience of early marriage? (b) How do women who married early navigate their marriages, seeking and exercising their agency within them? and (c) In what ways did early-married women’s agency enable or constrain their resistance to complex cultural practices related to marriage?

2. Methods

The study was conducted in accordance with the Declaration of Helsinki and approved by the Institutional Review Board (or Ethics Committee) of the University of Minnesota (protocol code CR00015709 and date of approval 7 August 2024). A phenomenological approach (Pietkiewicz & Smith, 2014) has been used to capture the voices and perspectives of early-married Javanese women in Indonesia regarding their agency and marital relationships. It is attuned to people’s lived experiences, especially the interplay between personal and societal factors that shape people’s experiences (Larkin et al., 2006).

2.1. Sites

The data collection process was conducted in East Java province, Indonesia, specifically focused on the rural areas of Malang District. Malang represents the second-largest district in East Java, Indonesia, spanning an expansive area of 3530.65 square kilometers (2193.84 square miles). Culturally, Malang’s Javanese traditions are deeply intertwined with its history and society. Moreover, religious affiliations within the regency predominantly align with Islam, 96.79% of the total population (Statistics Indonesia, 2023).

In East Java, the prevalence of marriages among individuals aged 15–19 stood at 20.7% in 2022. Within the Malang District, this statistic soared to be the highest recorded figure within East Java for the same period. The Malang District witnessed a considerable influx of marriage dispensation applicants, totaling 1434 cases, with 1393 cases having received a decision by the Malang District Religious Court or Pengadilan Agama (PA). Within the broader context of marriage activities in 2022, where a total of 20,588 marriages took place, the incidence of marriage dispensation accounted for 7%. This surge in marriage dispensations within the Malang District serves as an indicative marker highlighting a relatively high prevalence of early marriages, as corroborated by data from the BKKBN in 2023.

2.2. Recruitment Process

The first author, a Javanese Muslim woman, traveled to some rural areas in East Java province during the summer of 2023 to recruit participants. As an insider, the first author holds the knowledge and cultural familiarity with the norms and practices relating to marriage, family, gender norms and expectation, especially in the area within the Javanese contexts. Notification letters and oral announcements were disseminated via community centers and through the extensive network connections of community leaders. The primary focus was to establish connections with community leaders in rural villages where Nagara (pseudonym) Village became the center stage, alongside other rural villages within the Malang District in East Java province. In particular, the first author engaged with Mudins and Posyandu cadres due to their access to vital community information spanning demographics, marital status, pregnancy, and maternity details. Mudins are government employees who are responsible for providing assistance to village residents in matters related to marriage, divorce, birth, and death. On the other hand, Posyandu cadres work semi-voluntarily to help families, specifically mothers and children, to access health services related to family planning.

Eligible participants included women aged 18 or older who were married before their 18th birthday, resided in East Java province, and could legally provide consent. Subsequently, the Mudins and Posyandu cadres introduced the first author to nineteen prospective participants. The first author met with each person to explain the research program and consent process. Seventeen of the participants reached out by text messages or phone calls to schedule the interview. Informed consent was obtained from all individual participants included in the study.

2.3. Interview Protocol

All interviews were conducted in the participants’ native or national language (East Javanese or Bahasa Indonesia) at a time and location that was convenient. All interviews began with an explanation about the research project, step-by-step interview protocol, consent process, and any clarifying questions. Once participants consented to participate in the interview, permission was requested to record the interview using both audio and/or video recorders. All participants agreed to be audio recorded, but only nine gave consent for the video recording. As the topic might be sensitive along the way during the interview, the first author informed the participants that they have the right to withdraw from participation and refuse to answer questions if it makes them uncomfortable. Participants were reminded that the interview is a safe place for them and encouraged to take a break or a pause when the topic feels too hard to handle.

All participants were asked to fill out the demographic information before the interview questions. All interviews started with simple questions such as, “How did you meet your husband?” and “Why do people get married?” At the end of the interview, each participant received an honorarium of IDR150,000 (or approximately $10 U.S. dollars in cash) in gratitude for their participation. The in-depth interview lasted from 43 to 114 (Mean = 72.1, SD = 17.7) minutes. After the interview, the first author asked participants for their permission to do a follow up for member checking, when the participants have the chance to review the interview results and give feedback.

2.4. Participants

Seventeen women who married before 18 years old participated in this study. Their ages ranged from 18 to 47 years, with an average age of 29.7 years (SD = 7.92) at the time of the study. These women entered their first marriages at an average age of 16.3 years (SD = 1.08). On average, the age gap between these women and their husbands was 6.76 years (SD = 4.66), illustrating the varying age differences within this group.

All participants identified as Muslims and belonged to the Javanese ethnic group. Regarding their current marital statuses, 10 of the participants (59%) remained married to their first husbands, five experienced divorce and entered into subsequent remarriages (35%), while one participant was divorced and still single, and another remained separated without a formal legal dissolution of marriage.

In terms of education, three participants had completed high school, seven had finished middle school, and seven had attained an elementary school education. In terms of occupation, fifteen women assumed homemaking roles, while two managed small businesses from their homes.

The residential arrangements of these early-married women also varied. Four participants lived in their own or rented houses, two lived with their in-laws, and eleven resided with their biological parents, highlighting a range of household structures and family dynamics. Notably, eight of these women disclosed they experienced pregnancy before their first marriage, and another eight became pregnant after marriage, emphasizing one of the primary reasons for their early marriages—societal disapproval of pregnancies outside of marriage within their cultural context (see

Table 1. Demographic Information of Early-married Woman Participants.

Pseudonym	Current Age	Current Marital Status	Highest Education	Current Occupation	Wife’s Age at First Marriage	Husband’s Age at First Marriage	Living Arrangement After Marriage
Asih	28	Re-Married	Elementary School	Homemaker	17	25	Parents
Bilah	29	Married	Middle School	Homemaker	17	18	In-laws
Cicik	41	Married	Elementary School	Homemaker	17	24	Own House
Dariyati	39	Married	High School	Homemaker	16	16	Parents
Elis	33	Divorced	High School	Entrepreneur	16	25	Parents
Fatimah	31	Re-Married	High School	Entrepreneur	17	20	New Husband
Gendis	32	Married	Elementary School	Homemaker	17	33	Parents
Handayani	39	Married	Elementary School	Homemaker	16	20	Parents
Iis	22	Married	Middle School	Homemaker	16	25	Parents
Jumiati	30	Separated	Middle School	Homemaker	17	21	Parents
Lastri	21	Married	Middle School	Homemaker	17	25	Own House
Munaroh	27	Re-Married	Elementary School	Homemaker	18	30	Parents
Ningsih	20	Re-Married	Elementary School	Homemaker	17	17	Parents
Oentari	26	Married	Middle School	Homemaker	15	25	In-laws
Parni	22	Married	Middle School	Homemaker	16	31	Parents
Qomariyah	47	Re-Married	Elementary School	Homemaker	13	18	Own House/rent
Ratna	18	Married	Middle School	Homemaker	16	20	Parents

).

2.5. Data Analysis

To understand the participants’ perceptions and experiences of agency and early marriage, the project team followed the interpretive phenomenological analysis (IPA) steps outlined by Pietkiewicz and Smith (2014). These steps include reading and re-reading, initial note-taking, developing emergent themes, searching for connections across emergent themes, moving to the next case, and looking for patterns across cases. To enhance the trustworthiness of the data analysis process, three cultural insiders who speak Javanese and are familiar with the Javanese cultural community were invited to assist in the coding process. Prior to the data analysis, the research team of three people was trained by the first author to code the data and bracket their experiences by journaling to recognize their biases, assumptions, and preconceptions about early marriages. The research team analyzed the transcripts of the original language to make sure the authenticity of the meaning behind the words used by the participants and preserve the cultural nuance.

Following the IPA coding process, each team member was assigned to code seven randomly selected interviews. They took extensive notes, focusing on the participants’ stories, meaning-making processes, and interpretations. These notes helped to identify emerging themes within and across participants’ experiences during the analysis process.

To enhance the rigor and trustworthiness of the analysis, the research team convened group meetings during which team members shared their insights and discussed the coding process in detail. A table was created to classify the emergence themes based on this coding process (see

Table A1. Table of Emerging Themes.

Themes	Subthemes	Translated Quotes to English
The dimensions of early married women’s marital quality	The presence of supportive husband	It [being understanding] is important. It’s rare for wives to have understanding husbands. Most husbands are just so demanding, wanting the wives to be that or this, without not knowing the wives’ needs. However, alhamdulillah [praise God], my husband is not demanding. (…) He accepts me as I am and vice versa.
	Good conflict resolution	Until six years have passed, it doesn’t feel like it, alhamdulillah [Praise God] (…) even though there are many disagreements, problems can still be faced. Even though we still often argue. The point is it never reaches the word ‘separation,’ never, even though we often argue.
	Nriman/Nrimo (being grateful and acceptance)	I am grateful for everything, whether there is something or nothing. I would never complain about my husband’s inability to provide me with something. He works hard for our family, and whatever he gives me, I make sure it’s enough to run our household. I understand that [her husband] income is up and down, and I don’t want to be a demanding wife. That would only make things difficult for my husband.
	Finding new purposes in life	I am proud of my achievements so far. They have shaped me into the person I am today. Growing up, I was often confused, but now I am able to walk freely and independently. I have learned how to read people, and I can say that I am a patient and better person than before. My mental condition has also improved significantly.
Perceived agency in marital context	The presence of agency	Yea, I am talking [to husband] regarding our financial situation. If I didn’t talk, he would question where the money went. Even though I am not the one who earns the money, I am the one who has the responsibility to spend them. It’s my responsibility [to manage money], but I still need to consult.
	The absence of agency	He did [manage] everything. Even when he wanted to buy something expensive, he never consulted to me. I didn’t have a say of household expenses, even when he used my ID to loan big money. I didn’t know, he never let me know. He took away everything I had, [including] important documents so I can’t take any jobs. He wanted to see me give up and eventually die.
Navigating the complexity of cultural practice related to marriage	To adhere to or challenge gender roles	If I think about it, it might be different [the roles between husband and wife], but when I feel it, it is supposed to be not different at all. I can carry his responsibility, earning money for family as well as mine, like cooking, doing laundry. But, can he? Husband and wife should work together [to run the household]. However, according to kitab [referring to Quran], there is gonna be different between men and women. But again, it’s heavy. I won’t be strong enough for it, who will.
	To liberate or to limit women within marriage	I always want to help my husband, but my husband won’t allow it. I wanted to go abroad again to work [as domestic worker], but he said I better at home. It is not good to have both parents working, he said.
	To grant or to halt women’s ability to choose within marriage	After that, I was given two choices by my brother, and the options were heavy. The first option was to reconcile, starting from scratch with my husband. The second, if I chose to separate, he considered it as if I had died and was kicked out of the house. It’s really heavy for me. This is his mistake, but somehow, I’m the one cornered. It’s getting more and more difficult for me because my husband is like that.

under Appendix A). Throughout these discussions, the team explored various interpretations of individual cases to formulate a cohesive coding system. The team also identified and refined emerging themes, grouping similar concepts together and evaluating their significance. During these meetings, the team addressed differing viewpoints by examining each member’s individual perspectives and biases to reach a consensus on the emerging themes. Additionally, the second author served as the external auditor to make sure the audit trail of the research is transferable.

To better understand how personal experiences are shaped and articulated within a societal context, the researchers adopted a reflective approach (Smith & Nizza, 2022) that combines empathetic comprehension with critical inquiry. The empathetic component focused on grasping the participants’ experiences from the participants’ perspectives, while the interpretive and critical stance enabled the research team to consider these experiences within the specific contexts. This dual approach was particularly beneficial for analyzing what was termed the “constrained articulation” of women’s narratives regarding early marriage. For instance, recognizing that not all interview transcriptions provided in-depth data, the research team also investigated the unspoken elements, the hesitations and silences during the interviews, by revisiting audio and video recordings. This required the team to reflect on how the participants’ words were influenced by their social contexts, especially in instances where they struggled to express their experiences fully. Consequently, the analysis involved both the spoken content and the silence in the interviews, uncovering meaning in what was left unsaid (Callaghan et al., 2015) and exploring how pauses and stillness enhanced the impact of the participant’s narratives.

The researchers organized the emerging themes in a table, accompanied by relevant quotes. These findings were translated into English for reporting purposes. Two team members, serving as interpreters, were involved in both the translation and back-translation processes to ensure accuracy. Additionally, the team conducted member checking by sharing the initial findings with the participants to confirm that their responses were accurately captured and interpreted. Out of the seven participants contacted, four agreed to discuss the preliminary results, all of whom verified that their summaries aligned with their original statements. During these discussions, the research team also addressed confidentiality, outlining how each participant’s response would be presented in the study, while preserving the integrity of their intended messages. To ensure participant confidentiality, pseudonyms were assigned, and any identifying information was removed throughout the data analysis and reporting processes.

3. Results

This study explored the significance of women’s agency in early marriage within a collectivist culture. Through in-depth interviews with early-married women in rural Indonesia, three main themes emerged. The first theme explained how women make sense of their marital experiences; the second theme highlighted their perceptions of agency within marriage, where they find empowerment or challenges; and the last theme showed how agency was used to conform to or resist the complexities of early marriage practices.

3.1. Making Sense of Married Experiences

When discussing their experiences of marrying young, all participants identified moments or circumstances that contributed to their marital quality and happiness within marriage. Several prominent sub-themes emerged from their narratives, including the presence of a supportive spouse, effective conflict resolution, being accepted and grateful, and finding new purposes in life.

3.1.1. Presence of Supportive Husbands

Five participants emphasized that their husbands played a huge role in determining whether they were happy in their marriages. The report highlighted that characteristics shared by husbands who enhanced their marital satisfaction included responsibility, understanding, and supportiveness. Furthermore, their husband prioritized meaningful family involvement and encouraged spousal autonomy within the relationship. Having such a husband in the marriage, even in early marriages, according to early-married women, greatly enhances marital quality, demonstrating that a happy marriage can be achieved.

Cicik, an early-married woman, said “I am proud of my responsible husband. Being responsible is important, as [he] is providing for the family and being as responsible as the wife [to run the household].” Other participants also noted that having a husband who is understanding and helpful is crucial to enhancing their marital quality.

It is important [to understand each other]. It’s rare for wives to have understanding husbands. Most husbands are just too demanding, wanting the wives to be that or this, without knowing the wives’ needs. However, alhamdulillah [praise God], my husband is not demanding. (…) He accepts me for who I am and vice versa.

(Gendis)

Finally, one of the most important qualities in a husband that makes an early marriage successful is liberation. Four participants believed that marriage can be a source of liberation, providing them with the freedom to be themselves and allowing them to pursue their dreams. Sharing her experience, Dariyati stated, “I am proud of him [husband] because he has never stood in my way. He understands my hobbies and never restricts me.” Another participant, Gendhis, mentioned that getting married at a young age gives her a sense of freedom and liberation. Before marriage, her parents never allowed her to travel or go wherever she wanted. However, after marriage her husband, who was 16 years older, was very understanding and supportive. He never restricted her from doing what she wanted and even made it easier for her to do things that she could not do before such as traveling.

3.1.2. Effective Conflict Resolution

According to early-married women in this study, marital quality in marriage depended on effective conflict management and resolution. They believed that early-married couples tend to prioritize their temporary emotions over rational thinking when dealing with issues in their marriage. For example, Cicik, who is seven years younger than her husband, initially found him to be better equipped to handle problems due to his maturity. Since conflicts between spouses are inevitable, especially for early-married couples, most participants shared that a good quality marriage can thrive from the fighting and hardship, as long as the couple is mature enough to solve the problems together. For example, one participant, Iis, mentioned that even if she and her husband had a huge fight or argued about everything, they would never consider separating. Instead, they would prioritize problem-solving and work together to find a solution. She believed that there is always a way to solve any challenges they faced in their marriage.

After six years, it doesn’t feel like it, alhamdulillah [Praise God] (…) even though there are many disagreements, problems can still be faced. Even though we still argue often, the point is it never reaches the word “pisah” [or separated]; never, even though we often argue.

(Iis)

Resolving conflicts helped to develop a deep understanding of each other’s behavior in handling family matters. They emphasized that conflicts or problems should not be resolved through abuse. Even if it becomes challenging to solve, abusive behavior should not be tolerated. One of the participants, Dariyati, shared how she and her husband dealt with problems this way:

We don’t want things to be complicated. For example, when we argue, my partner stays quiet and lets me calm down. Once I am no longer emotional, he talks to me. We have a mutual understanding. He never uses his hands like some other husbands do.

(Dariyati)

3.1.3. Nriman (Being Accepted and Grateful)

According to some of the participants, one important factor for a happy marriage among early-married women is being grateful (nriman) for everything they have. This includes being grateful for the husband’s contributions to the family, the husband in general, the resources available to the family, and their children. For example, Handayani shared here story this way, “I don’t look for anything else in life. As long as I have my family around me, I am enough.” Another participant, Gendis, said that she accepted the marriage proposal at the age of 17 because she did not need anything else in the world. She believed that everything would never be enough for people who are not grateful. She said, “What else could I ask for? What else is there to look for?”

Gendis graduated from elementary school and then continued her education at an Islamic boarding school. Before graduating from this school, her father arranged for her to be betrothed to someone he knew. At first, Gendis rejected this arranged marriage because she wanted to establish a stable career before getting married. However, she later realized that it was important to be dutiful to her parents and that they knew what was best for her. She felt that getting married would be a way for her to worship God by respecting her parents and serving her husband. Based on her experience, Gendis believed that being grateful for what you have, including what your parents have decided for you, could lead to happiness and fulfillment in life.

Handayani shared a similar experience where she expressed gratitude for her husband’s presence in her life. She was happy with him despite his physical looks (“not being handsome”) and not always being able to provide for their family financially.

Even though I got married at a young age, I have always believed in nriman (being grateful), trusting my husband, and being patient. That way, our marriage lasts long. If we face problems, such as financial difficulties, arguments, desires for luxury, or feelings of envy towards our neighbors who have more, we try to be patient. The key is to be thankful for what we have, even if my husband only gives me 20,000 rupiah ($1.30) a day. I am okay and continue to be grateful.

(Handayani)

3.1.4. Finding New Purposes in Life

A good quality marriage could provide couples with a personal journey of growth and development or finding new purposes in life, according to some participants. They recognized that getting married at a young age did not allow them to continue their education, which impacted their job opportunities in the future. However, they found happiness by figuring out alternative paths that aligned with their personal development.

For example, Iis did not complete middle school, but she discovered a new dream that she wanted to pursue. She no longer desired a highly paid job or a stable career. Instead, she wanted to work and assist her mother while building her own house with her husband. In this new house, she planned to raise her children and grow old with her husband. She believed that her current dream was just as valid as her previous one and considered it a form of personal development.

I no longer want a job [outside of the house]. It’s different now. I want to pursue a new dream, owning a house and then raising my children. I also still want to support my mom and my husband’s grandmother. That’s why we are building a house nearby so I can visit them regularly.

(Iis)

Oentari also experienced personal growth within her marriage even though she got married at the age of 15. Her life improved significantly after getting married because her husband filled the void in her life that was created when she was abandoned as a child.

I am proud of my achievements so far. They have shaped me into the person I am today. Growing up, I was often confused, but now I am able to walk freely and independently. I have learned how to read people, and I can say that I am a patient and better person than before. My mental condition has also improved significantly.

Additionally, when she was asked if she was disappointed or if she had the option to choose not to get married early, she still chose to marry her current husband at a young age. For her, marriage is a significant milestone that led her to a better life.

3.2. Perceived Agency in Marital Contexts

Agency refers to an individual’s ability to define their goals and take action to achieve them (Kabeer, 1999), and agency usually includes two dimensions: intrinsic agency and instrumental agency (Miedema et al., 2018). However, it is worth noting that none of the study’s participants mentioned the term “agency” during their interviews. This term is quite complex and not commonly used in everyday conversation in Indonesia. However, there is evidence that the acts or signs of agency emerged during the analysis of the data, including codes such as feeling free, being able to make decisions, understanding the consequences of one’s actions, navigating certain situations, and having a say in family decision-making processes.

3.2.1. Presence of Agency

Some participants expressed that they felt a sense of control and influence within their marriage in two primary areas. First, they believed that they had equal power to their husband in the household, particularly in decision-making processes. Second, they had the ability to determine and pursue their goals. They felt that having agency in these areas would lead to a more satisfying marriage. For instance, most of the participants who were content with their marriage had a say in many household decisions, such as finances, household management, family planning (including the use of birth control), child education, and family resource management.

Although most participants were homemakers, not the primary breadwinners of their families, they were responsible for managing the household, including financial matters. They were the ones who spent money for the family and perceived to have equal power within the household when it came to managing family resources, ensuring that their family could run smoothly and achieve their goals. One of the participants, Dariyati, shared how she managed her household spending and discussed it with her husband this way:

I am talking [to husband] regarding our financial situation. If I didn’t talk, he would question where the money went. Even though I am not the one who earns the money, I am the one who has the responsibility to spend it. It’s my responsibility [to manage money], but I still need to consult.

Some participants disclosed that they followed a certain money management system with their husbands. In this system, most husbands would give their earnings to their wives, who would then allocate them allowances to spend while at work or outside the house.

I am the one who keeps thinking about money at home. I need to manage the money to run the household. If it is not enough, I will find a way. I’ll ask my mother what we can sell or where to find a loan.

(Asih)

Early-married women in this study perceived that they have a prominent role in determining their family goals. When they were asked about the next step they were trying to achieve, most of them said they needed to save more money for the future, specifically to own a house and raise their children. One of the participants, Iis, shared her experiences of finding a new goal in marriage as follows:

Even though I am working primarily to support my parents [she works in her parents’ business], I always pursue my own dream. I want to own a house where we can raise our children. I am still young right now and still need to save money. Once we have the money, we will achieve that goal.

(Iis)

In sum, these narratives suggested that some of the early-married women in the study were aware of their power within the family. Upon getting married, they learned that it was their responsibility to take on an adult role within their marriage and actively participate in household decision-making processes.

3.2.2. The Challenge of Agency

On the contrary, seven participants shared that getting married did not necessarily give them power or control within their household. Although the other ten participants might have a prominent role in managing the household, these women shared a different experience where they felt their options were limited within the marriage. Most of these seven participants tended to report that they had experienced Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) in their relationships. Their husband or ex-husband, along with the parent-in-laws and other relatives, were pressuring them, forcing them to be obedient and follow anything they asked them to do without giving them any options to opt-out. As such, they believed the abuse in their families were one of the primary reasons why they did not have a say about anything. For instance, Munaroh, moved in with her in-laws to a rural area after getting married. After getting married, Munaroh thought that her ex-husband would provide for their family and that her in-laws would also help support her new family. As a result, she decided to leave the urban area where she used to live and work and move to the rural area. However, it turned out that her husband’s earnings were not enough to cover the household expenses. Therefore, she was given a very minimal allowance to spend on household expenses.

I was given 200,000 rupiah (around $12) a month and it was not enough even though we lived in a rural area. I wanted to work in the city but was not allowed to. I had limited options. I was labelled as a disobedient wife for not listening to my husband and in-laws.

(Munaroh)

Another participant, Elis, shared a similar story. She knew that her ex-husband had a small income and worked on a low-paying job, so she wanted to work to become financially independent. However, she said “He took away everything I had, [including] important documents, so I can’t take any jobs. He wanted to see me give up and eventually die.” She said her ex-husband would not let her manage their family financially, nor allow her to monitor how he spent his money. Fatimah also had an abusive marriage with her ex-husband. They were forced to get married because she was pregnant. As a husband, he was supposed to provide for their family, but he did not. However, her in-laws were the ones who took care of her and her children, since she and her ex-husband lived with them. Living with her in-laws and being beaten by her husband regularly did not give Fatimah any options to have a say in the family. She described her experience as if she was in prison. She said, “I cannot do anything. Even though I had a plan, I could not do it. My ex-husband wouldn’t let me. I was only asked to serve him. Even they [in-laws] did not care about my children.”

Similarly, Qomariyah also had a forced early marriage. She was still 13 years old when her parents married her to a young man. She refused to get married and ran away from home, but her parents did everything to force her, including using black magic, an evil spiritual method to influence individuals to comply. Eventually, she married the chosen mate and lived with her in-laws. She spoke about how it felt to be forced into a marriage she was not ready for and did not want:

I was just a kid. I didn’t know what to do after marriage. What I knew was just playing with my friends. I was so scared when my in-laws locked me up in the bedroom with my husband to initiate [sex]. I never had anything to say because I was just 13 years old. My in-laws took care of everything in the household.

3.3. Navigating the Complexity of Cultural Practices Related to Marriage

The analysis also revealed that many early-married women in the study experienced a tension between their desire to exercise agency in navigating the complex cultural norms and practices related to marriage and the societal constraints that limit their freedom of choice. For example, when asked about the roles within their families, all participants agreed that husbands should be the primary providers and, therefore, should have the responsibility to have paid jobs to earn money for the family. Wives, on the other hand, are not required to have a job or earn money for the family, but instead, are expected to manage the household and be homemakers. They believed that this was the norm and should be followed to have a good family. However, sometimes this norm could not be applied, in certain circumstances. Some participants mentioned that the wives’ responsibility is too much and that they are expected to achieve perfection. For example, one of the participants, Iis, believed that domestic work should be the responsibility of both women and men: “Household chores, according to husbands, should be the wives’ responsibility. But for me, husbands should also have the same responsibility, especially when they are at home and are not working.” She perceived that having paid jobs does not mean the husband is free of the responsibility to run the household together with the wife.

Oentari had the same argument as Iis. She challenged the inflexible roles between husband and wife within the family that have been prescribed in the society they live in.

If I think about it, it might be different [the roles between the husband and wife], but when I feel it, it is not supposed to be different at all. I can carry his responsibility, earning money for the family as well as mine, like cooking, doing laundry. But, can he [do the same]? Husband and wife should work together [to run the household]. However, according to kitab [referring to the Quran], there is gonna be difference between men and women. But again, it’s heavy. [if] I won’t be strong enough for it [or challenge it], who will?

(Oentari)

When examining each participant’s narrative, the research team also found some variations in the experience of marriage, especially related to freedom. For some women, marriage was a way to live more freely, while for others, marriage made them feel like facing new limitations. For example, Gendis and Bilah shared different experiences after they got married early. Gendis believed that getting married would restrict her freedom and limit her access to the world. Throughout her childhood, her parents had always been overprotective and never allowed her to explore. She was afraid that marriage might be another form of captivity. However, after getting married, her husband proved her wrong by supporting her and accompanying her on her adventures. She said:

My husband always accompanies me to go wherever I want. He encourages me to explore so I have tried so many new things since I got married. It’s [being married] enjoyable. I did not expect it would turn out this good.

(Gendis)

Bilah, on the other hand, had a different perspective on marriage. She felt that it could be a way of limiting her curiosity from doing something for herself. At the time of the study, she resided with her in-laws while her husband worked abroad. She desired to get a job to support her family financially, but her husband did not allow her to work. Instead, he expected her to stay at home with their children as it was her responsibility to raise them.

I always wanted to help my husband, but my husband won’t allow it. I wanted to go abroad again to work [as domestic worker], but he said I better stay at home. It is not good to have both parents work, he said.

(Bilah)

4. Discussion

The primary objective of this study is to explore how early married women make meaning of their experiences and perceive the presence or absence of agency within their marital union. Below are our explanations of the findings.

4.1. Earli-Married Women Making Sense of Marital Experiences

When participants were asked to share their marital experiences, some of them believed their husband was one of the keys to their happiness. This finding is contrary to what the literature has portrayed early-married women in Indonesia (Ghosh et al., 2017; Hajihasani & Sim, 2019; John et al., 2019; Widyastari et al., 2020). We speculate that these differences could be due to selective bias, especially how the participants self-selected into the study, and culture. Specifically, in the Javanese culture, complementarity between spouses is also valued, reflecting a notion of partnership or “half of the soul” despite living in a society that places women in a subordinate role (O’Shaughnessy, 2009; Smith-Hefner, 2005). Understanding this culture helps to contextualize participants’ narratives that tend to prioritize love and companionship over gender roles and material aspects. It helps to connect family dynamics highlighted in the results—family responsibility, acceptance, support, and negotiations—to cultural customs and traditions that shape marriage dynamics in a collectivist culture that places importance on conformity and adherence to familial expectations.

Interestingly, many early-married women in this study also mentioned nriman or nrimo (acceptance, gratitude) as way to manage their situations. Nrimo means to accept and react reasonably to disappointments and adversity without breaking down or struggling against the adversity (Zaumseil et al., 2014). It embodies a life perspective rooted in contentment, acceptance, and gratitude, reflecting a deep-seated ethos within Javanese philosophy (Widayatsari, 2016). Participants in this study talked about nriman as a way to boost their marital happiness. It serves as their coping strategy to deal with various challenges, such as economic struggles and relationship problems within their marriage. It helps to foster inner peace by either delaying their negative emotions or allowing them to accept circumstances outside of their control. This coping mechanism can also be interpreted as a response to the relational dynamics within the extended family system, where maintaining harmony and avoiding conflict is often emphasized. The emotional interdependence among family members, including in-laws and parents, plays a significant role in shaping women’s responses and adaptations in their marriages.

While some outside observers may mistakenly interpret nrimo as passive resignation, this study, along with other research (Koentjaraningrat, 1985; Widayatsari, 2016), illustrates that nrimo actually cultivates inner peace and resilience, enabling women to navigate adversity gracefully while preserving their psychological well-being. Importantly, nrimo manifests as an active form of resistance and agency, rather than mere submission. Early-married women utilize nrimo to respond thoughtfully to disappointments and hardships, consciously opting not to succumb to overwhelming feelings or engage in futile struggles against their circumstances (Zaumseil et al., 2014). This intentional acceptance serves as a strategic coping mechanism, allowing them to maintain autonomy over their emotional and relational lives. Their capacity to assess their situations—such as recognizing abusive behaviors and evaluating options within limited circumstances—demonstrates an agency that challenges conventional perceptions of passive victimhood (Mannell et al., 2021).

Additionally, the experiences of liberation within marriage as reported by some participants illustrate how agency operates within, and sometimes transforms, structural constraints, aligning with Hays’s (1994) theorization that agency exists on a continuum where individuals both reproduce and reshape social structures. Despite patriarchal norms that often limit women’s autonomy, supportive husbands who allow freedom to pursue personal interests enable these women to exercise both instrumental and intrinsic agency (Becker et al., 2006; Gammage et al., 2016). This form of liberation is a meaningful act of agency embedded in relational dynamics, demonstrating how women negotiate power within marriage and family systems to create spaces of empowerment. Their ability to reinterpret early marriage as a source of freedom challenges the notion that early marriage is solely disempowering, highlighting the interplay between structure and agency where constrained choices are actively navigated to build empowered identities (Campbell & Mannell, 2016).

4.2. Early-Married Women’s Perspectives on Agency Within Marriage

While early-married women tend to be associated with limited agency in the family (Abera et al., 2020; Kabeer, 1999), we found some evidence of agency from the participants of this study. Specifically, women’s narratives in this study exhibited both instrumental agency (Becker et al., 2006) and intrinsic agency (Gammage et al., 2016). For example, through their participation in household decision-making, control over reproductive health, and freedom of movement, these women established a sense of agency within their marriages. While in some instances, they were unable to choose or evaluate options that are available to them due to the experience of intimate partner violence. However, in many cases, they were able to exercise instrumental agency to effectively utilize family resources. They demonstrated awareness of their roles and responsibilities in managing family finances. When faced with financial challenges, they leverage their agency to find solutions. These expressions of agency are not just individual acts but are embedded within a broader relational system. Power dynamics between spouses and between the couple and other family members, such as parents or in-laws, help determine the boundaries of women’s autonomy and decision-making.

Participants also expressed intrinsic agency as evidenced by their ability to voice opinions and negotiate gender expectations. While many operated within the boundaries of patriarchal norms, they often redefined their roles in meaningful ways. Some advocated for themselves during family conflicts, demonstrating both awareness and resistance to restrictive gender roles. As Campbell and Mannell (2016) argue, such expressions of agency—though seemingly constrained—may reflect women’s strategic efforts to construct meaningful identities within their cultural milieu. This supports Hays’s (1994) view that agency is not binary (power vs. powerlessness) but exists along a continuum where individuals both reproduce and reshape social structures.

This complexity is further underscored by Hitlin and Long (2009), who distinguish between structural agency (actual power and resources) and perceived agency (belief in one’s capacity to act). Women in this study often demonstrated a higher sense of personal efficacy, despite operating within tight structural boundaries. Their actions highlight how cultural beliefs, gender ideologies, and emotional ties within extended family networks mediate both their opportunities and constraints.

In sum, the findings suggest that these participants are active actors in the marriage within a patriarchal culture that promotes strict sex roles in the family (Mannell et al., 2021). Although women in such a culture may not have much room to exercise their agency, our results highlight the importance of seeking a broader understanding of agency, which includes actions that may appear constrained from an outsider’s perspective, but it perhaps reflects women’s desires to construct meaningful identities in their particular cultural milieu (Campbell & Mannell, 2016).

4.3. The Dimensions of Early-Married Women’s Agency Within Marital and Societal Contexts

While some women in this study were able to navigate a way to access their agency and find autonomy, some of them found challenges in navigating complex power dynamics with their husbands, immediate authority figures in the family, and within society at large. Autonomy is a critical component of women’s empowerment, as it enables them to make decisions aligned with their values and interests without external coercion or control (Agarwala & Lynch, 2006). The dimensions of autonomy, including freedom from violence, participation in household decision-making, and control over economic resources, are closely tied to women’s capacity to exercise agency. Several early-married women in this study, particularly those who experienced intimate partner violence (IPV), faced severe restrictions on both autonomy and mobility, which in turn limited their agency and hindered their empowerment.

However, in this study, women’s involvement in household financial management could also be viewed as a bounded form of agency that operates within patriarchal constraints rather than a manifestation of full empowerment. Although many women are tasked with managing household expenditures and ensuring that resources are used efficiently, this responsibility remains contingent upon men’s financial control and leadership as the perceived imam or leader of the household. As such, women’s decision-making is largely instrumental and conditional, intended to sustain the household within the limits set by their husbands’ income and other authority figures. This arrangement offers the illusion of empowerment where women appear to hold managerial authority over the household budget, yet they often lack influence over income generation or broader financial strategies. Their agency, therefore, becomes a form of pragmatic cooperation tolerated within patriarchal frames rather than an expression of transformative empowerment.

Empowerment, including both agency and autonomy, involves expanding women’s freedom of choice and action across multiple domains (Eger et al., 2018). For early-married women, empowerment entails navigating and challenging the power dynamics embedded within marital and familial structures (Gammage et al., 2016). It requires not only gaining control over personal and financial decisions but also confronting the social norms that reinforce gendered hierarchies. Recognizing the complexities of these dynamics highlights that women’s empowerment within early marriage is neither linear nor uniform, it emerges through negotiation, cooperation, resistance, and adaptation within existing patriarchal systems. Ultimately, strengthening women’s agency and autonomy can contribute to broader movements toward gender equality and social justice within families and communities.

4.4. Strengths and Limitations

This study offered various strengths and contributions to the literature. First, conducted in specific areas where early marriages are prevalent and culturally accepted, this study offered invaluable insights into the complexity of cultural dynamics of early marriages within rural Indonesian communities, with a particular focus on Javanese culture. By exploring how early-married women perceive and experience marital quality within this cultural context, the research broadens our comprehension of marriage dynamics, transcending Western-centric viewpoints. This study specifically amplified the often-unheard voices of early-married women, giving them the space to share their unique experiences regarding empowerment within marriage and their resilience in navigating the complexity of cultural and social norms.

Second, this study examined the different aspects of agency within marital relationships, going beyond the instrumental and intrinsic dimensions and acknowledging its multidimensional nature. By exploring how early-married women navigate their roles and responsibilities within cultural norms and power dynamics, this research provides a nuanced understanding of agency in this context. The findings of this study emphasized the importance of considering power dynamics between early-married women and their spouse, parents or in-laws, and the society they live in when assessing women’s agency. Understanding these dimensions can help to better map the complexities of power dynamics and empowerment within specific cultural contexts and can be added to the intersectionality axis to better understand the experiences of early-married women.

Third, the current study shed light on the resilience demonstrated by women as they utilize cultural practices to cope with challenges (i.e., nrimo), offering a significant contribution to the existing literature on resilience and its varied expressions. By focusing on rural Indonesian communities, the study adopts an intersectional lens that recognizes the interconnectedness of various social factors, including gender, culture, and socioeconomic status. This intersectional approach enables a holistic analysis of women’s experiences in early marriages, amplifying the voices of marginalized communities, particularly in the Global South countries.

Fourth, while this study provides rich insights into the experiences of early-married Javanese women who participated in this research, it is not intended to generalize across all early-married women in Indonesia. In qualitative research, representativeness refers not to sample size but to the depth and breadth of participants’ lived experiences. The study’s focus on a small group of women from East Java allows for an in-depth understanding of the sociocultural meanings of early marriage within that setting, though these insights may not capture all possible variations across Indonesia. Therefore, caution should be exercised when transferring these findings to other cultural or geographical contexts.

Further, the research’s narrow focus on women’s agency and marital quality within early marriages may overlook other pertinent factors influencing marital outcomes and quality, such as marital duration, economic stability, access to resources, and social support networks. Future research endeavors should consider adopting quantitative research approaches and/or mixed methods to comprehensively understand the multifaceted factors related to early-married women’s agency and subjective marital outcomes, employing both cross-sectional and longitudinal methodologies for a deeper understanding of early marriage dynamics.

Lastly, it is important to note that the recruitment process of this study had limitations and biases. Although the sampling techniques used were purposive sampling, they were based on the preconceived notion that early marriage practices were only prevalent in specific demographic groups. While many studies have found that early marriages tend to be prevalent among specific demographic identities, such as poor households, low educational attainment, rural areas, and specific ethnic groups, the specificity of other classes has yet to be explored. For instance, this study did not intentionally focus on the Muslim population within the area. This was due to the limitation of the recruitment process through the government networking that was conducted on the research site, which excluded participants from other religious affiliations. Therefore, future research needs to explore more diverse demographic identities that are connected to early marriage practices to find more comprehensive nuances in the experience.

4.5. Implications

Discriminatory practices against women are predominantly perpetuated through patriarchal traditions and the gendered interpretation of religion, which undermine girls’ rights to autonomy, freedom from coercion, and access to broader life opportunities (Judiasih et al., 2018). The mental health of young married women is often compromised by the lack of autonomy and unequal power relations in their marital lives (Jayawardana, 2022). Therefore, it is crucial to implement strategies that prioritize women’s well-being and agency by recognizing the nuanced ways they negotiate power, compliance, and resistance within constrained circumstances.

Findings from this study reveal that early-married women’s experiences of agency are not absent but deeply contextual, which manifested through small, everyday acts of decision-making, negotiation, and adaptation within patriarchal structures. These women often balance societal expectations with personal aspirations, exercising limited yet meaningful forms of choice in navigating marriage, motherhood, and domestic life. Their actions reflect a complex interplay between conformity and subtle resistance, illustrating that agency can exist even under restrictive norms.

Consequently, while education and information access can serve as enabling factors, they should not be seen as the sole or primary solution. Rather, understanding how early-married women construct and express agency within the constraints of communal, religious, and familial expectations offers a more holistic and grounded approach. This perspective moves beyond prescriptive interventions to highlight women’s lived experiences and the structural limitations that shape them. Such understanding can inform community-based and policy-level initiatives aimed at enhancing women’s decision-making power, social support, and psychological resilience, thereby addressing the root conditions that sustain early marriage.

5. Conclusions

This study examined early marriage and agency among women in rural Indonesia, highlighting the complex interplay between societal norms, cultural expectations, and individual agency within marital relationships. While some early-married women find marriage can be liberating, others might face significant challenges in asserting their agency and navigating their roles within marriage due to forced or arranged marriages, limited decision-making power, and societal pressures. However, the study also highlighted the resilience and resourcefulness of early-married women, who find ways to negotiate their roles and exercise agency within the constraints of their marital context. Further research is necessary to explore the cultural and contextual factors shaping women’s agency and marital outcomes in Indonesia.