Framing of China’s Soft Power in Nepal: A Case Study of Cultural and Educational Diplomacy in the Media

Abstract

This research conducts a comparative content analysis of two leading English-language newspapers, The Kathmandu Post and Rising Nepal, to examine the media framing of China’s cultural and educational diplomacy in Nepal. This study employs a frame analysis methodology alongside a qualitative content analysis approach to systematically examine thirty news items published from 2021 to early 2025. Key themes were coded and examined based on frequency and contextual framing, including cultural interaction, Chinese language promotion, Confucius Institute coverage, education diplomacy, and geopolitical alignment. Rising Nepal demonstrates a clear state-centric editorial stance, frequently articulating a supportive tone that emphasizes bilateral collaboration, strategic partnership, and mutual growth, thereby highlighting a significant contrast in representational patterns. This research argues that these contrasting frames signify underlying ideological and geopolitical affiliations, rather than merely editorial choices. This research contributes to the expanding body of literature on soft power, media and culture diplomacy, and the geopolitics of influence in South Asia by integrating media framing theory with qualitative analysis.

1. Introduction

The concept of soft power was first presented by Joseph Nye in 1990, and it refers to the ability of a nation to influence other nations via the use of appeal rather than force, hence influencing decisions. In contrast to hard power, which is based on the availability of military and financial resources, soft power is derived from public diplomacy, cultural contact, and educational opportunities. Over the course of the last twenty years, China has made a concerted effort to develop its soft power in South Asia, especially Nepal, by bolstering its cultural and educational ties (Nye, 2008).

Nepal is located between China and India, making it a strategically significant country in the geopolitical landscape of the area. China has actively engaged Nepal in a variety of projects as part of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). These projects include Confucius Institutes, student exchange programs, scholarships, media partnerships, and investments in infrastructure. The Confucius Institute at Kathmandu University, for example, has been quite helpful in advancing the Chinese language and culture. In the meantime, hundreds of Nepalese students have been able to study in China thanks to scholarships (Adhikari, 2021).

Even though these activities are taking place, there is ongoing discussion regarding the reasons behind China’s soft power projects. According to critics, these initiatives help China extend its influence in Nepal’s political and media scene (Shambaugh, 2015). Supporters of these initiatives argue that they promote cross-cultural understanding and bilateral cooperation, but critics argue that they also help China extend its influence. The public’s perceptions of these projects are significantly influenced by Nepalese media outlets working in the English language, such as The Rising Nepal and The Kathmandu Post.

The purpose of this study is to study the perceptions of the Nepalese media regarding China’s cultural and educational diplomacy to Nepal. Specifically, the research seeks to determine whether the media portrays China’s diplomacy as a tool for genuine cooperation or as a strategic instrument for influence. Understanding Nepal’s geopolitical balancing act between China, India, and Western powers can be attained through an examination of the media coverage of the country. Therefore, the study figures out the research questions;

(1)

How do Nepalese media outlets frame China’s cultural and educational diplomacy towards Nepal?

(2)

What implications do these media representations have for Nepal’s foreign policy and public opinion?

This paper contributes to the ongoing theoretical discussion on the topic of media framing and soft power diplomacy. It can attain a better understanding of how narratives in the media assist developing countries like Nepal in interacting with world powers as a result of this. This is accomplished by highlighting significant frames that are utilized in Nepalese publications after COVID-19 pandemic time.

2. Literature Review

As China deepens its engagement with Nepal through soft power, the role of media framing becomes critical in shaping public perceptions. It also highlights media representation and soft power in constructing narratives around international diplomacy and bilateral cooperation between two countries, revealing broader implications for Nepal’s foreign policy and regional positioning.

2.1. Media Representation and Soft Power

For emerging global players such as China (Nye, 2004), soft power has become an essential tool in international relations (Nye, 2004). In addition to economic investments, China’s soft power strategy in South Asia encompasses academic exchanges, cultural diplomacy, and the promotion of language (Zhang, 2020). Academics argue that, while advancing broader geopolitical objectives, these projects enhance China’s global image and foster international cooperation (Shambaugh, 2015).

The media significantly influences public perceptions of foreign policy initiatives. Entman’s (1993) framing theory posits that media emphasizes certain aspects of an issue while minimizing others, thereby influencing audience interpretation. This study employs framing analysis to examine the representation of Chinese cultural and educational diplomacy in the Nepalese media (Entman, 1993). Soft power is employed internationally through strategic media representation. To enhance its influence, the United States has historically utilized Hollywood films, international news outlets, and cultural diplomacy. In order to contest Western narratives and cultivate a positive international image, China has utilized state-owned media outlets such as CGTN and Xinhua (Hartig, 2016). The growth of Chinese media has influenced local perspectives in regions such as Africa by emphasizing China’s development initiatives and minimizing concerns related to economic dependency (Gagliardone, 2019).

The influence of China’s media is particularly evident in South Asia, specifically in Nepal, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka. Media outlets in Nepal have expressed a range of perspectives regarding China’s involvement in education and infrastructure, encompassing both favorable and unfavorable views. State-affiliated journals such as The Rising Nepal often portray China’s involvement positively, whereas independent sources like The Kathmandu Post frequently analyze Beijing’s growing influence (Dahal, 2021). In Pakistan, similar trends are observable, with Chinese investments through the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) depicted in contradictory narratives—either as instruments of debt diplomacy or as economic advantages (Wolf, 2020). Local media in Sri Lanka has critically examined China’s role in infrastructure projects, notably the contentious Hambantota Port agreement (Fernando, 2019).

2.2. China’s Soft Power in Nepal

China’s soft power in Nepal encompasses a diverse strategy that includes economic cooperation, infrastructural development, and strategic alliances, extending beyond cultural and educational diplomacy. Beijing has sought to enhance relations with Kathmandu through various soft power initiatives that promote cultural affinity, economic interdependence, and diplomatic alignment, considering Nepal’s geographic and geopolitical position between China and India.

Confucius Institutes represent a significant aspect of China’s soft power in Nepal. The Confucius Institute at Kathmandu University, established in 2007, plays a significant role in promoting Chinese language and culture. It offers scholarships, language courses, and cultural exchange programs designed to assist Nepalese students in pursuing their studies in China. The program constitutes a part of a broader campaign designed to foster a pro-China sentiment among the youth and intellectual communities in Nepal (Hartig, 2016).

Confucius Institutes function as a means of extending China’s ideological influence, subtly shaping perceptions of China within Nepal’s academic and policy spheres. Proponents contend that these initiatives enhance cross-cultural understanding and provide educational opportunities. Despite these challenges, there has been a notable increase in demand for Mandarin language instruction, particularly among business professionals and students seeking employment opportunities in China (Adhikari, 2021).

China is a prominent destination for Nepalese students pursuing higher education. Government-sponsored scholarships enable thousands of Nepalese students to enroll annually in Chinese institutions. In addition to providing access to higher education in fields such as medicine, engineering, and international relations, these scholarships influence the perspectives of Nepalese students regarding China’s political and economic frameworks. Numerous Nepalese alumni from Chinese universities maintain strong professional connections with Chinese institutions, thereby enhancing bilateral relations (Joshi & Sharma, 2020). Some scholars argue that this educational diplomacy contributes to Nepal’s increasing dependence on China for economic and professional opportunities, potentially leading to long-term geopolitical implications (Dahal, 2021).

China has intentionally altered the media landscape in Nepal to influence public perception regarding China-Nepal relations. Xinhua, China’s state-run news agency, has collaborated with Nepalese media outlets, including The Rising Nepal, to emphasize China’s support for Nepal’s development. Agreements for content sharing between Chinese and Nepalese media outlets have increased the prevalence of pro-China narratives in news coverage from Nepal. State-affiliated media typically portray China’s engagement in Nepal favorably; however, independent outlets such as The Kathmandu Post have published investigative articles that question the long-term implications of China’s growing influence (Adhikari, 2021).

The variations in media narratives highlight the broader discourse surrounding Nepal’s sovereignty in decision-making and illustrate the contentious nature of China’s soft power in the region. China’s soft power in Nepal is closely linked to economic investments, particularly through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), extending beyond cultural and diplomatic efforts. China has funded numerous infrastructure initiatives, such as airport expansions, hydropower facilities, and road construction. Frequently depicted in Nepalese media as symbols of China’s generosity and commitment to Nepal’s development, these projects illustrate concerns regarding Nepal’s growing dependence on China for economic support have surfaced. Critics warn that excessive reliance on projects funded by China could render Beijing’s geopolitical influence economically susceptible. Debt diplomacy, as seen in other South Asian countries such as Sri Lanka, is increasingly being examined in Nepal’s policy discussions (Shambaugh, 2015).

Through high-level diplomatic visits, economic incentives, and party-to-party interactions, China has engaged with Nepal’s political leadership. The close relationship between the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and Nepal’s primary political parties has facilitated ideological dialogues and training initiatives, enabling the Party to exert influence. Following Nepal’s endorsement of the “One China Policy”, China has frequently solicited Kathmandu’s assistance in mitigating anti-China activities, particularly concerning Tibetan refugees in Nepal. These diplomatic interactions illustrate China’s utilization of soft power to align Nepal’s foreign policy with its strategic objectives (Wolf, 2020).

2.3. Media Framing in Soft Power and International Diplomacy

Media framing significantly influences the perception of soft power programs in international diplomacy. Entman’s (1993) theory posits that framing is the mechanism through which media accentuates certain narratives while minimizing others, thereby selecting specific aspects of reality. Media framing influences perceptions of a nation’s diplomatic, educational, or cultural initiatives within the context of soft power, distinguishing between strategic influence and genuine collaboration. The strategic application of framing enables governments, media organizations, and interest groups to portray favorable images and influence global perceptions (Entman, 1993).

Nye (2004) defines soft power as being based on attraction rather than compulsion. Media serves as a significant instrument in this process, as it influences public opinion of a nation through news coverage, entertainment, and digital communication (Nye, 2004). Nations such as the United States, China, and Russia have enhanced their soft power through the utilization of global media channels, promoting narratives that align with their national objectives (Hartig, 2016).

The United States has historically utilized Hollywood, global news networks such as CNN and The New York Times, and cultural diplomacy initiatives to maintain its soft power dominance. China has notably invested in state-owned media such as CGTN, Xinhua, and China Daily to counter Western narratives and promote an image of China as a responsible global actor (Gagliardone, 2019).

Media facilitates the portrayal of governmental soft power initiatives as beneficial for global economic development. China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is often depicted in official media as a means of fostering mutual prosperity rather than as a strategy for geopolitical expansion (Zhang, 2020). Competing nations and media outlets characterize these analogous initiatives as instruments of influence or coercion. In Western media, Confucius Institutes from China are often characterized as tools of ideological propaganda rather than as avenues for cultural exchange (Hartig, 2016). Certain independent media outlets endeavor to present a balanced perspective, emphasizing both the benefits and potential drawbacks associated with soft power diplomacy (Rawnsley, 2015).

The media framing of China’s soft power initiatives, including Confucius Institutes, scholarships, and financial investments, differs across various news outlets in Nepal (Gauttam et al., 2021). Media framing serves as an effective tool in the application of soft power, influencing foreign audiences’ perceptions of diplomatic and cultural initiatives. State-owned media typically portrays their nation’s soft power positively, whereas independent and international media may provide alternative narratives, sometimes in contradiction (Ofori, 2023). The portrayal of China’s soft power initiatives in Nepal varies across media outlets, highlighting the diverse geopolitical conflicts present in South Asia (Obaidullah & Raihan, 2024).

3. Research Methodology

This research examines the representation of China’s soft power initiatives in Nepalese English-language publications through qualitative discourse analysis. This study specifically analyzes news stories, opinion pieces, and editorials from Rising Nepal and The Kathmandu Post newspapers, focusing on publications from 2021 to early 2025 as the latest news pieces due to their extensive national coverage. This study examines the influence of media discourse on narratives regarding China’s impact in Nepal, considering Nepal’s geopolitical significance and the increasing role of China’s cultural and educational diplomacy following the COVID-19 pandemic. This study is conceptually grounded in framing theory (Entman, 1993). This study aims to identify the dominant frames employed by Nepalese newspapers in representing China’s cultural and educational engagement through framing analysis.

The dataset consists of excerpts sourced from the web archives of Rising Nepal and The Kathmandu Post. The selection of these newspapers is based on their nationwide distribution, English-language readership, and history of reporting global events. The study focuses on reports, editorials, and opinion pieces related to “Confucius Institutes and Chinese language education in Nepal”, “Chinese government-funded scholarships for Nepalese students”, “China-Nepal cultural exchanges and public diplomacy efforts”, and “Media partnerships between Nepalese and Chinese news agencies”. Utilizing keyword searches with phrases such as “China soft power Nepal”, “Confucius Institute Nepal”, “China-Nepal cultural ties”, and “Chinese scholarships Nepal” will ensure a comprehensive dataset. Thematic significance will inform the systematic categorization of the pieces.

This study applies qualitative discourse analysis to examine how language, rhetoric, and narratives shape the perception of China’s soft power in Nepal. The analysis will focus on three key framing dimensions which are adapted from Entman (1993)—(1) Problem Definition: How do newspapers define China’s cultural and educational engagement in Nepal? Is it presented as an opportunity for cooperation or as an instrument of political influence? (2) Moral Evaluation: Do the articles contain normative judgments about China’s role in Nepal? Are China’s soft power initiatives framed positively (as mutual development) or negatively (as strategic interference)? and (3) Treatment Recommendation: Do the media sources suggest any responses or policies regarding China’s growing presence? Are there calls for increased Nepalese agency in cultural diplomacy? (Entman, 1993).

For analyzing media framing, the study focuses on three primary factors which are cultural influence frame, political influence frame and educational diplomacy frame. The first frame, cultural influence frame highlights China’s role in shaping Nepal’s cultural landscape through language programs, artistic exchanges, and Confucius Institutes. The next factor, political influence frame mentions about China’s engagement as part of a broader geopolitical strategy to expand its influence in Nepal and counter Western or Indian narratives. Lastly, educational diplomacy frame emphasizes China’s scholarships, academic collaborations, and student exchanges as a means of fostering long-term bilateral relations. By applying these dimensions, the study will identify themes and assess whether media narratives lean toward a supportive, neutral, or critical portrayal of China’s soft power diplomacy in Nepal.

The selected articles will be systematically coded based on the identified frames. Each article will be analyzed for keywords, metaphors, and recurring patterns that contribute to the overall framing and media tone. Moreover, the study will examine how the framing of China’s soft power aligns with Nepal’s geopolitical context, historical relations with China, and broader media discourse. Findings will be compared across different time periods from 2021 to early 2025 to observe shifts in framing post-COVID-19 as it is the significant shift on the global stage after the pandemic.

4. Analysis and Findings

An examination of news articles, opinion pieces, and editorials from Rising Nepal and The Kathmandu Post regarding Chinese cultural and educational diplomacy in Nepal from 2021 to early 2025 provides valuable insights into the media’s interpretation of China’s soft power initiatives. This article categorizes the content based on significant topics such as cultural exchange, Confucius Institutes, Chinese language development, scholarship opportunities, research collaborations, and strategic diplomatic connections. It also examines the media tone, so revealing the underlying editorial stance of the two newspapers whether it is positive, neutral, or negative. In the post-pandemic period, where soft power is crucial for shaping geopolitical alliances, China’s cultural and educational diplomacy in Nepal has become a significant aspect of bilateral relations. This study systematically analyzes the presence and representation of several issues in Rising Nepal, uncovering tendencies in the portrayal of Chinese influence within Nepal’s media landscape.

The line graph in Figure 1 mentioned that The Kathmandu Post and Rising Nepal’s reporting on China’s cultural and educational diplomacy in Nepal reveals different patterns in the longitudinal analysis of news articles published from 2021 to early 2025. The Kathmandu Post had significant early interest, with coverage reaching its highest point of six articles in 2023. The increase from zero in 2021 to six in 2023 indicates heightened media scrutiny or interest in China’s diplomatic efforts during that period, maybe driven by expanding educational initiatives or emerging geopolitical conflicts. However, post-2023, the newspaper’s coverage significantly diminished by decreasing to four in 2024 and only one in early 2025 which is suggesting either a declining editorial emphasis, issue saturation, or a strategic pivot towards other geopolitical entities or issues.

Conversely, Rising Nepal had a gradual yet consistent increase in coverage, with stories escalating from one in 2022 to a zenith of seven in 2024. A significant total of five publications consistently highlighted China’s soft power measures in education and culture, with this trend projected to continue until 2025. Rising Nepal has systematically aligned its editorial agenda with narratives that endorse bilateral cooperation and the developmental context of China’s diplomatic initiatives, reflecting a constant increase and eventual dominance in coverage. The disparity in volume over time between the two newspapers underscores a broader trend: Rising Nepal appears to adopt a more positive narrative, suggestive of institutional or ideological agreement with pro-China development rhetoric, whereas The Kathmandu Post may address the subject with growing caution or geopolitical skepticism.

4.1. Framing Patterns and Media Tone on Rising Nepal Newspaper (2021–2025)

One of the most frequently occurring themes in the dataset is cultural exchange, which highlights China’s efforts to foster stronger people-to-people ties with Nepal. The articles within this category focus on cultural events, delegation visits, artistic collaborations, and traditional festivals that promote mutual understanding between the two nations. Several articles describe China-sponsored cultural events in Nepal, such as the Chinese New Year celebrations, exhibitions on Chinese heritage, and Nepalese cultural delegations traveling to China.

Coverage also emphasizes infrastructure developments that facilitate cultural interactions, such as China’s support for building cultural centers and libraries in Nepal. The framing of these stories portrays China as a benevolent partner engaged in cultural diplomacy, reinforcing a positive perception of Chinese engagement in Nepal. The high frequency of such articles suggests that Rising Nepal prioritizes a soft power narrative, where China’s role is depicted as a cultural benefactor rather than a geopolitical actor. The absence of critical viewpoints in this category reflects the Nepalese government’s diplomatic caution in avoiding contentious discussions about China’s growing presence.

The Confucius Institute, which promotes Chinese language education and cultural programs, is a relatively less frequent but significant theme in the dataset. Articles in this category discuss the expansion of Confucius Institutes in Nepalese universities, collaboration between Nepalese and Chinese institutions for language training, and the rising popularity of Mandarin courses among Nepalese students. Reports highlight China’s role in funding Confucius Institutes in Nepal, particularly in key educational hubs such as Kathmandu and Pokhara. Some articles discuss student experiences, where Nepalese learners express the advantages of learning Mandarin for academic and career opportunities.

Unlike in Western media, where Confucius Institutes have been criticized for being vehicles of political influence, Rising Nepal refrains from such critical discourse, instead focusing on the educational benefits offered to Nepalese students. The portrayal of Confucius Institutes in Rising Nepal aligns with China’s broader soft power strategy, where education is used as a diplomatic tool to strengthen bilateral relations. However, the lack of discussion on the geopolitical implications of such initiatives reflects a media environment that avoids controversy and focuses on state-approved narratives. Chinese scholarships and educational funding opportunities for Nepalese students represent another key theme in Rising Nepal’s coverage. Articles in this category emphasize the benefits Nepalese students receive through China-funded academic programs.

Reports detail the growing number of Nepalese students studying in Chinese universities through scholarship programs provided by the Chinese government. Some articles highlight China’s role in developing Nepal’s higher education sector, particularly in fields such as technology, medicine, and engineering. The framing of these articles portrays China as a generous sponsor investing in Nepal’s academic progress. Notably, there is little discussion on the potential long-term impacts of Nepal’s academic dependence on China, such as whether this could lead to a pro-China intellectual shift among Nepalese scholars. Unlike independent media sources that might explore the risks of dependency on foreign scholarships, Rising Nepal largely frames Chinese educational funding as a beneficial initiative.

A significant portion of the dataset also includes articles that discuss China-Nepal relations from a diplomatic perspective, particularly in terms of strategic partnerships and political alignments. This theme often overlaps with discussions on education and cultural diplomacy, as these initiatives are framed as extensions of broader diplomatic cooperation between Nepal and China. Articles emphasize Nepal’s participation in Chinese-led international forums, such as the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and regional education summits. There is a strong emphasis on China as a long-term partner in Nepal’s development, with coverage of high-level diplomatic visits that reinforce Nepal’s official stance of maintaining strong relations with Beijing.

Some articles in Rising Nepal discuss bilateral agreements on cultural and educational cooperation, portraying these as signs of deepening Nepal-China friendship. Interestingly, while Rising Nepal frequently covers China’s strategic engagement in Nepal, it does so with a positive or neutral tone, avoiding discussions on potential challenges such as economic dependency, influence over Nepalese policy, or diplomatic pressure from India and the West. The dataset also includes articles that discuss research partnerships between Nepalese and Chinese universities. These articles highlight collaborations in fields such as medicine, agriculture, and technology. Reports frequently mention joint research initiatives, where Nepalese scholars work with Chinese institutions on projects funded by Chinese organizations. Some articles discuss the role of China-funded research grants, which provide Nepalese academics with resources to conduct studies on areas of mutual interest. Again, the framing is largely positive, focusing on the benefits of academic collaboration while avoiding critical perspectives on whether such partnerships could lead to increased Chinese influence in Nepal’s academic sector.

Moreover, the tone of coverage in Rising Nepal is overwhelmingly supportive, with very few articles adopting a neutral or critical stance. The supportive tone is dominant in articles discussing scholarships, cultural exchanges, and research collaborations, reinforcing the narrative that China’s engagement in Nepal is mutually beneficial. The neutral tone appears in some articles discussing bilateral agreements and diplomatic visits, where the reporting is factual without strong opinions. The critical tone is almost absent, indicating that Rising Nepal does not engage in investigative or critical journalism regarding China’s soft power strategies in Nepal. The lack of critical perspectives suggests that Rising Nepal maintains an editorial policy aligned with Nepal’s diplomatic stance, which seeks to preserve friendly relations with China. This also reflects a broader trend in state-affiliated media, where coverage is designed to support government narratives rather than challenge them.

The analysis of Rising Nepal’s coverage of Chinese cultural and educational diplomacy from 2021 to early 2025 reveals a strongly positive framing of China’s influence in Nepal, with little to no critical engagement. The newspaper primarily portrays China as a cultural and academic benefactor, emphasizing the benefits of Chinese scholarships, Confucius Institutes, and research collaborations while avoiding discussions on potential geopolitical concerns. The findings suggest that Nepal’s state-affiliated media plays a role in reinforcing diplomatic harmony between the two countries rather than fostering public debate on issues such as China’s soft power influence, educational dependency, or long-term strategic interests in Nepal. The absence of critical perspectives indicates that discussions on Nepal’s sovereignty in relation to China’s expanding influence are largely missing in mainstream media discourse.

4.2. Framing Patterns and Media Tone on the Kathmandu Post Newspaper (2021–2025)

The analysis on The Kathmandu Post’s portrayal of Chinese education and cultural diplomacy in Nepal, focuses on framing techniques, thematic trends, and media tone. Given the increasing role of China in Nepal’s educational and cultural sectors, media narratives play a crucial role in shaping public perception. By analyzing 15 articles, categorized by thematic keywords and media tone, this study reveals the broader implications of how The Kathmandu Post positions China’s influence within Nepal’s socio-political landscape. The data reveal that The Kathmandu Post predominantly frames Chinese educational and cultural diplomacy through a geopolitical and strategic lens, often situating it within concerns about influence operations and Nepal’s diplomatic alignment. Three dominant frames emerge from the dataset including (1) cultural diplomacy and people-to-people exchange, (2) Education diplomacy and strategic partnership and (3) Geopolitical influence and political maneuvering.

Cultural diplomacy appears as a major recurring theme, with 15 mentions of “Cultural Exchange/People-to-People Ties” and “Cultural Diplomacy/Bridge”. This suggests that The Kathmandu Post acknowledges China’s extensive engagement in Nepal’s cultural sphere. While this framing is generally neutral or positive, it often overlaps with strategic discussions, implying that cultural diplomacy serves broader geopolitical objectives. This perspective aligns with global concerns regarding China’s use of soft power to expand its regional influence.

The theme of education diplomacy is prevalent, with 9 mentions of “Scholarship Opportunities/China’s Funded Education” and 10 mentions of “Strategic Partnership/Diplomatic Alignment”. This indicates that Chinese-sponsored educational programs are a key pillar of engagement, yet the coverage remains heavily intertwined with diplomatic narratives. Unlike Rising Nepal, which presents China’s educational initiatives in a relatively neutral or supportive manner, The Kathmandu Post frames them within a broader context of Nepal’s strategic positioning between global powers.

A significant portion of the coverage which is 13 mentions collectively highlights China’s growing presence, political maneuvering, and influence operations. This framing suggests a skeptical or cautious approach to China’s involvement, raising questions about potential political leverage gained through educational and cultural exchanges. These concerns reflect wider debates in South Asia, where China’s increasing influence is often viewed with both strategic interest and geopolitical apprehension.

An analysis of media tone shows that The Kathmandu Post largely adopts a critical perspective, with 9 articles classified as critical tone and 2 articles with supportive tone while 4 articles with neutral tone. This suggests that The Kathmandu Post does not present Chinese educational initiatives as purely benevolent or apolitical. Instead, the frequent alignment of education and cultural diplomacy with political and strategic themes suggests that the newspaper questions China’s motives. The predominance of critical articles further indicates that The Kathmandu Post echoes broader concerns about China’s geopolitical ambitions in Nepal, positioning education diplomacy as a potential instrument of influence rather than a neutral academic initiative.

The coverage of Chinese education and cultural diplomacy in The Kathmandu Post reflects a politicized discourse in which educational initiatives are seldom viewed independently of geopolitical concerns. The Kathmandu Post primarily associates China’s cultural engagement with strategic positioning, influence operations, and diplomatic maneuvering, in contrast to Rising Nepal, which presents a more neutral or supportive perspective. This framing has significant implications for public perception of China’s soft power, Nepal’s foreign policy, and the future trajectory of educational cooperation. The Kathmandu Post’s critical stance aligns with broader geopolitical issues in South Asia, suggesting that China’s growing influence in Nepal’s educational system will continue to be a contentious subject in national media discourse.

4.3. Diverging Media Discourses in Two Nepalese Newspapers

The analysis of Rising Nepal and The Kathmandu Post reveals significant differences in editorial tone, topic focus, and geopolitical awareness regarding Chinese cultural and educational diplomacy. Both newspapers provide extensive coverage of China’s soft power initiatives in Nepal; however, their representational approaches suggest differing institutional concepts and media functions. These various strategies illustrate how domestic media, influenced by their editorial independence, political orientations, and perceived national interests, selectively interpret foreign influences.

The bar chart in Figure 2 illustrates the frequency of significant issues related to Chinese education and cultural diplomacy as presented in Rising Nepal and The Kathmandu Post from 2021 to early 2025, revealing both similarities and differences in editorial emphasis and framing. Rising Nepal exhibited a higher absolute frequency, with 33 mentions related to cultural exchange and 41 regarding strategic partnerships, in contrast to The Kathmandu Post, which recorded 23 and 33 mentions, respectively. Both publications provided extensive coverage on cultural interaction and academic opportunities. This indicates a shared recognition of these issues as essential components of China’s soft power strategy in Nepal. Rising Nepal appears to have adopted a more constructive editorial stance, frequently emphasizing positive narratives such as academic cooperation and talent cultivation.

In contrast to issues with geopolitical or critical undertones, The Kathmandu Post demonstrated a greater focus. The analysis included a greater number of pieces examining geopolitical impact, political maneuvering, and China’s increasing prominence, suggesting a more skeptical or questioning stance toward China’s cultural and educational diplomacy. The publication largely overlooked subjects such as Confucius Institutes and the development of the Chinese language, which were significantly more prominent in Rising Nepal. This divergence in thematic priorities reflects the editorial orientations of the newspapers and indicates broader discursive contests within Nepalese media concerning the nature and implications of China’s influence.

The thematic distribution reveals a paradox in media representation. Rising Nepal predominantly portrays Chinese diplomacy as mutually advantageous and pragmatic, whereas The Kathmandu Post adopts a more critical perspective, frequently associating soft power initiatives with strategic and geopolitical considerations. The variation in focus and framing enriches the discourse surrounding China–Nepal relations and highlights the media’s role in shaping public perception of bilateral cooperation and foreign policy.

The comparison of the two publications reveals distinct differences in their subject focus and narrative framework. As shown in

Table 1. Comparison of framing and media tone published in the two newspapers.

Aspect	Rising Nepal	Kathmandu Post
Cultural Diplomacy Coverage	Extensive	Extensive
Political & Geopolitical Framing	Moderate	Strong
Confucius Institutes	Frequently discussed	Barely mentioned
Media Tone on Education Diplomacy	Neutral to Supportive	Mostly critical
Focus on Research & Academics	Some coverage	Minimal coverage

Source: Survey Data (2025).

, both sources analyze cultural diplomacy, emphasizing China’s strategic visibility in Nepal concerning soft power initiatives. Rising Nepal typically presents China’s educational and cultural initiatives, such as Confucius Institute programs, language development, and scholarships, in a positive or neutral manner. This aligns with a pro-diplomacy viewpoint, portraying China as a constructive development partner motivated by mutual benefit.

In contrast, The Kathmandu Post exhibits a more critical and geopolitically aware perspective. The coverage of cultural diplomacy is extensive; however, the tone frequently raises questions, particularly concerning political influence and China’s strategic objectives in Nepal’s domestic affairs. Confucius Institutes receive limited coverage in the media, possibly due to editorial caution or resistance to normalizing China’s institutional influence. Rising Nepal highlights China’s sponsorship of academic cooperation and research, whereas The Kathmandu Post focuses primarily on the broader implications of diplomatic alignment, offering limited engagement with these specific features. The diverse media narratives illustrate the transmission, challenge, and reinterpretation of China’s soft power within Nepal’s media landscape through various ideological and editorial perspectives.

Rising Nepal displayed a more balanced or supportive stance, suggesting a divergence in editorial perspectives between Nepal’s leading newspapers. This discrepancy may stem from differences in ownership structures, geopolitical affiliations, and ideological leanings, with The Kathmandu Post often aligning with Western and Indian strategic viewpoints regarding China’s regional engagement. This comparison reinforces the idea that The Kathmandu Post presents Chinese educational diplomacy as an extension of Beijing’s strategic ambitions, while Rising Nepal covers similar initiatives in a more neutral or even positive light. The limited discussion of Confucius Institutes in The Kathmandu Post is particularly noteworthy, as these institutions are frequently scrutinized in international media for alleged propaganda and influence operations.

5. Conclusions

This study critically examines how The Kathmandu Post and Rising Nepal frame China’s engagement in Nepal’s educational and cultural diplomacy. Through a comparative content analysis, the findings reveal significant differences in thematic emphasis, geopolitical framing, and media tone, which reflect broader ideological and diplomatic considerations. The framing employed by these two newspapers underscores the extent to which media narratives are shaped by national interests, editorial policies, and geopolitical orientations.

The findings indicate that Rising Nepal adopts a development-centric frame, primarily portraying China’s scholarship programs, academic partnerships, Confucius Institutes, and cultural exchanges as beneficial initiatives that contribute to Nepal’s human capital development and bilateral cooperation. The predominant framing suggests that China’s role in Nepal’s educational sector is largely constructive, fostering academic mobility and cultural understanding. The newspaper’s coverage lacks significant critical engagement with potential geopolitical underpinnings or strategic motives behind China’s soft power initiatives.

Conversely, The Kathmandu Post mentions China’s educational and cultural diplomacy within a broader geopolitical and strategic context, frequently associating China’s academic influence with political maneuvering, strategic partnerships, and influence operations. The presence of geopolitical keywords, such as China’s growing presence, diplomatic alignment, and political influence, suggests a skeptical outlook on China’s long-term objectives in Nepal. The critical framing highlights concerns that Chinese educational initiatives may serve as instruments of political leverage, influencing Nepal’s diplomatic positioning, policy alignments, and academic autonomy.

The media tone analysis further highlights the divergence in media perspectives. Rising Nepal predominantly employs neutral to supportive tones, reflecting a non-adversarial stance toward China’s educational engagement. This aligns with Nepal’s official diplomatic approach, which seeks to maximize economic and educational benefits from its strategic partnership with China while maintaining a position of neutrality in regional politics. In contrast, The Kathmandu Post demonstrates a predominantly critical tone, raising questions about China’s increasing influence in Nepal’s academic and cultural spheres. The presence of geopolitical skepticism in media discourse suggests that sections of Nepal’s media and intellectual community view China’s soft power initiatives with caution, particularly in the context of Nepal’s strategic positioning between China and India. The newspaper’s framing contributes to a more contested and polarized discourse on Nepal-China relations, highlighting concerns about academic freedom, policy autonomy, and long-term geopolitical dependencies.

From a theoretical perspective, this study contributes to scholarship on media framing and soft power in international relations. The findings demonstrate how media institutions play an active role in shaping public narratives about foreign diplomatic engagements, particularly in regions experiencing geopolitical contestation. The study also aligns with existing literature on agenda-setting and framing theories, which argue that media coverage influences not only public perception but also political and policy responses to foreign influence. In terms of policy implications, the divergent narratives observed in these two newspapers suggest that media discourse could influence Nepal’s diplomatic and academic policy approaches toward China. If critical framings gain traction, they may lead to greater scrutiny of Confucius Institutes, Chinese scholarships, and academic collaborations, potentially affecting bilateral agreements and the structure of Nepal-China educational partnerships. Conversely, the neutral-to-supportive framing in Rising Nepal indicates that there remains a strong policy argument in favor of deepening educational ties with China, given the material benefits associated with scholarships, student mobility, and cross-cultural academic exchanges.

The findings highlight the complex interplay between media, geopolitics, and soft power in Nepal-China relations. The contrasting media representations suggest that China’s cultural and educational diplomacy is not merely an academic or developmental initiative but is also deeply embedded within strategic geopolitical considerations. While Rising Nepal presents a developmental and cooperative perspective, The Kathmandu Post offers a critical and strategic interpretation of China’s increasing presence in Nepal’s academic landscape.

However, this study highlights the need for further academic inquiry into the role of media in shaping foreign policy debates, public opinion, and diplomatic strategies in South Asia. Future research could benefit from longitudinal studies examining shifts in media framing over time, interviews with journalists covering Nepal-China relations, and comparative analyses with other regional media outlets. For future recommendation, scholars can develop a more nuanced understanding of how media narratives influence international relations and foreign policy-making in emerging geopolitical contexts. While qualitative discourse analysis provides in-depth insights into media framing, it does not quantify the prevalence of specific frames. Additionally, the study is limited to two English-language newspapers, which may not fully capture perspectives from Nepal’s vernacular press. Therefore, the researcher recommends to apply various English language newspapers or other local language newspaper to understand more about Chinese cultural and educational diplomacy on Nepal from different perspectives.