1. Introduction
The COVID-19 pandemic pushed the digitalization of higher education forward at a pace no institution had anticipated. Across Europe, especially in Romania, universities were compelled to move instructional, administrative, and mentoring interactions into digital environments almost overnight. Researchers have studied the pedagogical fallout of this transition extensively (
Vlada et al., 2021;
Manolescu et al., 2022), but the pragmatic dimension has received far less attention: how do politeness norms and conversational implicature actually work in digital academic discourse, especially in the Romanian context?
“1 Decembrie 1918” University of Alba Iulia (UAB) offers a telling site for this kind of investigation. A mid-sized regional university in Transylvania with roughly 7000 students and faculty spread across disciplines from theology to engineering, UAB reflects tensions that are characteristic of Romanian public universities in the post-pandemic period. The institution carries a deeply hierarchical academic culture—shaped by both communist and pre-communist traditions—while simultaneously navigating the practical demands of platforms like Moodle, Microsoft Teams, and WhatsApp. These tools do not simply transmit messages; they reshape the very grammar of academic interaction.
Understanding why these platforms reshape interaction in the way they do requires foregrounding the cultural context in which they operate. Romania’s higher education system carries a deeply embedded institutional inheritance: high power-distance between faculty and students (
Hofstede, 2010), a tradition of formal, unidirectional knowledge transmission shaped by both communist and pre-communist academic culture, and strong norms of respectful deference—including the use of the formal third-person plural address form “dumneavoastră”—that students employ when speaking to academic staff. In this context, professors occupy an authoritative position whose assessments are not readily questioned and whose time is not easily claimed. The post-pandemic shift to digital platforms has placed these inherited norms under acute pressure: tools like Moodle and Teams are designed around assumptions of participatory, horizontal exchange that sit uneasily with Romanian academic culture. This tension between hierarchical tradition and digitally enabled informality is the thread that runs through all five cases analysed in this study; the theoretical frameworks below are introduced in light of it.
This study asks how politeness and conversational implicature function in digitally mediated academic communication within Romanian higher education. Rather than eliminating the need for careful management of self-image and social relationships—what researchers call “face-work”—digital environments transform the mechanisms through which students and staff negotiate authority, solidarity, criticism, and institutional expectations, the study draws on three established theoretical frameworks to analyse these mechanisms:
Brown and Levinson’s (
1987) politeness theory,
Grice’s (
1975) cooperative principle and conversational maxims, and
Sperber and Wilson’s (
1986) relevance theory, each of which is discussed in detail in
Section 1.1,
Section 1.2 and
Section 1.3. Platforms create conditions in which indirectness, mitigation, contextual inference, and implicit meaning become central to the management of academic interaction—and in which new forms of misunderstanding arise alongside new strategies for managing institutional face.
The study focuses on exchanges between students and academic staff at UAB, examining how pragmatic choices are shaped both by platform affordances and by the cultural specificities of the Romanian academic system. Particular attention goes to the interplay between inherited hierarchical norms and the informality that contemporary digital communication tends to encourage.
Four research questions guide the inquiry. First, what politeness strategies do students and academic staff use in digital classroom interaction, and how do these vary across synchronous and asynchronous platforms? Second, what types of conversational implicature emerge in digital academic discourse, and what pragmatic mechanisms drive their production and interpretation? Third, to what extent do the cultural and institutional features of Romanian higher education shape pragmatic behavior in online communication? Fourth, what pedagogical and institutional measures might improve digital communication literacy within the university, and how might such measures be expected to affect student engagement, teacher–student relationship quality, and online learning effectiveness?
To address these questions, the study analyses five extended cases drawn from a purpose-built corpus of 247 authentic discourse units collected at UAB between 2022 and 2024. The research contributes to the growing literature on digital pragmatics (
Herring, 2007;
Tagg et al., 2017;
Georgakopoulou, 2022), to politeness research in institutional settings (
Holmes, 2006;
Schnurr, 2013), and to the still-developing body of work on Romanian academic discourse (
Dinu, 2019;
Onu, 2021).
1.1. Politeness Theory: Brown and Levinson
The primary analytical framework for this study is
Brown and Levinson’s (
1987) politeness theory, which holds that social interaction is governed by participants’ orientation to face—the public self-image each person claims and seeks to protect. Brown and Levinson distinguish between positive face (the desire to be approved of, liked, and valued) and negative face (the desire for autonomy and freedom from imposition). Face-threatening acts (FTAs) are utterances that compromise one or both of these dimensions, whether for the speaker, the hearer, or both.
In academic institutional settings, FTAs are unavoidable: requests for extensions, challenges to grades, complaints about teaching, and directives to submit work all carry inherent face-threatening potential. Brown and Levinson identify a hierarchy of politeness strategies ranging from bald-on-record communication (direct, unmitigated speech that prioritises efficiency over social niceties; for example, a lecturer replying to a student request with simply “The deadline stands.” with no acknowledgement) through positive and negative politeness strategies (which signal solidarity or distance, respectively) to off-record strategies (indirect, implicature-laden communications that preserve deniability). In digital contexts, the absence of paralinguistic cues and the greater permanence of the written record alter the calculus of strategy selection, something this study aims to document.
Subsequent scholars have extended and challenged Brown and Levinson’s model in ways relevant here.
Watts (
2003) distinguishes between politic behavior (contextually appropriate conduct that goes unnoticed) and polite behavior (marked, extra-appropriate conduct that exceeds expectations), a distinction that becomes productive in digital settings where what counts as appropriate is constantly renegotiated.
Culpeper’s (
1996,
2011) work on impoliteness, seen as a strategic face attack (a calculated communicative act intended to damage another person’s self-image; for example, a student publicly posting in a forum “These instructions are always vague”, as in Case 3 below) rather than face protection, is equally relevant for capturing deliberate rudeness or aggressive directness that surfaces in student-to-student and occasionally staff-to-student digital exchanges.
1.2. Grice’s Cooperative Principle and Conversational Implicature
Grice’s (
1975) cooperative principle holds that participants in conversation operate on the assumption that contributions are truthful, sufficiently informative, relevant, and clear, categorized as the maxims of Quality, Quantity, Relation, and Manner respectively. The theoretical power of this framework lies in its account of conversational implicature: the meaning hearers infer by reasoning from the assumption that speakers are cooperating. To give a concrete example: when a lecturer responds to a student’s extension request with “As I mentioned in class on several occasions, the assessment schedule has been set in accordance with faculty regulations”, the literal content is a statement of fact, but the implied meaning—“Your request is inappropriate and the answer is no”—is the conversational implicature. When a maxim is flouted, i.e., deliberately and recognizably violated, the hearer infers a meaning beyond or distinct from the literal content of the utterance.
Implicature generation in digital classroom interaction is both facilitated and complicated by the constraints of the medium. The relative permanence of written messages encourages speakers to exploit implicature as protection against bald-on-record face threats, while the absence of shared physical context, prosody, and gesture increases the chance of misinterpretation. In the Romanian academic context, where power distance is high and institutional hierarchy is strongly marked (
Hofstede, 2010;
Popa, 2018), students frequently rely on implicature to raise sensitive topics that can be either grade disputes or skipping classes, while maintaining a surface of deference, and faculty may use implicature to deliver negative assessments in forms that are institutionally legible yet plausibly deniable.
1.3. Relevance Theory
Sperber and Wilson’s (
1986,
1995) relevance theory offers a cognitive counterpart to Gricean pragmatics, grounding implicature interpretation in the hearer’s search for an interpretation that yields adequate cognitive effects for minimum processing effort. The principle of optimal relevance holds that a communicative act conveys the presumption that it is the most relevant stimulus the communicator could have produced, given her goals and abilities. This framework suits digital discourse well: platforms structurally encourage brevity, notification fatigue prompts compressed messages, and asynchronous reading conditions mean speakers frequently rely on contextual assumptions rather than explicit elaboration.
In the UAB corpus, relevance theory helps account for instances in which students send highly compressed messages that rely heavily on shared contextual knowledge, the specifics of a course assessment schedule, the informal norms of a particular faculty and in which staff responses signal that the message fell short of the required relevance, through explicit requests for clarification or through repair sequences.
1.4. Digital Pragmatics and Computer-Mediated Communication
The field of digital pragmatics (
Jucker & Duersceid, 2012;
Tagg et al., 2017;
Herring, 2019) has established that computer-mediated communication (CMC) is neither spoken language written down nor a degraded form of traditional writing. It constitutes a distinct register with its own norms of politeness, relevance, and interpretation.
Herring’s (
2007) computer-mediated discourse analysis (CMDA) provides a methodological anchor for examining how medium-specific variables—synchronicity, persistence, anonymity, multimodality, platform architecture—shape pragmatic choices.
Higher education research has looked at email (
Bjorge, 2007;
Bloch, 2002;
Hartford & Bardovi-Harlig, 1996), online forums (
Baym, 1996;
Fahy, 2003), and more recently synchronous video platforms (
Sindoni, 2011;
Locher & Bolander, 2014). More recent scholarship has extended this agenda to AI-assisted and hybrid learning environments (
Manca, 2023;
Golonka et al., 2022), to the pragmatics of asynchronous video feedback (
Borup et al., 2022), and to the communicative norms that emerged from the COVID-19 forced shift to remote instruction (
Rapanta et al., 2021;
Moorhouse & Wong, 2022). These studies converge on the finding that digital mediation does not merely replicate offline pragmatic norms but generates genuinely novel interactional pressures, particularly around turn-taking, register maintenance, and the management of institutional face in written, semi-permanent channels. Politeness norms in the digital age are also being rethought cross-culturally:
Suparno et al. (
2023) demonstrate how power and social status reshape politeness conventions in online interactions, while
Chejná (
2016) provides a closely comparable account of politeness norms in Czech academic email communication—a high power-distance, post-communist Slavic context with many parallels to the Romanian case examined here. Both works reinforce the centrality of hierarchical cultural context in shaping digital academic communication, a point this study extends to the Romanian setting. The Romanian context has remained largely absent from this literature, a gap this study addresses.
1.5. The Romanian Higher Education Context
Romania’s higher education system carries the institutional inheritance of its communist past in ways that directly condition communicative norms. The system is marked by high power-distance (
Hofstede, 2010), formal faculty-student relations, and a tradition of unidirectional knowledge transmission. Professors occupy a culturally authoritative position whose assessments are not readily questioned and whose time is not easily claimed. Students have correspondingly been socialised into patterns of respectful deference, formal address (the third-person plural “dumneavoastră” in Romanian), and avoidance of direct challenge.
The post-pandemic digitalization of Romanian universities, including UAB, has created acute friction within these inherited norms. Platforms like Moodle and Teams are designed around assumptions of participatory, horizontal communication that sit uneasily with Romanian academic culture. The result, as this study documents, is a communicative landscape marked by pragmatic hybridity, inventive face-work, and implicature-induced miscommunication. It is against this backdrop of cultural hierarchy meeting digital informality that the theoretical frameworks introduced in
Section 2 should be read and to which the five cases analysed in
Section 3 return in detail.
2. Materials and Methods
2.1. Corpus Design and Data Collection
The corpus was assembled between October 2022 and June 2024 at UAB. It comprises 247 discrete discourse units (DUs), defined as self-contained communicative exchanges between at least two participants on a single topic or task. DUs were collected from four digital platforms: institutional email (n = 89), Moodle discussion forums and messaging (n = 73), Microsoft Teams chat and channel messages (n = 65), and WhatsApp group chats designated for academic cohorts (n = 20). Microsoft Teams (Microsoft Corporation, Redmond, WA, USA; version 1.6.00.26474, Moodle (Moodle HQ, Perth, WA, Australia; version 4.1, and WhatsApp (Meta Platforms, Inc., Menlo Park, CA, USA) were accessed during the data collection window of October 2022–June 2024. WhatsApp data, while informal, was included because it functions as a significant—if officially unacknowledged—channel of faculty-student and student-student academic communication at UAB.
Three key terms are used operationally throughout this study and require clarification. A discourse unit (DU), as employed here, is a bounded, topic-coherent communicative exchange comprising one or more message-response pairs on a shared referential topic, regardless of platform. DUs are distinguished from individual message turns: a single email thread in which a student requests a deadline extension and a lecturer responds constitutes one DU, not two. The criterion of topical coherence is central; where a thread drifts across two or more unrelated administrative or academic topics, it is split into separate DUs at the point of topic shift. Digital communication literacy, following
Eshet-Alkalai (
2004) and more recent operationalizations by
Spante et al. (
2018), refers to the cluster of competencies that enable a user to communicate effectively, appropriately, and safely across digital media, encompassing not only technical proficiency (platform navigation, file management) but also sociopragmatic awareness: the ability to calibrate register, manage interactional face, and interpret and produce contextually appropriate implicature in written digital channels. Pragmatic failure, drawing on
Thomas (
1983), denotes any instance in which a communicative act fails to achieve its intended illocutionary effect due to a mismatch between the speaker’s intended meaning and the hearer’s interpretation, where that mismatch is attributable to sociopragmatic or pragmalinguistic error rather than to a lack of propositional knowledge. In the present corpus, pragmatic failure is operationally identified through two convergent indicators: (a) an explicit repair sequence in which one participant signals misunderstanding or requests clarification and (b) a manifest communicative outcome inconsistent with the interactional goal evidenced by the exchange (e.g., a request is denied on procedural grounds that the student had not anticipated, suggesting failure to signal the urgency or legitimacy of the request adequately).
All data was collected with informed consent, and identifying information was pseudonymized in accordance with GDPR requirements and the guidelines of UAB’s Research Ethics Committee (approval reference: UAB-REC-2022-14). Participants were drawn from three faculties: History and Philology (n = 98 participants), Sciences (n = 67), and Law (n = 54). The sample includes 186 students (undergraduate and postgraduate) and 33 academic staff members.
Selection of the 247 discourse units followed explicit inclusion and exclusion criteria. Inclusion criteria required that: (a) the exchange involved at least one academic staff member or student enrolled at UAB during the data-collection window; (b) the primary topic was academic in nature (course content, assessment, attendance, administrative matters, or collaborative coursework); (c) the full exchange thread was retrievable without data gaps; and (d) written consent was obtained from all identifiable participants. Exclusion criteria ruled out: (a) exchanges in which a participant withdrew consent after initial inclusion; (b) threads comprising fewer than two conversational turns, as these did not provide sufficient context for pragmatic analysis; (c) exchanges conducted entirely in a language other than Romanian or English, given the bilingual annotation scheme; and (d) WhatsApp threads from groups not formally associated with a UAB course or cohort. These criteria were applied iteratively during data collection, with borderline cases adjudicated by two members of the research team before a final unit was included in the corpus.
2.2. Analytical Framework and Coding
The corpus was analyzed in two phases. In the first, all DUs were coded using a custom annotation scheme built from
Brown and Levinson’s (
1987) FTA taxonomy,
Culpeper’s (
1996) impoliteness taxonomy, and
Grice’s (
1975) maxim-based implicature framework. Coding categories included FTA type (request, criticism, complaint, disagreement, directive, apology), politeness strategy (bald-on-record, positive politeness, negative politeness, off-record, withholding FTA), implicature type (scalar, particularized conversational, generalized conversational), and maxim violated or flouted. Inter-rater reliability was established through independent coding by two trained annotators, yielding Cohen’s kappa of κ = 0.81, indicating strong agreement.
In the second phase, five cases were selected for extended qualitative analysis. Case selection was purposive (
Patton, 2002), designed to achieve maximum variation across platform type, power relationship, and FTA severity. Each case is presented as a sequential discourse analysis, with attention to pragmatic mechanisms at work, cultural context, and communicative outcomes.
2.3. Quantitative Overview
2.4. Statistical Analysis
To complement the descriptive frequencies reported in
Table 1,
Table 2 and
Table 3, chi-square tests of independence were used to assess whether the distribution of pragmatic categories differed significantly across platforms and participant roles, with Cramér’s V reported as a measure of effect size for each association. For the association between participant role (staff vs. student) and implicature type (
Table 3), the test was significant, χ
2(3) = 9.20,
p = 0.027, Cramér’s V = 0.19, indicating a small-to-moderate effect and corroborating the qualitative observation that students rely more heavily on particularized conversational implicature than staff. The same procedure was applied to the association between platform and politeness strategy (
Table 2); results are reported in
Section 4.1. All statistical analyses were conducted using R version 4.3.2, R Core Team, Vienna, Austria/IBM SPSS Statistics version 29.0, IBM Corp., Armonk, NY, USA/Python version 3.11 with SciPy version 1.11.
5. Conclusions
This study has examined the pragmatics of politeness and implicature in digital classroom interaction at “1 Decembrie 1918” University of Alba Iulia, bringing a corpus-based, theoretically grounded analysis to bear on five authentic cases drawn from a corpus of 247 discourse units. The findings demonstrate that digital mediation does not eliminate politeness imperatives but transforms them, producing a distinctive pragmatic register characterized by compressed face-work, platform-specific register calibration, and heightened reliance on conversational implicature.
Within the Romanian higher education system, these dynamics are shaped by a cultural inheritance of high power-distance, hierarchical faculty–student relations, and a recent and still-incomplete process of digital transition, one that has proceeded unevenly across institutions, disciplines, and student populations. The result is a communicative landscape in which pragmatic failure, i.e., the misread implicature, the register mismatch, the unintended face attack, is structurally embedded and may be disproportionately costly for students from less privileged backgrounds, a hypothesis this study raises but does not test directly (
Section 4.5).
The study makes four principal contributions. First, it provides empirical documentation of politeness and implicature patterns in Romanian digital academic discourse, a context largely absent from the international pragmatics literature. Second, it demonstrates the analytical value of combining corpus methods with close qualitative discourse analysis in the study of digital CMC. Third, it extends
Brown and Levinson’s (
1987) framework into the digital domain, showing that the FTA hierarchy and strategy typology remain analytically productive but require supplementation with attention to platform-specific variables. Fourth, it connects pragmatic analysis to educational policy, demonstrating the institutional stakes of pragmatic competence in digital academic communication.
Future research should extend the corpus temporally and institutionally, incorporating data from other Romanian universities and tracking the evolution of pragmatic norms over time. Experimental studies examining how students and faculty interpret digital implicature would complement the naturalistic corpus data presented here. Cross-cultural comparative studies—contrasting Romanian academic digital pragmatics with those of other high and low power-distance educational systems—would situate these findings within a broader theoretical context.
The pragmatics of the vdigital classroom matter. They matter for the quality of learning, for the fairness of educational assessment, and for the wellbeing of students and staff navigating an increasingly complex communicative environment. This study has sought to make those pragmatics visible and to connect their analysis to actionable institutional recommendations. The work of improving digital communication in Romanian higher education begins with understanding what is happening in the messages that students and teachers exchange every day.