Portuguese–Brazilian Market: Quantitative Analysis of the Ratio Between Men and Women in the Writing of Telenovelas in Brazil and Portugal, from 1951 to 2025

Abstract

Brazil and Portugal are undeniably united because they share the same language, ocean, and, to a considerable extent, history. There has also been a profound rapprochement between the two countries at the media level, particularly in telenovelas. Brazil developed the “telenovela” genre in the 1950s and inspired Portuguese serial television fiction the most. First, Portugal saw a commitment to plots of Brazilian origin (1977—“Gabriela, Cravo e Canela”), a reality still observed today, albeit somewhat. Portuguese producers then studied and recruited Brazilian professionals when the first Portuguese narratives were created to absorb their knowledge and expertise. This research aims to measure how many telenovelas have been written by women since their broadcasting in the Portuguese–Brazilian market. This question unfolds into other questions, such as the following: What is the ratio of telenovelas written by men to women from 1951 to March 2025 in Portugal and Brazil? Is there a trend towards equilibrium, an increase or decrease in telenovelas written by men or women in the market being analyzed? To answer these questions, data was collected manually through information repositories such as “Observatório de TV” and “SP Televisão” and by watching generic telenovelas available on YouTube or the broadcasters’ channels. Portuguese and Brazilian television channels with national coverage were considered for this research. The data shows that 926 telenovelas were broadcast in the Portuguese–Brazilian market, of which 27.7 per cent were written by women, 64.1 per cent by men, 7.4 per cent were written in partnership between men and women, and 0.8 per cent have no information available. This study reveals a better balance between the number of male and female authors in Portugal than in Brazil and a downward trend in the number of female telenovela authors in Brazil after the military dictatorship.

1. Introduction

A considerable part of the Portuguese-speaking telenovela market is in the hands of Brazil and Portugal. Brazil was, in fact, primarily responsible for defining and establishing the “telenovela” genre worldwide. For its part, Portugal took its first steps in fiction decades later. However, it has ensured a telenovela link (in production, narration, distribution, and broadcasting) with its sister country up to the present day. The telenovela “can function, or already functions, as content, but also as a medium, for the construction of a Lusophone space, with its own production and consumption dynamics” (E. C. Torres & Burnay, 2014, p. 128).

The figure of the scriptwriter or screenwriter emerged in Brazil in the 60s. This professional is responsible for writing the plot synopsis, sequencing ideas, actions, climaxes, and resolving intrigues.

In this sense, looking at the importance of telenovelas in Brazil and Portugal, both in media and social terms, and also considering the predominant role of the scriptwriter in a telenovela, the following question arises: how many telenovelas have been written by women, in the Portuguese–Brazilian market, since the appearance of telenovelas? This analysis raises many other questions and, inherently, many answers. What is the ratio of telenovelas written by men and women from 1951 to March 2025 in Portugal and Brazil? Is there a trend towards balance, an increase, or a decrease in telenovelas written by men or women in the market under analysis? Are there many women authoring telenovelas, or do the same writers consistently dominate the Portuguese–Brazilian market? The data collected also makes it possible to learn about and compare the realities of gender equality among telenovela writers between the two countries and the channels in each country.

The names of the telenovelas and their authors shown on generalist free-to-air television in each country were collected to answer the questions posed. The quantitative methodologies used included documentary research, counting, and frequency analysis.

2. History of Telenovelas in Portugal and Brazil

Invoking the fictional television format “telenovela” implies going back to its ancestor, the pamphlet, and navigating the history of television and Brazilian popular culture.

The pamphlet, which appeared in the 19th century in France, is considered the first cultural product aimed at the masses and, for good reason, the first to be allocated to the cultural industries. It consisted of daily fictional content written in the newspaper’s footnotes, tailored to its readers’ tastes and expectations (Salvador, 2022). It was characterized by its commitment to drama and suspense, using the “hook” technique as a guarantee of audience loyalty, who, eager to know how the narrative would unfold, would buy the newspaper the next day (Martín-Barbero, 1987/2010; Costa, 2000; E. C. Torres, 2012).

Technological evolution has led to the transmedialization of this cultural product to other technical media. The emergence of the printing press led to stories being told in books, and the emergence of the radio led to popular stories being soundtracked. It should be noted that to overcome the obstacle of low literacy levels, the stories in the pamphlets were first read orally. However, with the advent of radio, the stories were quickly transposed directly from books, plays, or pamphlets into the new medium, without adapting the narratives. In turn, the emergence of television brought images to what, until then, had been the domain of readers’ or listeners’ imaginations.

In Brazil, telenovelas appeared at the same time as television. In 1951, “Sua Vida me Pertence”, a telenovela broadcast twice weekly, and “2-5499 Ocupado”, the first telenovela broadcast daily, were broadcast. The Lintes advertising agency produced the first Brazilian telenovelas, which were highly political. For years in Brazil, the scripts for telenovelas were written by advertising agencies and were initially out of touch with the country’s reality (Lopes, 2003, cited by Guedes, 2017), gradually becoming “narratives of the nation”.

Although the first Brazilian telenovelas were broadcast by the now-defunct TV Tupi and TV Excelsior, Rede Globo de Televisão was responsible for establishing and glorifying the genre. Rede Globo de Televisão emerged in the 1960s, initially associated with the US business group “Time Life” (Ortiz et al., 1991). Years later, and especially after the end of the dictatorial regime, Rede Globo de Televisão established itself narratively and technologically as the leading producer of telenovelas on the global scene.

In 1968, “Beto Rockfeller” broadcast on TV Tupi marked the beginning of a new era in Brazilian television fiction, more focused on the search for “Brazilianness” and the incursion into the narrative of local specificities (Costa, 2000). The year 1973 was marked by the production and airing of the first color telenovela in Brazil, “O Bem Amado”.

It should be noted that the production of telenovelas in Brazil is not limited to TV Globo, although it is the leading broadcaster in the sector. SBT, for example, began its foray into telenovelas in the 1980s, initially adapting highly successful Mexican telenovelas such as “Carrossel” and “Chiquititas”. Although these children’s productions gained a large audience, from 1998 onwards, SBT began producing telenovelas, such as “Vende-se um Véu de Noiva”. TV Record also started to stand out in the telenovelas market at the end of the 2000s, with telenovelas such as “Cidadão Brasileiro” and “Os Mutantes”, despite having established itself years earlier by investing in significant productions. The channel stands out for its commitment to religious productions such as “The Ten Commandments” and “King David”. TV Manchete, for its part, although it existed for a shorter period (1983–1999), also made a significant contribution by launching telenovelas such as “Pantanal”.

In addition to the realism and the search for local identity achieved through “narratives of the nation” (Lopes, 2003), Brazilian telenovelas often engage with political and social issues, highlighting their critical nature. It should also be noticed that in Brazil, telenovelas are broadcast at specific times for a specific audience, leading to different types of narratives.

In Portugal, telenovelas are more than just entertainment—they also symbolize a democratic commitment. The genre first aired in 1977, three years after the Carnation Revolution, when the state-owned broadcaster (RTP1) began showcasing revolutionary Brazilian telenovelas. In this decade, RTP1 aired 37 telenovelas of Brazilian origin, starting with “Gabriela, Cravo e Canela”, a story that challenged traditional Portuguese values and echoed the hopes brought on by the new regime (Paixão da Costa, 2003; Cunha, 2011). Until 1982, RTP1 maintained the same formula, acquiring and presenting Brazilian telenovelas. However, that year, Portugal launched its own telenovela production, “Vila Faia”. Although it did not surpass the ratings of Brazilian telenovelas, it exceeded expectations. The story aimed to make fictional television feel more local and relatable—bringing a sense of “portability” to Portuguese storytelling on screen (Custódio, 2021; Paixão da Costa, 2022). The Portuguese fascination with the genre was so undeniable that five Portuguese telenovelas were produced and broadcast in the 1980s (“Vila Faia”, “Origens”, “Cinzas”, “Chuva na Areia”, and “Palavras Cruzadas”).

The 1990s witnessed the emergence of the private Portuguese generalist television stations SIC (in 1992) and TVI (1993). The ties between the Portuguese and Brazilian markets grew stronger during this period. A key moment was the agreement between SIC and Rede Globo de Televisão, which guaranteed part of the Paço de Arcos company’s shares to the Brazilian broadcaster and included a commitment to show Brazilian telenovelas in Portugal. It is important to note that during this time, RTP1 was also broadcasting telenovelas, albeit from other Brazilian stations. The constant focus on this foreign genre sparked criticism in Portuguese society. Many believed that the state-owned broadcaster should prioritize national culture instead of promoting foreign cultural content. Brazilian telenovelas came to be viewed as contaminating the national public space, which led to several initiatives aimed at promoting and developing Portuguese-made productions (Cunha, 2003; M. J. Torres, 2008; Burnay & Cunha, 2006). It was also in the 1990s that “NBP Produções” emerged, becoming the first Portuguese telenovela production company. This production company recruited several Brazilian professionals from Rede Globo de Televisão, who implemented in Portugal the techniques that had already been massively exploited in Brazil.

From the 2000s onward, Portuguese telenovelas began to be mass-produced and enthusiastically followed, primarily due to TVI’s influence, despite earlier attempts to enter national telenovela production. In 2001, there was a significant shift in the number of productions, with more Portuguese telenovelas being broadcast in Portugal than Brazilian ones. “Olhos de Água” marked the beginning of the uninterrupted preference of citizens living in Portugal for Portuguese telenovelas.

In Portugal’s domestic market, television production tends to be monopolized, creating strong competition between key players while also relying on a tight-knit network of connections to sustain the industry (Damásio & Paixão da Costa, 2020). Telenovelas are broadcast during prime time, regardless of the target audience or the nature of the storyline.

Portuguese telenovelas have been heavily influenced by Brazilian plots, especially in terms of themes. Ferreira (2015) highlights that both share a naturalistic style and a bold, unapologetic tone. Portuguese productions adopted Brazil’s approach to storytelling —scaled down to suit the size of the local industry—along with a strong focus on social issues that resonate with communities and public life.

To this day, Brazilian telenovelas continue to be broadcast on Portuguese networks, and there is a more or less consistent focus on Brazilian actors in Portuguese telenovelas and in Portuguese–Brazilian co-productions or, although only Portuguese, with Brazilian backgrounds and settings. There have also been changes in terms of production and the distribution of telenovelas. These accompany the transition from linear television to streaming.

Technological advances and the eruption of Internet 4.0, which is fruitful in using artificial intelligence, augmented reality, virtual reality, and gamification, have led to contemporary media innovation, which, in turn, takes the form of the platformization of channels and content.

In essence, platformization is using digital platforms to mediate social, economic, and cultural relations (Pelliccione, 2023). This phenomenon materializes in profound changes to how media products are produced, distributed, and consumed.

In audiovisual terms, this reality can be understood when we assimilate the concept of streaming (Netflix, HBO, GloboPlay, OPTO). In the case of television, we are faced with hyper-television and hyper-connectivity. The audiovisual platforms on the Portuguese–Brazilian market serve as repositories of past television content, particularly telenovelas (archive function). Alongside this function and its capitalist aspect, these platforms are producers of value, insofar as they are associated with the exclusive consumption of content that has never been seen or shown before. In terms of involvement, these platforms generate nostalgia and appeal to memory, a sense of erudition and exclusivity (premium content) and more specific content in the audiovisual panorama. All these situations encourage users to subscribe to streaming platforms (Aucar et al., 2025; Santos Neto & Bressan Júnior, 2023).

In this research’s specific case, platformization is important because of its function as a telenovela archive in Portugal and Brazil. It is through the digital platforms of most of the channels studied that the gender of the telenovela writers in both countries is statistically surveyed.

3. Gender and Telenovelas

When analyzing how the media, especially the “telenovela” format, reflects gender roles in society, it is essential to consider the factors that influence and become relevant at each moment in time and social context. It is worth remembering that society evolves over time, adapting to new values and paradigms, with telenovelas playing a key role in energizing and shaping people’s identities (Maia, 2007).

Almeida (2007) states that “industrialized cultural goods distributed by the electronic media can produce certain symbolic constructions, appropriating elements that already circulate in the culture that produces these goods, but reinforcing and ‘normalizing’ them, constituting a hegemonic discourse on gender”. It is, therefore, urgent to reflect on how female representation in telenovelas influences the construction of gender identity in society.

We must therefore consider how specific actions within feminism have influenced the way the media and cultural industry perceive and represent women across various platforms.

The establishment of Women’s Studies as an interdisciplinary field of knowledge has enabled critical reflection on feminist activism and the counter-narratives produced by the media in its representations of women. Feminist academics identified sexist content in the media as a barrier to women’s access to rights and the development of more equitable societies (Tornay-Márquez, 2021).

The Beijing Platform for Action emerges as a crucial milestone in recognizing the media as a strategic tool for women’s empowerment and its role in promoting a more just society. In this study, we note that Section J is directly relevant, as it addresses the media’s responsibility to portray non-stereotypical images of women and its role in informing and educating the public about the causes and effects of violence against women and stimulating public debate on the issue (UN, 1995).

Therefore, when we consider the transition that has taken place in soap operas, from the demure woman to the independent woman—from being just a housewife to balancing work and domestic life—we see how this action influences and impacts the way society views women. Telenovelas play a role both in representing these models and in shaping related stereotypes (Romero-Carmona & Degrado-Godoy, 2008).

In the Brazilian context, telenovelas often reflect and shape social norms and values, directly influencing how women are perceived. Ronsini and Silva (2011) emphasize that identities are subject to radical historicization and are constantly in the process of change and transformation. Thus, examining female roles over time reveals a shift from traditional figures (mother, wife, homemaker) to more contemporary roles, such as leaders and prominent professionals. Sifuentes and Ronsini (2011) point out that female representations throughout history are an important factor in shaping the model of womanhood, contributing significantly to the evolving image of women in society.

The representation of empowered women, challenging stereotypes and breaking standards of femininity, has become increasingly common. They are no longer restricted to less valued professions, such as maids, secretaries, and housekeepers, but occupy decision-making spaces, becoming prominent businesswomen or entrepreneurs. This shift in media representation mirrors the experiences and interests of dominant groups, operating under the assumption that the audience shares these perspectives (Cunha, 2005).

The topics covered have also evolved to include more contemporary and relevant issues, such as eating disorders, body image disorders, and clinical pathologies. These discussions are fundamental for promoting social change. From this perspective, Lopes (2011) highlights telenovelas as a powerful communication tool, capable of uniting pedagogical initiatives and influencing communication and cultural policies focused on citizenship and human rights.

However, in Portuguese telenovelas, gender representation still reflects deeply rooted traditional stereotypes. Despite progress and increased efforts towards gender equality within the industry, a greater balance on this subject remains necessary. Since the 2000s, alongside an increase in national productions, there has been a noticeable change in portraying gender relations, moving toward a more egalitarian model and highlighting greater female emancipation from traditional domestic roles.

However, gender stereotypes are still prevalent in Portuguese telenovelas. Female characters are often associated with physical appearance and caring roles, while males are represented in more prominent occupational positions. According to Cheta and Aboim (2007, p. 30), “both in social reality and in the fictionalized reality of telenovelas, female idealizations of the ‘super-mother’ do not resist the imbalance between reconciling the family and professional spheres and female autonomy”.

Gender representation in telenovelas is consequently recognized as a powerful tool for social change, highlighting critical issues such as gender violence and proposing a more egalitarian model of relations between men and women. Castela (2007) emphasizes that telenovelas function as a social barometer, going beyond mere entertainment.

Portuguese telenovelas, similar to their Brazilian counterparts, have progressed toward depicting more balanced gender relations, reflecting greater female empowerment. Burnay et al. (2023) describe this evolution as aligning fictional content more closely with everyday reality, reinforcing the importance of telenovelas as vehicles for representation and social transformation.

4. The Role of the Writer

The figure of the screenwriter/writer emerged in North American cinema at the turn of the 19th to the 20th century and became common in Brazilian telenovelas from the 1960s onward (Rocha, 2009).

Although the scriptwriter’s job is to build a fictional world, they also contribute to constructing a symbolic world. The script they develop can simultaneously mirror reality, come close to it, or influence it. Scriptwriters have a social responsibility because they shape models of behavior, discuss values, and portray diversity based on their own beliefs and interpretations.

According to the same author, a script or screenplay is developed in two phases. Initially, the narrative is structured, focusing on its conceptualization and creation. Later, the writing process progresses to develop and refine the storylines. During content development, the writer and their team craft scenes, narration, descriptions, and dialogue instructions for the characters.

Due to their connection to the cultural industries and the pursuit of profitability, telenovelas rely on narrative “formulas.” These storytelling strategies reuse familiar elements from one production to another to keep audiences engaged. Key themes that capture viewers’ attention include romance, revenge, betrayals, conflicts around difference, and identity struggles (Gomes, 2006; Custódio, 2021; Salvador, 2022). The “cliffhanger” is the most commonly used television and production tool to create suspense in the storyline (Costa, 2000).

Two additional aspects stand out regarding the work of telenovela screenwriters. On the one hand, their work must be visual, meaning directors and producers should easily understand all the instructions the writer includes in the script to ensure that the message conveyed on screen aligns with the text’s objectives. On the other hand, writers rarely work alone; they are supported by co-writers and a continuity team. This team is responsible for maintaining the logical sequence of the narrative within each storyline of the telenovela and for developing a significant portion of the dialogue (E. C. Torres, 2016).

5. Methodology

As outlined, this article seeks to quantify the number of telenovelas written by men and women in Portugal and Brazil from 1951 through March 2025. In addition to examining the Portuguese–Brazilian market, it aims to offer a comparative analysis of gender balance trends in telenovela writing between the two countries.

This study began by mapping the telenovelas shown on generalist, free-to-air channels with national coverage that make up the Portuguese–Brazilian market. The following channels were taken into account: RTP1, SIC, and TVI in Portugal, and TV Tupi, TV Bandeirantes, TV Excelsior, TV Record, SBT, Rede Globo de Televisão, and TV Manchete in Brazil. To strengthen the analysis, all telenovelas aired in each market—from their respective debuts up to March 2025—were included. The data revealed a 30-year gap between the start of Brazilian and Portuguese productions, which was directly influenced the total number of telenovelas in each market. Despite this, the difference did not affect the study’s observations and analysis, which focused on the Portuguese–Brazilian market as a whole and drew parallels to enable a thorough comparative examination.

The data collection included information such as the year of release, name/title, number of authors, genre, and name of the authors responsible for each project. The primary documentary sources were the Brazilian platform “Observatório de TV” (TV Observatory), the “SP Televisão” website, YouTube, and the VoD platforms of the channels under study, the latter through viewing the generic versions of the plots. Once the data had been collected, the information was analyzed quantitatively, calculating the percentage share of each genre, broken down by channel and country.

6. Analysis of Results

The manual survey recorded a total of 926 telenovelas in the Portuguese–Brazilian market between 1951 and March 2025. Of these, 793 were produced and aired in Brazil, while 133 were created and broadcast in Portugal. Proportionally, the Brazilian market had 5.9 times more telenovelas than Portugal, reinforcing the global prominence and influence of Brazilian telenovelas.

Regarding gender issues, the study analyzed telenovela authorship in the Portuguese–Brazilian market by establishing three categories: “man”, “woman”, and “man + woman”, the latter used in cases of co-authorship between people of both genders.

The data shows that in the Portuguese–Brazilian market, 64.1% of telenovelas were written by men, 27.7% by women, and 7.4% through co-authorship between men and women. The remaining 0.8% could not be classified due to missing authorship information, especially in the case of older Brazilian telenovelas from the 1950s and 1960s, where technical records were not preserved, as shown in Figure 1.

A comparison between the Portuguese and Brazilian contexts shows that, although Brazil has produced a significantly higher number of telenovelas—largely due to its earlier start and the strong cultural and social relevance of the genre—the authorship of Portuguese telenovelas demonstrates a more balanced gender distribution, see Figure 2 and Figure 3.

All Brazilian channels that broadcast telenovelas are privately owned, and there is a clear disparity between the number of telenovelas written by women and those written by men. Notably, the now-defunct TV Excelsior stood out for having the most balanced gender ratio among its scriptwriters. In contrast, TV Globo exhibited the greatest imbalance, with a significantly higher number of male-authored telenovelas (see Figure 4).

In Portugal, the private channels SIC and TVI show a greater balance between the number of telenovelas written by men and those written by women, especially when compared to the state-owned channel RTP1. This outcome is somewhat unexpected, as RTP1, being a state-run channel, would be presumed to uphold the principles of gender equality outlined in the Portuguese Constitution, which guarantees equal job opportunities for men and women. One might therefore expect a stronger commitment to gender parity in the public audiovisual sector. Among the private channels, SIC stands out for its investment in female-led productions, while TVI demonstrates the most balanced distribution of authorship between male and female writers.

Another aspect worth highlighting is the number of female screenwriters who have authored telenovelas in Portugal and Brazil, either individually or as co-authors. A notable trend in both countries is the recurrence of the same names across different years and channels, suggesting a concentration of authorship among a limited group of women. In Portugal, there were 49 telenovelas written solely by women and 26 co-written by men and women, totaling 75 productions with female authorship. These were attributed to 42 different female screenwriters. In Brazil, despite a significantly higher volume of telenovelas written by women—250 authored individually and 72 co-authored with men, totaling 322 plots with female involvement—only 71 different women were identified, as show in Figure 5, Figure 6 and Figure 7.

A correlation was also established between the gender of the telenovela scriptwriters and the decades in which they were produced and aired. To structure the analysis, the timeline was divided into three equal periods of 24 years each.

In the first interval, spanning from 1951 - 1975, there was a relative balance in gender representation among writers, although men still accounted for the majority of authorship. It should be noted that only Brazilian telenovelas were considered during this period, as no Portuguese telenovelas had yet been produced.

This period coincided with a significant political context in Brazil: the beginning of the military dictatorship in 1964 and the enactment of Institutional Act Number Five (AI-5) in 1968. These events had a direct impact on television production, including telenovelas. See Figure 8.

The second period under analysis, spanning from 1976–2000, shows a noticeable decline in the number of female scriptwriters, with male scriptwriters accounting for 75% of telenovela authors. This imbalance must be understood within the broader sociopolitical context, particularly in Brazil, where the effects of the AI-5—in force until 1978—had a lasting impact on the audiovisual sector. Evidence of this influence includes documented cases such as the reassignment of a female scriptwriter in 1975 to a different project due to censorship constraints. In the Portuguese context, this period also corresponds to the years immediately following the end of the Estado Novo dictatorship.

When the Portuguese and Brazilian markets are analyzed separately, as illustrated in the graphs above, it becomes evident that both follow a broadly similar trend. Residual effects of the dictatorial periods in both countries persist into their democratic contexts, contributing to a marked gender imbalance in telenovela authorship during earlier decades. However, this trend begins to shift in the 2000s.

In the third period under review, spanning from 2001–2025, the data indicates a significant movement toward gender parity in the authorship of telenovelas across the Portuguese–Brazilian market. This trend is further underscored by the 12.5% of telenovelas authored collaboratively by male and female scriptwriters, suggesting a more equitable distribution of creative responsibility in the current period. As can be seen in Figure 9, Figure 10, Figure 11 and Figure 12.

When the Brazilian and Portuguese markets are analyzed separately, there is an unequivocal trend towards gender balance in telenovelas authorship. In the Brazilian context, the television network SBT has played a particularly significant role in narrowing the gap between the number of telenovelas written by male and female scriptwriters. This shift may be attributed to the station’s leadership, which includes prominent female figures such as Iris Abravenel, Reneta Abravenel, and Daniela Beyruti—one of whom, Iris Abravanel, is herself an active telenovela writer.

In the Portuguese context, the number of telenovelas authored by men and women is equal, a noteworthy development in the context of gender parity. This equilibrium can be attributed, in part, to a national emphasis on promoting gender balance across various professional sectors. Additionally, it is significant that telenovelas written or co-written by women are frequently among the most critically acclaimed and awarded. See Figure 13 and Figure 14.

The inclusion of women in social spaces has been influenced by a combination of cultural and political factors, alongside the consolidation of the telenovela market and the genre’s growing popularization. These elements have collectively contributed to expanding women’s access to the screenwriting profession. This broader inclusion is reflected in the increasing number of women pursuing and occupying roles within the telenovela industry.

7. Conclusions

This research focuses on telenovelas, the most widely produced and consumed fictional format within the Portuguese–Brazilian market. While numerous studies have explored the uses and gratifications associated with telenovela consumption, there remains a notable gap in the literature concerning the professionals responsible for creating these cultural products. In particular, little attention has been paid to gender dynamics within this professional sphere. Therefore, this research seeks to address this gap by examining gender representation in the authorship of telenovelas across both the Portuguese and Brazilian contexts.

It concludes that, over nearly 75 years of telenovela production and broadcasting, Brazil has aired six times more telenovelas than Portugal. This disparity is mainly attributed to the relatively recent development of Portuguese fictional production and the highly industrialized and prolific nature of the Brazilian television market.

However, when the focus is put on the gender of telenovela screenwriters within the Portuguese–Brazilian market, it becomes evident that, although both contexts are predominantly characterized by male-authored productions, Brazil exhibits a more pronounced gender imbalance in authorship compared to Portugal.

It is also noteworthy that, in Brazil, despite having 250 telenovelas authored by women and 72 telenovelas co-authored by men and women, only 71 different female writers were identified. This indicates a recurrent use of the same writing teams over time. In contrast, in Portugal—while acknowledging the necessary proportional differences between the two television markets—49 telenovelas were written by women and 26 co-authored by both genders. However, within this comparatively smaller production volume, 38 distinct female authors were identified, suggesting a lower degree of repetition and, consequently, greater authorial diversity in Portuguese telenovelas. Although this trend is still developing, it points toward an expanding space for female authorship in the national fiction landscape.

Consequently, it is pertinent to reflect on how, over the years, gender imbalance may have contributed to the reinforcement of stereotypes and the perpetuation of hegemonic masculinity. This imbalance has often relegated female characters to subordinate roles and/or positioning them as auxiliary figures—supporting male protagonists rather than actively participating as agents in the process of social construction.

To deepen the understanding of this phenomenon—and building upon the substantial volume of data already collected—the authors are currently undertaking a complementary analysis focused on the relationship between the thematic content of telenovelas and the gender of their scriptwriters, as well as an examination of character representation. The findings of this study will be presented in a forthcoming scholarly publication.

Given the results obtained, a complementary study was deemed necessary to provide qualitative support for the topic, with the specific aim of exploring the correlation between the screenwriter’s gender and the representation of female characters. This study is currently in progress.