Search Results (22)

Revealing the complex system of transboundary conflicts would help to understand the behavior of states and anticipate potential actions that would collectively reflect the state doctrine. However, a specific approach to the state political doctrine (SPD) for governing transboundary water has not been formalized. The core academic contribution of this research is to formalize the structure of the SPD for transboundary water, which might assist in fostering water cooperation and peacebuilding in one of the most conflict-prone regions—the Middle East and South Africa—by examining the upstream countries’ behavior. Case studies include Turkey in the Euphrates–Tigris Basins, Israel in the Jordan River Basin, and Ethiopia in the Nile River Basin. The theoretical framework presents a new paradigm that systematically links a state’s essential drivers, political philosophy, and potential actions, employing the Hegelian dialectic of thesis–antithesis–synthesis and the three Doctrines of Being, Essence, and Concept to articulate the state’s behavior and its indispensable core principles for survival. It is integrated with Arnold Toynbee’s challenge-and-response theory to analyze upstream motives. This study reviewed 328 documents and pieces of literature alongside 105 expert discussions. The key findings include the three upstream countries embracing different SPDs to address specific challenges at the state level, where Turkey employs the Water-Bank Doctrine, Israel utilizes the Identity-Seeking Doctrine, and Ethiopia adopts the Nation Rise Power Doctrine. Besides the critical external challenges that limit water availability, such as the impact of climate change, the time factor is a crucial key to shifting the bargaining power and impacting the adopted SPD, thereby affecting water diplomacy and regional water cooperation. Full article

This article examines the role of religion in Russia’s national security system through the lens of ontological security, assessing whether contemporary Russia is undergoing a process of desecularisation or, conversely, an intensified form of secularisation. Employing the theoretical framework of ontological security, this study argues that Russia’s securitisation of religion serves as a mechanism for consolidating state control, legitimising authoritarian governance, and constructing a distinct civilisational identity in opposition to Western liberalism. The Russian Orthodox Church, rather than functioning as an autonomous religious institution, has been absorbed into the state apparatus, where it operates as an instrument of state ideology. Religious rhetoric permeates Russian strategic security documents, reinforcing narratives of national exceptionalism, historical continuity, and moral superiority, particularly in justifying Russia’s geopolitical ambitions and military actions, including its war against Ukraine. The analysis challenges prevailing interpretations of religious resurgence in Russia, arguing that the increasing presence of religion in public life does not necessarily signify desecularisation. Instead, the instrumentalisation of religion for political and security purposes suggests a process of extreme secularisation, wherein religious institutions lose their autonomy and doctrinal substance, becoming tools of state power. Full article

Under current Supreme Court doctrine under the First Amendment, constitutional complaints that a state university has selected its faculty on ideological grounds—that it has “cast a pall of orthodoxy over the classroom”, in the language of the court from 1967—face three barriers. States may claim that an ideologically uniform faculty is required for the efficient performance of government functions, that it represents the state’s own speech, or that faculty’s expression of ideology is part of their jobs, subject to an uncertain exception for “expression related to academic scholarship or classroom instruction”. This article looks at these claims from the perspective that the Court has used with increasing frequency: the meaning expressed by the text of the Fourteenth Amendment in its original 1868 context. While there are strong arguments that the Fourteenth Amendment does not apply the First Amendment’s meaning as of 1791 against states, the Fourteenth Amendment does require that citizens of all political and religious creeds receive the same civil rights as similarly situated fellow citizens. However, the “civil rights” covered by the Fourteenth Amendment in 1868 excluded “political rights” to influence the government and serve on its behalf. State universities’ Fourteenth Amendment obligations of ideological neutrality thus run not directly to faculty, but to students. An ideologically slanted process of faculty selection violates students’ civil rights in the same way that a racially biased process of jury selection violates defendants’ rights to a fair trial. Full article

This study examines how cognitive mechanisms shaped the understanding and ritualization of wonhan (寃恨, resentment) in Joseon Korea, particularly in the context of disasters. Drawing on cognitive science and historical analysis, it demonstrates that while wonhan functioned as a shared conceptual framework across social boundaries, debates over wonhon (寃魂, resentful spirits) exposed ideological tensions in state orthodoxy. Through an analysis of key historical cases, particularly the 1451 Sinmi Year Rituals, the study shows how the tension between intention-based and system-based reasoning was negotiated within ritual practices and political discourse. The research reveals that state rituals, especially yeoje, served as sites where these competing reasoning modes interacted. Even as state officials maintained system-based interpretations of resentment as disruptive energy, the inherently anthropomorphic nature of ritual prayer necessitated treating the deceased as intentional agents. This created a practical synthesis of divergent reasoning modes within ritual contexts. By examining the cognitive foundations of wonhan and wonhon, this study highlights the multilayered nature of contentious religious issues. It demonstrates how shared conceptual ground can emerge even within seemingly opposed perspectives and how conflicting reasoning modes can coexist in ritual contexts. The findings suggest that religious disputes are not solely doctrinal conflicts but also reflect deeper cognitive tendencies that shape divergent interpretations. Full article

This paper explores the complex interaction between Buddhist non-killing doctrines and the pervasive hunting culture in China during the 3rd to 6th centuries AD. While Buddhist teachings emphasized abstaining from killing, they also had to adapt to a society where hunting was common, impacting behavior at personal, royal, and state policy levels. The conflict between Buddhist values and hunting practices was not just an ethical opposition but also a reflection of deeper societal dynamics involving political power and cultural adaptation. Through a detailed analysis of the Memoirs of Eminent Monks and other historical texts, this paper examines how monks balanced religious precepts with the realities of their time. It also investigates Buddhism’s influence on royal hunting activities and state policies, particularly its contribution to hunting bans. By doing so, the study sheds light on how Buddhism shaped Chinese society and governance, offering new perspectives on the long-lasting cultural and political effects of Buddhist doctrines. Full article

In order to highlight the unprecedented character of Enlightenment toleration theories and their decisive role in the intellectual history of modern freedoms, these theories are often depicted as principled, based on individual rights, and aimed at doctrinal pluralism. In contrast, earlier defenses of toleration are usually portrayed as pragmatic, based on reason of state, and aimed at doctrinal consensus. This article challenges the notion that Enlightenment thinkers advocated toleration primarily in the name of pluralism and individual freedom. Instead, it suggests that most of them drew the line between what should and should not be tolerated based on pragmatic considerations aimed at advancing the common interest of political communities, strengthening the state’s power over religious authority, and reuniting societies divided by theological quarrels and wars of religion. Full article

This paper examines the usage of different phrases naming “religious freedom” in international treaties and European Union member states constitutional texts in order to identify traces of contemporary ideological polarization in relation to the main political ideologies, socialism, liberalism and conservatism. Considering the methodological approach, I theorize the meaning of “religious freedom” as the right to believe or not in a higher power or divinity, while also discussing the positive and the negative aspects of religious freedom together with the three major political doctrines. The results present clusters on the way each phrase used to name “religious freedom” is tied up with each of the three major political doctrines: freedom from/within religion (socialism), freedom of religion or belief (liberalism), and religious freedom (conservatism). The main conclusion of the paper is that within the contemporary political and administrative democratic spectrum, the three different phrases used at international level to name “religious freedom” and corresponding to socialism, liberalism and conservatism are describing religious freedom in a polarized manner, from liability to asset: in socialism as liberation from the negative and discriminatory power of religion, in liberalism as an civic attitude, while for conservatives religious freedom stands is coined a political value within the nation building process. Full article

Classical organizational management literature draws clear parallels between organizational culture and climate and effective use of power and influence as key to successful policy implementation of reforms in public sector organizations. On the other hand, the public policy literature, in particular, policy transfer as a strand within policy studies, emphasizes the role of the national context, more specifically, ‘facilitators’ and ‘constraints’ of ‘‘politico-administrative culture” within the national context, as crucial to understanding processes of transfer, convergence, and diffusion of public policy. There is a plethora of studies by Western scholars of public management who have successfully utilized these theoretical underpinnings to study the effectiveness of public service reforms in mature policy environments such as the UK, the US, Australia, New Zealand, and others. However, the public policy and comparative public management literature only offers a limited number of case studies from developing, middle-/upper-middle countries, which rely on concepts of organizational management in addition to narratives on the impact of policy learning from global doctrines, such as Weberianism, New Public Management (NPM), and New Public Governance (NPG), and national politics, on the implementation of administrative reforms in those contexts. Kazakhstan, as a resource-affluent post-Soviet country and a bastion of modernization and ‘open government’ in Central Asia or the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) in the post-Soviet era is a case in point. Based on ethnographic research consisting of interviews with elite academics, civil servants, and think-tank activists, as well as reviews of OECD and government strategy reports in Astana, the findings point to a potential abatement of the impact of context constraints such as large power distance and collectivist behavior by context facilitators such as those surrounding the use of ‘trilingualism’ and public diplomacy towards reforms in Kazakhstan particularly in recent years. Full article

In many North American Protestant circles, especially those with Baptist or Free Church roots, the notion of the total separation of church and state is presented as the ideal to be attained in all church and state relations. We are told that the state should have no legislative power to ordain anything in relation to church doctrine or practice, and that the church should be entirely excluded from all political, secular, or state actions. In this paper, we are going to suggest that such an approach to church–state relations (even though some might think that it flows from or is necessary for democracy) is, in fact, impossible in a true democracy. We will first consider the nature of the church and the state, and present three principles that Maritain suggests are first principles in this debate. We will then look at the classical notion of the “Citizen”. We will conclude by arguing that based upon the nature of a citizen, of the church, and of the state, a strict separation of church and state is, in fact, impossible. Full article

The Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) presents itself as a defender of traditional Christian values. Among these values, representatives of the ROC mention concern for marriage and family. To what extent is the position of the ROC an expression of commitment to the traditional Christian concept of marriage and family? In this article, we analyse the contemporary Orthodox discourse in Russia since Kirill Gundyayev became the Patriarch of Moscow in 2009. From a political science and security studies perspective, we highlight the main ideological elements of this discourse. We contrast these elements with similar content in Russian official documents and Vladimir Putin’s statements. An analysis of what the ROC says about the problems and protection of marriage and family in Russia, against the background of Putin’s statements and the actions of the state authorities, shows that the ROC’s discourse on marriage and family echoes the main themes of the political discourse controlled by the state authorities. In its understanding of marriage and in its efforts on behalf of the family, the ROC represents a conservative doctrinal position. Although, in doctrinal terms, it essentially expresses the traditional Christian teaching on marriage, the strong ideologisation and securitisation of demographic issues in Russia are also reflected in church discourse. Full article

Since World War II, the countries of Western Europe have gradually gone towards economic, social, and political integration. This was influenced by states, institutions, social partners, and churches. The Christian trade unions also contributed to that end. This contribution was the result of the interaction between the laborers’ religion and their desire to act collectively. Those unions followed the social doctrines of the Catholic Church and/or Protestant Churches while strongly disagreeing with socialist or communist unions. During the Interwar period, their members were subjected to the violent actions of the totalitarian governments in many European countries. Those governments eliminated Christian unions and, in some cases, persecuted their leaders. After the war, Christian unions embraced the “Peace Project”, advocating for European and global peace. They also cooperated with many political and social leaders during the formation of the EEC. Christian unions aimed at improving political systems in Western Europe, promoting freedom of religion, and defending the Communist threat. In this article, we describe the ways in which the Catholic and Protestant labor unions tried to promote political, economic, and social cooperation in Europe. To this end, we will examine their pertinent material and actions on the Old Continent. Finally, we will discuss the current challenges faced by the Christian unions and their stance towards neoliberal capitalism and globalization—these new developments in the long history of Christian Europe. Full article

Using water to enforce a political agenda is a global concern for peacebuilding. Hence, understanding hydro-politics is essential when predicting possible water-based conflict scenarios between riparian countries. A structured theory covering most of the possible events involved in hydro-politics would help assess with a sufficient understanding the reasons and consequences of water conflict. This study proposed a comprehensive theory of hydro-politics, particularly those related to water impoundment and water control through upstream country dams, to identify the root causes of water conflicts between riparian states and the factors of global challenges that arise in conflicts. The framework used eight phases elaborated on the key theories of international relations and demonstrated the possible connection between water conflict/cooperation events and the adopted international relations doctrine at the state level. Each phase illustrates the hydro-political relations between the riparian countries, expected level of conflict, power balance, and possible consequences. Additionally, 21 international case studies were used to illustrate these phases. The theory may assist decision makers in analyzing collective risk and alleviating any expected negative implications of water conflicts. Full article

During the Korean War, conflicts between right-wing Protestants and radical socialists escalated and erupted into massacres, killing thousands of Korean civilians. Such extreme violence and tumultuous events afterwards—including Korea’s division into two separate states and the Cold War system—eclipsed the imbricated interactions between Protestant Christianity and socialism under Japanese colonial rule. While focusing on Korean Protestantism and socialism to probe their contest and compromise for survival, this article traces the tripartite relationship among the followers of Protestant Christianity, Marxist socialism, and Japanese imperialism as it evolved throughout colonial Korea between 1910 and 1945. These 35 years comprised a period of multiple possibilities for interaction among Korean Protestants, socialists, and Japanese authorities in the changing global environment. The international organizations with which they were associated influenced Korean Protestants and Marxist socialists while facing the common crisis of Japan’s assimilation. Namely, the Korean Protestant churches affiliated with Western missionaries’ denomination headquarters in their home countries and world Christian conferences, while the Korean socialists allied with Moscow’s Comintern and other radical political movements abroad. Within this broader context, these two religious and ideological forces competed for supremacy, cooperated in a joint struggle against the colonial regime, and antagonized each other over their divergent worldviews. By examining their complicated tripartite relationship, this essay comprehensively depicts the dynamic history of the Western-derived religious and political doctrines meeting a non-Western empire in a foreign land. Full article

By investigating the formation of Twelver Shīʿī theology, this article seeks to show that, despite being political and despite its advocacy of pure theocracy, living in the shadow of a secular state is part of Shīʿī religious doctrine. It is argued that existential threats against Proto-Twelver Shīʿism during its formative centuries led to a messianic conception of the twelfth Imām, the only person whose direct leadership can enable a religiously legitimate state to be formed. Therefore, until his return—which is subject to the will of God—all rulers are usurpers and imposers on the right of the twelfth Imām. Shīʿī leaders are not allowed to seize the institution of government, and non-governmentalism is institutionalized as part of Shīʿī political theology. Instead of focusing on the characteristics of a legitimate ruler and how to form a legitimate government, the founding Shīʿī scholars were concerned with how to co-exist with a usurper. It will be demonstrated that these scholars had differing ideas about the scope and scale of engagement/disengagement with the institution of the state, but none of them discussed the possibility of forming a religiously legitimate government before the return of the twelfth Imām. Full article

Religious secularity and Islam have not often been considered in the West as comfortable bedfellows, yet the Islamic revolution in Iran in 1979 questioned assumptions about the appropriateness of separate spheres for religion and politics. However, within a decade of the revolution, theoretical and intellectual shifts were visible in the Iranian seminaries, and alternative views about the doctrine of velāyat-e faqih (guardianship of the jurists) which twinned religion and politics together, were being discussed. Such shifts transformed the doctrine from one which had a divine mandate to one that in practice emanated from the people. This article focuses upon the ideas of a mid-ranking reformist seminarian, Ahmad Qābel (d. 2012), whose tight adherence to reason resulted in him ultimately rejecting velāyat-e faqih, and calling for a form of religious secularity in which the seminary remained divorced from state structures and institutions. For Qābel, this did not mean the creation of an irreligious society, but the establishment of a more open and pluralist one, in which religious differences could be voiced. Qābel’s short essay on velāyat-e faqih is utilised herein to outline the main arguments of those who have refuted the doctrine. Qābel’s complete rejection of velāyat-e faqih is important because it went much further than the view of his spiritual mentor, Ayatollah Montazeri, who sought reform of the idea. As such, it demonstrates that within the seminary there is much difference of opinion, although there are very few (such as Qābel) who have the courage to articulate their opposition to the “official” view. Qābel’s essay provides a straightforward entry-point into a complex topic, employing the kinds of rationalist argumentation that he learnt within the seminarian environment of Iran. Full article