1. Introduction
In recent decades, sustainable tourism has increasingly emerged as both a policy imperative and a practical framework for reconciling economic development with the preservation of environmental and cultural heritage [
1,
2]. In Europe, this evolution has been catalysed by the European Charter for Sustainable Tourism in Protected Areas (ECST), established by the EUROPARC Federation in 1995 and conceived as a voluntary governance and certification tool for protected areas willing to commit to collaborative, strategically planned tourism development [
3]. The ECST, structured in three phases—covering the accreditation of sustainable destinations (Phase I), the engagement of local partners (Phase II), and the inclusion of tour operators (Phase III)—requires the active participation of stakeholders from public authorities, the tourism sector, civil society, and local communities in order to co-produce strategies and action plans that balance environmental protection, socio-cultural integrity, and economic viability [
4,
5].
The combination of sustainable agriculture and tourism in protected natural areas can become a tool for biodiversity conservation and local development [
6,
7], triggering collaborative processes that lead to greater community involvement and a strengthening local identity [
8]. In this regard, the Charter framework explicitly recognises sustainable rural agriculture as both a cultural asset and a cornerstone for diversifying tourism products, stabilising rural populations, and conserving landscapes. Other experiences in Italy show the interaction between tourism and agriculture in the ECST context, as in the cases of the Colli Euganei Regional Park and the Tuscan Archipelago National Park. In the first case, the ECST is a useful operational tool for the agricultural and tourism sectors, with agriculture becoming a central element in the park, which sees the Charter as a valuable platform for promoting tourism [
9]. In the second case, on the other hand, agriculture plays a more identity and heritage-based role, providing a backdrop for the tourist products of the Tuscan islands, while the ECST Forum acts as a meeting place for stakeholders, creating governance networks [
10]. Although in peri-urban Mediterranean protected areas such as Vesuvius National Park, where high visitor numbers meet fragile ecosystems and complex socio-economic conditions, the real test lies in adaptive, inclusive management that can channel tourism demand into regenerative pathways.
Within this framework, the Vesuvius National Park, Italy, represents a compelling and complex case study, since agriculture–tourism integration has been reinforced through cross-sector initiatives that valorise local foodways, develop agrotourism circuits, and position agrifood producers as key actors in delivering sustainability outcomes. Literature from comparable ECST-certified areas confirms that participatory governance and cross-sector linkages are critical to overcoming barriers like institutional fragmentation, uneven private-sector engagement, and insufficient long-term monitoring [
11,
12].
Despite the growing attention to sustainable tourism governance in protected areas, limited research has analysed how the ECST framework operates in highly anthropised Mediterranean contexts where agriculture, tourism, and urban pressures coexist. This study addresses this gap by examining how agriculture functions not only as an economic activity but also as a governance lever within the ECST framework. In doing so, it contributes to the literature on sustainable rural development and agritourism by linking protected area management with community-based agricultural practices.
2. Materials and Methods
2.1. Study Site
Established in 1995, the Vesuvius National Park covers approximately 8500 hectares encompassing not only the slopes of one of the most known active volcanoes in the world, Mount Vesuvius, but also the older Mount Somma caldera, hosting rich biodiversity and endemic species adapted to volcanic environments. The park is a legally designated natural protected area but also a UNESCO Man and the Biosphere (MAB) Reserve, recognised as a model territory where biodiversity conservation is integrated with the sustainable use of resources, and it is also part of the EU Natura 2000 Network, which safeguards habitats and species of European interest through rigorous conservation measures [
13]. Its landscapes combine Mediterranean forests, volcanic slopes, archaeological sites, and traditional rural settlements, interwoven with the metropolitan periphery of Naples. This juxtaposition generates both opportunities and tensions: the park embodies what may be considered a “threshold territory,” economically peripheral yet symbolically central, facing simultaneous pressures from mass tourism, urban sprawl, environmental risks, and the need for rural regeneration.
The area’s agricultural heritage is a core component of its cultural identity and economic resilience and independence, since the time of the Romans [
14]. Volcanic soils and centuries-old practices yield products of exceptional quality, many certified with Protected Designation of Origin (DOP) or Controlled Designation of Origin (DOC) labels. These include
Lacryma Christi and other Vesuvio DOC wines safeguarded by the
Consorzio Tutela Vini Vesuvio DOP (Pomigliano, Italy); the
Pomodorino del Piennolo del Vesuvio DOP (Vesuvius Cherry Tomatoes), protected by its dedicated Consortium (Sant’Anastasia, Italy); and the
Albicocca del Vesuvio (Vesuvius Apricot), a Slow Food Presidium (that operates in several municipalities in the Vesuvius area) encompassing numerous native cultivars. Other emblematic crops include the
Pisello Centogiorni (Centogiorni Peas), cherries, figs, pears, walnuts, hazelnuts, and the renowned
San Marzano tomatoes. Such produce is not merely of gastronomic interest but functions as a keystone for place-based tourism experiences, linking local farms, gastronomy, and cultural events to broader narratives of identity, landscape conservation, and sustainable livelihoods [
15]. To further safeguard this heritage, the Vesuvius National Park Authority has recognized the need to establish its own Environmental Sustainability Label, which local agricultural enterprises may join on a voluntary basis. This initiative is intended to further strengthen the connection and collaboration between the park’s administration and local producers, thereby protecting the territory’s image, production processes, and agricultural traditions, that are all part of the tangible and intangible heritage of the area.
The park also hosts an exceptional network of rural sites that embody local history: the medieval Borgo of Casamale in Somma Vesuviana, historic farmsteads such as Masseria Casa Bianca in Boscotrecase, Villa Regina in Boscoreale with its Roman-era winemaking facilities, the Museo della Civiltà Contadina in Somma Vesuviana, and the Vesuvian Miglio d’Oro villas. Together with archaeological sites like Herculaneum and Boscoreale and an 11-trail network totalling 54 km and ranging from the high-demand Gran Cono crater path to agricultural itineraries like Vallone della Profica Paliata, these elements form a multi-layered tourism offering that spans natural, cultural, and experiential domains through the agricultural heritage of the area.
2.2. Research Design
The study followed a qualitative and exploratory design. Semi-structured interviews were selected as the main tool of investigation because they offered the flexibility to explore participants’ experiences and subjective interpretations while still maintaining comparability across cases. The overall objective was to map how key stakeholders perceived the role of agriculture in sustainable tourism development in the park, with a focus on identifying opportunities, strengths, weaknesses, and risks connected to agricultural activities. In adopting this design, the study sought not only to describe the current dynamics but also to contribute to cumulative knowledge by using methods that can be replicated and compared across different contexts.
2.3. Recruitment of Participants
Participant recruitment followed a purposive sampling strategy complemented by a limited snowball technique. Initially, key informants were intentionally selected based on their direct involvement in agriculture–tourism governance within the park authority, producer consortia, and civil-society organisations. Access to this wide range of stakeholders was facilitated by the Forum, the participatory body established under the ECST framework, which provided a valuable entry point to networks of accredited participants. The purposive logic allowed for the inclusion of individuals holding diverse institutional roles and knowledge domains, thereby ensuring theoretical representativeness rather than statistical generalisability [
16,
17]. Subsequently, a controlled snowball process was employed to identify additional actors through the professional and organisational networks of initial respondents. This combined approach is consistent with qualitative research conducted in complex governance contexts, where relational linkages are crucial for accessing relevant expertise while maintaining diversity and information power [
18].
Beyond their institutional affiliation, participants represented different degrees of experience and involvement. Farmers were selected from small to medium-scale holdings and included individuals with multigenerational family farms as well as entrepreneurs engaged in organic and niche production. Representatives of producer consortia brought in-depth knowledge of product certification processes and territorial branding. Cultural operators included museum directors and festival organizers with long-standing involvement in heritage valorisation. Civil society actors and NGOs contributed perspectives grounded in advocacy and community mobilisation, while representatives of the park authority and local administrations offered insights into governance and planning. This heterogeneity ensured that the sample captured not only organisational roles but also varied professional trajectories, knowledge domains, and levels of direct interaction with agricultural and tourism practices.
To ensure the adequacy of the sample, the recruitment process was guided by the principle of theoretical saturation [
19,
20]. After the eleventh interview, no new themes or conceptual categories emerged, and subsequent interviews served primarily to refine and validate existing ones. The final number of 14 participants was therefore deemed sufficient to reach saturation, given the high degree of expertise and heterogeneity among respondents (
Table 1). This aligns with the methodological literature suggesting that saturation is typically reached between 12 and 20 interviews in qualitative research of this scope, especially when participants are highly knowledgeable and strategically positioned within the field under study [
21].
A balance was intentionally maintained between different actor groups—farmers, consortia leaders, cultural and tourism operators, representatives of NGOs and civil society, and public officials—so that each major governance dimension of the ECST framework was included. This distribution allowed the research to capture the full spectrum of perspectives across production, institutional, and community levels, enhancing both depth and interpretative validity without compromising analytical coherence.
2.4. Data Collection
Data collection took place in April 2025 and combined face-to-face and online interviews, depending on participants’ availability and preferences. Conducting the interviews in spring was a deliberate methodological choice. April represents a transitional period in the Vesuvius National Park: while not yet characterised by the mass tourism flows typical of the summer and early autumn months, it is already a time when local actors are engaged in preparing activities and strategies for the upcoming high season. This timing facilitated access to participants who were less constrained by peak-season workloads, while also allowing the research to capture expectations, perceived challenges, and anticipated opportunities at the outset of the tourist cycle. In this way, the dataset reflects both retrospective assessments of past seasons and prospective orientations for the forthcoming ones, situating stakeholder perspectives within the seasonal dynamics of tourism in the park.
Each conversation lasted between 30 and 50 min, allowing sufficient time to address the main themes while also giving space for spontaneous reflections. An interview guide was developed to provide a common structure across interviews. It began with questions about the participant’s professional role and involvement in the park’s governance, then moved to sustainable tourism. A third section explored strengths, opportunities, weaknesses, and risks of agriculture–tourism integration, and a final part encouraged participants to propose recommendations for future strategies within the ECST framework. While the guide ensured that all interviews addressed comparable topics, the semi-structured format also gave the interviewer the flexibility to probe further or adapt questions to the specific expertise of the participant. This balance of structure and openness was particularly useful for capturing both expected and unexpected insights [
22].
All interviews were audio-recorded with explicit consent from participants and later transcribed verbatim in Italian. Translations into English were produced for the purpose of analysis and publication, with particular care taken to preserve the nuances of meaning. Field notes were also taken during and immediately after each interview to record contextual observations such as non-verbal cues, emotional tone, and situational elements that might help interpret the data.
2.5. Data Analysis
The interview transcripts were analysed using a thematic approach. The process began with repeated readings of the material, which allowed the researchers to become deeply familiar with the content. This immersion stage was followed by systematic coding of significant passages. Coding was carried out inductively, with NVivo software (version 14) used to organise and retrieve segments of text.
To ensure interpretive validity, the analytical process followed a constant comparison logic in which emerging codes were repeatedly checked against the raw data and against each other. Two researchers independently reviewed a subset of transcripts and discussed discrepancies until consensus was reached, ensuring intersubjective agreement. In addition, an audit trail was maintained throughout the process, documenting coding decisions and the evolution of categories.
The transformation of codes into themes occurred through iterative clustering: conceptually related codes were grouped into higher-order categories, which were then refined through team discussions and visual mapping in NVivo. This process allowed the researchers to identify five overarching themes (1. centrality of agriculture in the park’s socio-economic system; 2. agriculture as cultural heritage and economic resource; 3. civil society and community networks; 4. the crater-only experience; 5. governance and local management) that captured both the breadth and depth of stakeholder perspectives, while maintaining a close link between empirical evidence and theoretical interpretation.
2.6. Ethical Considerations
The study received formal approval from the Institutional Review Board of the Osservatorio Universitario sul Turismo (ethical approval code: A052025) of the University of Naples Federico II. All participants were provided with an information sheet detailing the objectives of the research, the voluntary nature of participation, and the measures adopted to safeguard confidentiality. Written informed consent was obtained before the start of each interview.
To protect anonymity, personal identifiers were systematically removed from transcripts and replaced with pseudonyms. In addition to pseudonymisation, further precautions were applied to ensure that individual participants could not be re-identified. Direct references to names, institutions, or other unique attributes were substituted with generic descriptors, and potentially revealing contextual details were generalised when necessary. The correspondence between pseudonyms and real identities was stored separately on encrypted and password-protected files accessible only to the research team, making the anonymisation process effectively irreversible.
Data files, including audio recordings and transcripts, were archived on secure, password-protected devices, and will be retained exclusively for research purposes. These procedures complied with the requirements of the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), which also granted participants the right to withdraw their data at any point before analysis. The ethical protocol therefore ensured that the study respected participants’ autonomy, privacy, and rights throughout the entire research process, while aligning with international standards for the responsible management of qualitative research data.
2.7. Limitations of the Study
Although the chosen methodology allowed for rich and nuanced insights, certain limitations must be acknowledged. Semi-structured interviews, by their very nature, do not provide statistically generalisable findings. The use of a combined purposive–snowball strategy may also have introduced a bias toward more visible or institutionally connected stakeholders, leaving more marginal voices under-represented. In addition, the translation of transcripts from Italian to English could have entailed minor shifts in meaning, despite the careful cross-checking conducted by the research team.
A further limitation concerns the timing of data collection. All interviews were conducted in April 2025, a period that precedes the high tourist season in the Vesuvius National Park. While this facilitated access to participants and enabled the capture of expectations and strategic planning for the upcoming season, it may also have introduced a temporal bias. Interviews conducted in a pre-seasonal context are more likely to reflect anticipatory perspectives rather than the operational realities experienced during peak months. Consequently, dynamics such as visitor management challenges, income variability, or environmental pressures may have been underrepresented or interpreted through a prospective lens.
Future research could address this limitation by adopting a longitudinal design that combines data collection before, during, and after the tourist season. Such an approach would allow for the observation of how stakeholder perceptions evolve over time and reveal cyclical patterns influencing the agriculture–tourism relationship in protected areas.
Overall, the present findings should therefore be viewed as a pre-seasonal snapshot, providing valuable but temporally situated insights into the park’s socio-ecological dynamics.
3. Results
The results emerging from the thematic analysis are organised into five interconnected themes that collectively represent the socio-ecological dynamics of the Vesuvius National Park.
Table 2 summarises the hierarchy and interconnections among the main themes, illustrating how agriculture functions as the central axis linking tourism development, community engagement, and governance processes within the ECST framework.
3.1. Centrality of Agriculture in the Park’s Socio-Economic System
The analysis revealed a strong consensus around the idea that agriculture is not a peripheral activity within the park’s socio-economic system, but rather the structural backbone upon which sustainable tourism strategies could be built, and around which the governance framework of ECST holds the greatest potential to deliver long-term benefits. This centrality emerged consistently across all sectors, whether farmers, hospitality operators, cultural institution managers, environmental NGOs, or producer consortia, and was strongly linked to both tangible and intangible heritage values.
Interviewees frequently referred to iconic Vesuvian products—such as Lacryma Christi wines, the Pomodorino del Piennolo, or the apricot varieties safeguarded by Slow Food Presidia—not only as goods of exceptional quality but also as emblems of local identity and living symbols of resilience. These products, embedded in the volcanic terroir, were described as “ambassadors” of the territory, capable of attracting visitors, sustaining rural employment, and strengthening the park’s reputation beyond national borders.
Several participants also emphasised the socio-economic dimension of agriculture, noting that it represents one of the few sectors able to anchor populations to rural areas and counter processes of outmigration and urban sprawl. Far from being a residual practice, farming was portrayed as a form of active land stewardship, indispensable to maintaining the mosaic of landscapes that visitors associate with the Vesuvian cultural identity. In this sense, stakeholders insisted that agriculture should be seen as a strategic ally of conservation and tourism development, rather than as a potential competitor for land use.
This perception situates farming at the core of territorial branding strategies, where agricultural landscapes and products are leveraged not only for their economic contribution but also for their symbolic and experiential value. Without actively managed rural areas, many respondents argued, sustainable tourism in the park would remain incomplete and unbalanced, unable to differentiate itself from standardised urban tourism in the metropolitan area of Naples.
3.2. Agriculture as Cultural Heritage and Economic Resource
The findings highlight that agriculture in the Vesuvius National Park represents both a repository of cultural and ecological heritage and a vital economic resource. Stakeholders consistently described local farming practices as expressions of identity and continuity, deeply rooted in the volcanic landscape. The protection of native species and the persistence of traditional cultivation methods are seen not merely as productive activities but as acts of cultural preservation and intangible heritage conservation. As noted by a grower of Vesuvian apricots (Interview n. 13), the 23 autochthonous varieties once emblematic of Campania’s agricultural excellence are increasingly threatened by rising temperatures and recurrent fires, while commercial chains tend to favour uniform, standardized imported products. He affirmed:
“Engaging with a global economy is a real challenge for farmers coming from rural areas like those of the Vesuvius National Park. Beyond the material and logistical difficulties, climate-related problems such as climate change and its effects make it increasingly hard to farm locally. The crop varieties produced here are of national importance, yet many of these small farms are hard to reach. Still, they strive to revitalize a territory that has often been neglected over the years. What we see is also a cultural crisis, caused by the depopulation of rural areas. Small-scale organic farming is struggling to survive. There is an immense heritage here, but managing it is extremely difficult, even at the political level.”
This statement encapsulates a wider sentiment among respondents: agriculture acts as a living archive of knowledge and practices that sustain biodiversity and maintain the distinctive cultural landscape of the volcano’s slopes. The ongoing process to obtain Protected Geographical Indication (PGI) status for Vesuvian apricots was frequently cited as an example of how heritage conservation and economic valorisation can converge. The same farmer added:
“Applying for and obtaining the PGI certification for apricots, as well as for other local products, is essential to protect local varieties while preserving the values of our territory.”
Building on this interdependence between identity and productivity, interviewees also described agriculture as a key driver of economic diversification and tourism attractiveness. Integrating agricultural activities into tourism circuits was seen as a way to ensure the viability of small-scale farms while offering visitors meaningful experiences linked to the park’s ecological and cultural narratives. Producers engaged in beekeeping, viticulture, and organic cultivation framed their work as part of a sustainable economy that combines environmental care with market opportunities. As one farmer and beekeeper explained (Interview n. 1):
“Apiculture contributes to sustainable land use while producing local honey varieties appreciated in both domestic and tourism markets.”
Similarly, the President of a local wine consortium (Interview n. 3) highlighted how collective initiatives strengthen the bond between agricultural production, community identity, and tourism promotion:
“The activities we promote are the result of a collective effort of active listening and participation, with the aim of connecting producers and local communities while building a bridge between agricultural tradition and innovation that unites nature with culture. Through events dedicated to showcasing local wine production, we disseminate our products starting from the municipalities within the park and reaching major Italian destinations, to enhance and promote the local food and wine heritage.”
Such examples show how economic valorisation reinforces rather than dilutes cultural significance. Local products are not only market commodities but also “ambassador products” that embody the park’s identity, transforming farming into a form of experiential tourism and environmental stewardship.
In this sense, the economic and cultural dimensions of agriculture are inseparable. The preservation of biodiversity sustains product quality and authenticity, while tourism provides the visibility and income necessary to maintain small-scale production. Agriculture thus emerges as both a symbolic and material foundation for sustainable tourism: a system where cultivation, heritage, and hospitality coexist in a mutually reinforcing cycle.
3.3. Civil Society and Community Networks
The role of civil society initiatives and thematic networks emerged as another pillar of the agriculture-centred vision. One of the most widespread local environmental non-profit organisations was noted for its annual national festival dedicated to environmental culture and sustainability, as well as for campaigns promoting agricultural products from protected areas. Such activities aim to link producers with tourism promotion strategies, while at the same time reinforcing regional food heritage. The President of this organisation (Interview n. 4) emphasised:
“The initiatives are designed to highlight the territory and its unique products, while also creating a network between producers and consumers. The goal is to support local excellence, make it known throughout the country, and promote local agriculture.”
Beyond the activities of individual associations, many interviewees underlined how collective action by civil society helps to create a “territorial narrative” in which agriculture is presented as a common good rather than a private activity. Local NGOs, cultural associations, and volunteer groups were seen as critical in mobilising communities, ensuring intergenerational transmission of farming knowledge, and engaging residents and visitors in co-creating sustainable practices. Community gardens and social agriculture projects were repeatedly cited as examples of initiatives that not only preserve biodiversity but also strengthen social cohesion, educational opportunities, and inclusive participation for marginalised groups.
These initiatives resonate with the principles of the Environmental Quality Label promoted by the Vesuvius National Park, which requires commitment to environmental responsibility, efficient resource use, and the valorisation of local products as part of quality standards for tourism. Civil society thus plays a bridging role: on the one hand it supports producers in enhancing the value of their goods, and on the other hand it mediates between institutions and local communities, making participatory governance tangible.
Furthermore, several stakeholders highlighted the importance of informal networks that extend beyond the park’s boundaries, linking Vesuvian actors with broader regional or national movements for sustainable agriculture and food sovereignty. Such connections amplify visibility and create synergies that would be difficult to achieve through isolated initiatives. The capacity of civil society to combine advocacy, cultural promotion, and grassroots mobilisation therefore emerged as an essential driver for integrating agriculture and tourism in a way that is socially embedded, culturally meaningful, and environmentally responsible.
3.4. The “Crater-Only” Experience
The perspectives of hospitality and cultural operators confirmed both the opportunities and the challenges of integrating agriculture into the visitor economy. The President of a local hoteliers’ association stressed that while some visitors are receptive to rural itineraries, the dominant market segment remains focused on a “crater-only” experience. Visiting the Vesuvius crater alone in fact limits the enjoyment of the park to a restricted area, excluding the other trails that are representative of the peculiar characteristics of the territory. She explained (Interview n. 10):
“For years now, we have been organising tourist packages that include visits to agricultural trails to promote and enhance the territory. However, these are not always appreciated by tourists, who often want their visits to be limited only to the Vesuvio crater. This narrow focus causes them to miss the opportunity to truly discover the territory and its lesser-known sites.”
This testimony points to a misalignment between the existing tourism demand and the broader supply of cultural and agricultural experiences. Cultural institutions echoed similar concerns but also saw opportunities. The Director of a Museum (Interview n. 7) advocated for the creation of inter-museum networks that would connect archaeological sites with rural traditions and farming landscapes:
“A network of museums in the territory is an effective response to enhancing even the museums connected to farming traditions. Working together in a network means creating connections between different cultural sites and institutions, initiating a participatory process, and fostering partnerships to support the immense tangible and intangible heritage.”
Sport–tourism initiatives provided another example of diversification. A founder of a local sport association (Interview n. 9) described how trail-running competitions, ranging from 20 to 75 km, traverse agricultural and volcanic landscapes, allowing participants to engage physically with vineyards, orchards, and historic trails. These events create powerful narratives that contrast with massified, mono-site tourism and show the potential for agriculture-based routes to disperse visitor flows.
The persistence of a “crater-only” tourism model also reflects structural governance gaps, particularly in the provision of mobility infrastructures and the coordination of itineraries across municipalities. Stakeholders frequently linked these shortcomings to the absence of integrated policies capable of redistributing flows and ensuring that agricultural and cultural sites are adequately connected and promoted.
3.5. Governance and Local Management
From a governance perspective, the ECST Forum emerged as the institutional arena capable of reconciling the multiplicity of interests identified in the interviews. Stakeholders agreed that placing agriculture at the heart of tourism planning provides a cross-cutting lever that diversifies the economic base, stabilises rural populations, strengthens destination identity, and ensures that revenues remain embedded in the local economy. As stated by an interviewee (interview n. 14):
“The Vesuvius National Park has always faced two major challenges: upholding legality and ensuring environmental sustainability. Thanks to a strong network of local stakeholders who choose to collaborate, it is possible to address both—especially with the support of agricultural communities. The park cannot be a sanctuary of biodiversity as in other contexts, the nature of this territory demands a broader vision. Here, agriculture not only supports the preservation of the land, biodiversity, and ecosystems but also sustains local culture and traditions, also through tourism experiences.”
At the same time, respondents were candid about existing barriers. Public transport limitations restrict access to rural areas, while visitor flows continue to be overly concentrated around the crater, producing recurring overcapacity between April and October. Agriculture-based itineraries, rural heritage routes, and dispersed visitor circuits were consistently mentioned as strategies to alleviate pressure on the volcano summit and to distribute benefits more evenly. Yet, as several stakeholders noted, such strategies are only viable if agricultural landscapes are actively managed, valorised, and viewed as tourism assets. Some participants also highlighted that while the ECST Forum provides a valuable local platform, its effectiveness depends on the alignment with regional planning instruments and European sustainability frameworks. Without such vertical coordination, local initiatives risk remaining fragmented or symbolic.
4. Discussion
The findings of this study reinforce the idea that agriculture is not a peripheral economic activity within the Vesuvius National Park but a structural pillar of sustainable tourism and territorial governance. This resonates strongly with the broader literature on rural multifunctionality and ecosystem service provisioning in peri-urban protected areas [
23,
24,
25]. By placing agriculture at the core of the park’s sustainable tourism strategies, stakeholders articulated a vision of farming that goes beyond its productive role, recognising it as a custodian of biodiversity, a transmitter of cultural traditions, a source of identity, and a differentiating factor for tourism in a fragile volcanic environment. Such a vision underscores how the park exemplifies the hybrid socio-ecological character of Mediterranean protected landscapes, where human activity and conservation are intertwined rather than opposed [
26,
27]. The effort to obtain PGI certification for Vesuvian apricots exemplifies how heritage conservation, economic value, and territorial branding can converge, strengthening resilience against homogenising market forces [
28].
At the same time, the findings also expose several conflicts that are likely to recur in other Mediterranean and peri-urban protected areas. Stakeholders frequently mentioned spatial competition between agricultural land and tourism infrastructure, particularly in municipalities where urban expansion and visitor facilities exert pressure on limited rural spaces. Rising land prices, driven by tourism investment and real-estate speculation, were perceived as a direct threat to the continuity of small-scale farming. Moreover, climate-related risks—such as wildfires, drought, and soil degradation—were identified as critical stressors that simultaneously affect agricultural viability and tourism safety. These tensions suggest that the coexistence of agriculture and tourism cannot be taken for granted but must be continuously negotiated through adaptive spatial planning, transparent land-use regulation, and participatory monitoring mechanisms.
The valorisation of agricultural landscapes as “living archives” supports the idea that protected areas are not static natural reserves but dynamic socio-ecological systems where conservation is achieved through active human stewardship. In this context, farmers in the Vesuvius Park emerge as strategic partners in conservation and tourism governance, able to transform traditional practices into experiential and educational tourism products which diversify and decentralise the offering in a context monopolised by cultural tourism linked to the two archaeological parks in the area (Herculaneum and Pompeii) and visits to the
Gran Cono, the summit area of the volcano, which has been heavily touristified over the last decade [
29].
The results also highlight the role of sustainable tourism in enabling small-scale agriculture to resist structural pressures. Farmers stressed that climate change, market globalisation, and demographic decline undermine the viability of traditional agriculture, yet tourism provides an alternative channel to maintain livelihoods, reinforcing the value of tourism as an alternative food network through activities such as visits to production sites and direct sales [
30]. This finding is in line with studies on the economic and ecological benefits of multifunctional farming systems [
31,
32]. In particular, the alignment between niche agricultural activities and experiential tourism was evident in examples such as apiculture, where beekeeping simultaneously sustains biodiversity and provides marketable products for tourism. Similarly, viticulture, supported by promotional fairs and events, transforms Vesuvian wines into “ambassador products” that embody both agricultural prestige and territorial identity. This integration describes the dual role of agriculture in resisting the homogenisation of global food systems while anchoring economic benefits locally [
33,
34]. By connecting agricultural products to visitor experiences, the park leverages agriculture not only as a sector under threat but as a cross-sectoral resource capable of generating resilience and reinforcing place branding.
Civil society initiatives emerged in the findings as essential actors in operationalising the values of the ECST. Organisations such as environmental NGOs and local groups carry out programmes that promote food heritage, biodiversity, and sustainable farming. These activities exemplify how ECST principles are translated into practice through campaigns, festivals, and educational projects, which reinforce the Environmental Quality Label as a mechanism to codify eco-responsible practices [
35].
According to data, while some visitors are receptive to rural itineraries that link vineyards, orchards, and cultural sites, as mentioned above, the majority remain focused on a “crater-only” experience. This pattern risks degrading over-visited areas while leaving broader cultural landscapes underexplored [
36,
37,
38]. Accordingly, it is important to design integrated tourism products capable of shifting demand beyond the crater. The proposal for inter-museum networks that link archaeological heritage with agricultural traditions illustrates how tourism products can be diversified to include both tangible and intangible heritage [
39]. Similarly, sport–tourism events such as trail-running competitions show how visitor flows can be channelled through agricultural zones, offering immersive experiences that combine physical endurance with cultural discovery [
40,
41].
It is important to note that findings also reveal several tensions and divergences that warrant critical reflection. Most previous ECST-related studies emphasise rural remoteness and ecological preservation as key assets for sustainable development [
42,
43,
44], whereas the Vesuvius case illustrates how high anthropisation, urban pressure, and environmental risks require adaptive governance models that the current ECST guidelines only partially address. Moreover, the data suggest that agriculture in peri-urban protected areas operates not merely as a cultural or economic function, but as an interface sector that mediates between conservation, tourism, and local identity. This hybrid role challenges traditional dichotomies between “production” and “protection” often found in the literature on rural development [
45]. In addition, while participatory governance is typically portrayed as a stabilising factor [
46], local stakeholders indicated that civic participation can also be uneven and fragile, depending on institutional continuity and the availability of incentives. Accordingly, the Vesuvian experience underscores the need for a more context-sensitive and adaptive ECST framework that explicitly accounts for peri-urban complexity, infrastructural constraints, and socio-ecological volatility. In this sense, the ECST Forum was consistently identified as the institutional platform capable of integrating agricultural stakeholders into sustainable tourism strategies, stressing the importance of participatory governance in enabling adaptive co-management. The Forum’s collaborative design allows heterogeneous actors—from farmers to NGOs, from municipal officials to consortia leaders—to share resources, resolve conflicts, and build consensus on strategic priorities. By embedding agriculture within governance frameworks, the Forum enhances resilience through stabilising rural populations, embedding economic benefits locally, and reinforcing authentic destination identity. Yet, operational challenges remain. In particular, infrastructural deficits—especially in public transport—hinder the dispersion of visitor flows to rural areas. Furthermore, the risk of bureaucratisation may weaken stakeholder engagement if participatory processes become symbolic rather than substantive. The findings on seasonality and flow concentration also underline that the integration of agriculture into tourism cannot be reduced to isolated projects but requires structured policy interventions across scales. Transport accessibility, marketing strategies, and certification systems emerge from the data not only as operational needs but as governance challenges demanding coordinated action [
29,
47].
Beyond confirming the relevance of the ECST as a governance tool, the interviews also revealed several original insights that could inform the future evolution of the Charter framework. First, stakeholders consistently viewed agriculture not as a sectoral component but as a cross-cutting governance lever that strengthens local identity, biodiversity management, and economic diversification. This suggests the need to recognise agri-food systems more explicitly within ECST strategic guidelines, particularly for Mediterranean protected areas where rural and urban dynamics intersect. Second, the study highlights the value of informal civic and producer networks as complementary to the formal ECST Forum. Their ability to sustain participation beyond project cycles shows how bottom-up engagement can enhance the resilience and legitimacy of Charter processes. Third, participants emphasised the importance of context-sensitive application of ECST principles, arguing that peri-urban parks require more flexible mobility and visitor-management models than those envisaged in rural or alpine contexts. These contributions, grounded in empirical stakeholder evidence, extend the practical validity of the ECST by aligning its governance approach with emerging socio-ecological challenges in complex protected landscapes.
Beyond these local challenges, the results have broader implications for other Mediterranean and peri-urban protected areas where ecological fragility and social complexity intersect. The Vesuvian experience shows that integrating agriculture into sustainable tourism strategies can strengthen resilience, but only when governance frameworks explicitly recognise hybrid socio-ecological systems rather than idealised rural models. Lessons from this case may thus inform the implementation of the ECST in similar contexts by emphasising the importance of flexible planning tools, cross-sector coordination, and climate-adaptive management. In this regard, the park serves as a laboratory for reinterpreting the ECST principles under conditions of high urban pressure and environmental vulnerability, offering transferable insights for other territories seeking to balance conservation, production, and tourism development.
5. Conclusions
This study contributes to the theoretical conceptualisation of sustainable tourism governance by showing that agriculture can function as a cross-cutting driver of resilience in peri-urban protected areas. It expands the literature on the ECST by highlighting the hybrid socio-ecological nature of Mediterranean landscapes, where conservation and production coexist rather than compete. The Vesuvius National Park exemplifies how the inclusion of agriculture within ECST governance models transforms it from a sectoral activity into a mechanism for place-making, biodiversity stewardship, and socio-cultural continuity. By emphasising these interconnections, the research reframes the ECST not only as a certification system but as a dynamic platform for integrating ecological, cultural, and economic objectives in complex territorial contexts.
Nevertheless, operational challenges persist. Visitor flows are highly concentrated around the crater, while infrastructural deficits, especially in public transport, limit access to rural itineraries.
Within this framework, policy implications emerge at multiple scales and should be addressed in terms of both urgency and responsibility. At the local level, the immediate priority lies in improving accessibility and visitor dispersion within the park. Investments in public transport and digital mobility solutions are essential, and their implementation should be coordinated by the park authority in partnership with municipalities and local transport agencies. At the same time, producer consortia and tourism operators must be actively involved to ensure that improved infrastructure translates into effective agricultural itineraries and diversified visitor experiences.
At the regional level, priority should be given to integrating the park’s agricultural-tourism strategy into broader territorial development plans. This requires the Campania Region to mobilise resources for rural regeneration, support quality labelling and foster multi-actor governance platforms. Regional agencies can also play a key role in facilitating partnerships between agricultural networks and cultural institutions, thereby ensuring that tourism circuits include both tangible and intangible heritage.
At the European level, policy measures should focus on consolidating and scaling quality certification systems such as PGI and the Environmental Quality Label, aligning them with the EU’s Farm to Fork strategy and rural development programmes [
48]. The European Commission and the EUROPARC Federation can thus provide frameworks that reinforce local branding while embedding the park within transnational sustainability networks.
Overall, the policy challenge is not only operational but also strategic: it requires prioritising actions that strengthen participatory governance and secure long-term resilience. Without clear attribution of responsibilities across scales and actors, operational interventions risk remaining fragmented or symbolic rather than transformative.
Future action should therefore focus on strengthening networks between agricultural producers, tourism operators, civil society, and public authorities to enhance innovation and resilience. Encouraging young generations to engage in farming through training, incentives, and partnerships with schools and universities could also help counter demographic decline in the sector. Finally, climate adaptation measures, including wildfire risk management and the protection of crop diversity, must be prioritised to secure the ecological foundations upon which both agriculture and tourism depend.