1. Introduction
When human remains are discovered, forensic anthropologists are often called upon to estimate demographic variables due to their expertise in skeletal morphology and human variation. Collectively, this suite of demographic variables, which includes age, sex, stature, and population affinity, is called a biological profile, and it is one of the first steps toward identification. Here we focus on the estimation of population affinity, which is a measure of similarity between an unknown set of skeletal remains and reference population groups based on genetic or morphological variation within statistical models [
1,
2]. Human variation is shaped by environmental and cultural factors impacting the physical body both on a macro and micro evolutionary scale [
3,
4] and grouping labels should be defined according to research and/or societal parameters [
2,
5]. Current methods using population affinity modeling are statistically robust, with most models using morphological and metric variables from various cranial and postcranial elements (see [
6,
7]). However, models are only as good as the reference data available to create and test them [
8]. Reference samples are often very small and, in many instances, absent, for American Indian (AI; we use the term “American Indian” to align with U.S. Census terminology, except when referring to authors who use alternate terms. “Native American” and “Indigenous Person” are considered synonyms for “American Indian”.) and other historically understudied populations [
8,
9], making population affinity estimates of these groups in forensic anthropology difficult and prone to inaccuracies [
8].
The lack of research on contemporary samples is partly due to the absence of modern AI data in reference samples. The dearth of reference data is related to cultural ideas about internment, and mistrust in science, which stems from abuse of AI groups by anthropologists and researchers in the past [
10,
11]. While literature assessing aspects of the biological profile using AI archaeological data is available [
12,
13,
14], studies examining the efficacy of biological profile methods using modern AI populations are limited [
15,
16]. As archaeological AI samples may not reflect variation in modern individuals that become part of medicolegal investigations, it is important to develop and test methods using appropriate reference samples.
AI, Asian, and Hispanic (we use the term ‘Hispanic’ to align with U.S. Census terminology, but acknowledge this term homogenizes culturally and linguistically different groups of people) groups share a proportion of genetic ancestry due to a deep shared population history [
17,
18,
19]. In population affinity analysis in forensic anthropology, these groups are often hard to differentiate, despite vastly different population, cultural, and recent migratory histories [
20]. However, research into variation among these groups shows geographic patterning among samples tested [
12,
21,
22]. Considering the crisis of the Missing and Murdered Indigenous People (MMIP) in Canada and the U.S., and the humanitarian crisis of missing migrants at the Mexico–U.S. border, cranial macromorphoscopic (MMS) traits used in affinity analysis to distinguish among AI and Hispanic individuals could positively impact forensic casework, if they are useful in estimating affinity for members of these groups. This is particularly salient in New Mexico (NM), which is at the nexus of these two crises. Several cities in the state are identified as having statistically significant higher rates of missing AI females compared to expected numbers based on population demographics [
23]. Additionally, NM borders Mexico and has recently experienced an uptick in clandestine migration and associated migrant mortality [
24,
25]. This, along with the state’s unique population, is reflected in statistics from the New Mexico Office of the Medical Investigator (NM OMI). In 2023, casework at the OMI included 32% White Hispanic individuals, 8% American Indian, 33% White Non-Hispanic, 16% White Unknown ethnicity, 2% Black, <1% Asian/Pacific Islander, and 10% Unknown race and ethnicity [
26]. The OMI reports and all related investigative data follow the U.S. Census, meaning Hispanic is defined as an ethnicity, not a race. These data roughly mirror the state’s demographic of 80% White, which includes Hispanic, 10% AI, 2% Black, 0.8% Asian and 0.09% Pacific Islander [
27]. Approximately 2.3% of Hispanics identify as AI, 0.7% as Black, and 0.3% as Asian [
28].
While census level data employ biologically inconsequential ‘race’ categories on the U.S. population at large, local definitions about group membership may be forensically meaningful if they can be recognized in patterns of biological variation to provide information about socially relevant groups [
29]. These considerations suggest research on a local level to determine labeling systems that are appropriate and useful for forensic casework and estimation of biological profile parameters [
29]. This is especially true in NM where ideas about identity are complex and specific to New Mexicans. Within the socially defined Hispanic group, there are genetic contributions from Mexican, Spanish, Anglo (a term used locally to refer to non-Spanish Europeans and European Americans), and Indigenous AI groups in varying proportions among at least seven sub-groups, which are also socially defined [
30]. Many New Mexicans socially ascribe themselves and each other to either AI or Hispanic (though sometimes to both) [
30,
31]. Group membership in New Mexican Hispanic subgroups can have biological consequences for members, including differential mortality [
32]. In a medico-legal setting, the disconnect between self-identity, social race, and census-assigned groups has created challenges in the accurate assignment of race and ethnicity, an issue documented in a comparison of next of kin and investigator assigned race and ethnicity from the NM OMI [
33]. In general, the number of Hispanic individuals is underestimated due to incorrect descriptions of decedents as non-Hispanic by death investigators whereas next of kin would have described them as Hispanic [
33]. Further, the number of AI reported missing, and the number of unidentified individuals estimated to be AI do not match in national databases, such that there are more missing than unidentified [
34]. It is likely that some AIs are likely categorized as Hispanic due to shared genetic ancestry and culture [
35,
36]. These errors can keep individuals unidentified for decades, prolonging uncertainty about missing people for families. Because these ascriptions of social group membership are included in descriptions of missing persons and limit the pool of potential identifications for unknown human remains, it is valuable to determine whether forensic anthropologists can estimate social group membership of unidentified individuals from phenotypic data.
The unique demographics and population history of NM, coupled with the intersection of these two national crises in the state, require improved population affinity estimates to improve overall identifications. The goal of this research is to examine cranial MMS traits to better understand trait presentation in contemporary AI and Hispanic groups and improve population affinity estimation in forensic casework. A notable benefit of this project is the contribution of cranial MMS reference data for modern AIs for inclusion in the Macromorphoscopic Databank (MaMD) [
37], addressing a sample gap and allowing for future research into craniofacial variation.
While our focus here is on improving methods used in forensic casework, we employ a biocultural approach. We incorporate biological distance analysis and socio-cultural ideas about identity together to examine craniofacial variation among different census groups in NM. We use a classification framework, which is common practice in forensics, and use a biocultural approach to explain some of the issues in our results. Our approach provides insight into the complex population structure of NM and can explain some of the challenges with classification modeling in the region.
1.1. The Missing and Murdered Indigenous People Crisis on a National Level
The MMIP crisis, in which AI individuals experience violence at a much-elevated rate compared to other social race groups, is widespread throughout Canada and the U.S. [
38,
39,
40]. The Bureau of Indian Affairs [
41] states that rates of murder, rape, and violent crimes against AI are higher than the national averages for other population groups and are drastically underreported in AI communities. This crisis is the result of multi-faceted, institutionalized issues relating to social and criminal justice, racial/ethnic discrimination, and colonization through violence to AI populations in the U.S. occurring from the country’s inception to the present day [
23,
38,
39,
42]. Grassroots efforts have led to legislation at the federal and state level (in 14 states) to address MMIP; however, agencies indicate under-reporting and under-collection of data regarding missing Indigenous people [
38]. Although this crisis is present at a national level, there are varying degrees of legislative efforts, governmental responses, and barriers to overcome when examining the MMIP crisis at a state level.
Many state efforts towards identifying unknown human remains use The National Missing and Unidentified Persons System (NamUs), a database containing information on both missing persons and unidentified persons, which can be accessed by medico-legal institutions, the public, and law enforcement for searches [
43]. Information housed in NamUs can contribute to personal identification, case resolution, and research on topics related to missing and unidentified individuals [
43]. One study using NamUs data explored differences between missing and unidentified women using race as a variable (the term ‘race’ refers to U.S. governmental classifications for race/ethnicity, reflecting current social and cultural constructions of identity). They found the number of missing persons cases of American Indian/Alaska Natives were proportional to other groups; however, these women were 135% more likely to remain unidentified than women of other census groups [
39]. These long-term unidentified cases can have ramifications for living family members searching for their loved ones. Ambiguous loss is stressful for family and community members as there is no proof of finality (see [
44]). One potential reason for a lack of unidentified remains classified as AI could stem from the failure of forensic anthropological methodology to correctly determine unidentified remains as coming from this group [
45].
1.2. The Missing and Murdered Indigenous Peoples Crisis in New Mexico
NM has the fifth largest Indigenous population in the U.S., and it has the highest number of missing and murdered Indigenous women and girls [
46]. State agencies, such as the New Mexico Department of Justice and the New Mexico Indian Affairs Department, have assembled various task forces and committees to increase awareness of MMIP issues and compile resources for families of the missing or those wanting to help their community. In 2019, the Missing and Murdered Indigenous Persons Advisory Council Act was established to create an MMIP State Response Plan. In 2022, state legislation created Missing in New Mexico Day so families can connect with law enforcement and receive support [
47]. As of 2024, the state launched the Missing or Murdered Indigenous People portal where missing persons can be reported or searched for [
48]. There has been limited research that examines this crisis, violence against AI groups, or statistical trends within NM, but what does exist has been undertaken by local task forces to raise awareness and expose gaps in the justice system [
46].
Reports from the NM OMI corroborate the findings of state task forces as they relate to the death of and violence against AI communities. The 2022 report from the NM OMI states that 31.42% of all cases investigated by the office involve individuals of Hispanic (
n = 2217) and AI (
n = 770) racial and ethnic identities [
49]; figures that increased slightly for 2023 [
26]. Decedents from these groups had manners of death classified as ‘homicide’ and ‘undetermined’ at a rate nearly double that of White, non-Hispanic decedents [
50]. There is a high caseload involving decedents from AI and Hispanic groups in the state and many missing and unidentified across the U.S. according to NamUs statistics. In a deeper examination of NamUs data, Joseph [
23] found the number of missing persons cases for Indigenous women proportionally higher for several counties served by the NM OMI when compared to other places in the U.S. with large Indigenous populations. These counties include Navajo County in Arizona (AZ), and San Juan, McKinley, and Bernalillo Counties in NM. Cities in these districts, like Farmington, Gallup, and Albuquerque, had significantly higher numbers of missing Indigenous Persons than expected given the general population demographic information [
23]. In our experience at the NM OMI, when following standardized protocol and using FORDISC 3.1 [
51] to estimate population affinity of unknown skeletal remains, analyses of cases suspected to be AI, due to contextual information gathered during death investigation, often provide unclear results with poor statistics to support classifications. This results in more conservative approaches that list multiple groups (i.e., Hispanic and/or AI) for population affinity assessment.
1.3. Cranial Macromophoscopic Trait Data and Population Affinity
Cranial MMS traits are morphological variables in the craniofacial skeleton that correspond with soft tissue differences in the living [
52,
53]. This type of data has been used to assess affinity for decades with little regard for statistical or evolutionary frameworks (e.g., [
54]). Within the last ten years, cranial MMS data have been standardized and accompanied by robust statistics [
52,
55]. Critiques of this approach liken the use of cranial MMS data in forensic anthropology to typological, non-statistical, trait-list approaches for estimating geographic origin [
56], arguing that research into evolutionary mechanisms and global patterning of cranial MMS data outside of the forensic sphere is lacking. However, recent studies that model the relationship between phenotypic and genomic data find that several cranial MMS traits are tied to neutral genomic variation and can be reliably used in biological distance studies [
57,
58]. Plemons [
4] further examined the selective forces of cranial MMS expression via climate variables (temperature and humidity), finding that cooler climates increase selection pressures for specific traits situating cranial MMS data within an evolutionary framework. Biological distance research also shows that cranial MMS data capture craniofacial variation resulting in similar group patterning as craniometric data from the same individuals [
59].
Unlike metric approaches, cranial MMS data can be assessed visually and relatively quickly with a low level of observer error, within a standardized framework on fragmentary or partial remains [
60,
61,
62]. This is especially important in forensic contexts as skeletal remains may be damaged due to trauma and/or taphonomy. Several studies have used cranial MMS data to understand patterns in biological distance and secular change; however, most have focused on samples using Black and White data from the U.S., with limited data from groups considered Hispanic [
63,
64,
65,
66,
67,
68,
69]. Importantly, cranial MMS variables can differentiate between groups on a smaller, regional scale [
59]. Models using cranial MMS data from AIs have not been tested as modern skeletal reference samples for this group were not available until recently. The MaMD contains the only cranial MMS trait data for AI groups, but these data come exclusively from the Smithsonian Institution’s Office of Repatriation [
37], and comprise archaeological skeletons not suitable for contemporary, forensic case comparisons. The absence of modern AI data in population affinity modeling compounds the MMIP crisis by complicating forensic anthropologists’ ability to accurately estimate the biological profile of potentially unidentified AI remains.
Here, we present cranial MMS data for a modern AI sample from NM and explore biological distance and classification patterns with this sample and other contemporary samples included in forensic casework in the U.S. We aim to understand: (1) the relationships among AI and comparative samples using cranial MMS data within biological distance analysis, and (2) whether cranial MMS data can differentiate between AI and other comparative reference samples representing U.S. demographic groups (i.e., U.S. Black, U.S. White, U.S. Asian, New Mexico Hispanic).