Negotiating Wonhan: Cognitive Frameworks and Ritual Responses to Unresolved Grievances in Joseon Korea

Abstract

This study examines how cognitive mechanisms shaped the understanding and ritualization of wonhan (寃恨, resentment) in Joseon Korea, particularly in the context of disasters. Drawing on cognitive science and historical analysis, it demonstrates that while wonhan functioned as a shared conceptual framework across social boundaries, debates over wonhon (寃魂, resentful spirits) exposed ideological tensions in state orthodoxy. Through an analysis of key historical cases, particularly the 1451 Sinmi Year Rituals, the study shows how the tension between intention-based and system-based reasoning was negotiated within ritual practices and political discourse. The research reveals that state rituals, especially yeoje, served as sites where these competing reasoning modes interacted. Even as state officials maintained system-based interpretations of resentment as disruptive energy, the inherently anthropomorphic nature of ritual prayer necessitated treating the deceased as intentional agents. This created a practical synthesis of divergent reasoning modes within ritual contexts. By examining the cognitive foundations of wonhan and wonhon, this study highlights the multilayered nature of contentious religious issues. It demonstrates how shared conceptual ground can emerge even within seemingly opposed perspectives and how conflicting reasoning modes can coexist in ritual contexts. The findings suggest that religious disputes are not solely doctrinal conflicts but also reflect deeper cognitive tendencies that shape divergent interpretations.

1. Understanding Wonhan Through a Cognitive and Historical Lens

Human death transcends mere physical cessation, leaving profound psychological and emotional imprints on the living. Survivors often grapple with lingering questions about the emotions or grievances of the deceased, imagining unresolved sorrows or resentments persisting beyond death. This can create psychological burdens, occasionally perceived to have tangible impacts on the living. In Korean society, such unresolved emotions are distinctly articulated through the concept of wonhan (寃恨, resentment), encompassing unfulfilled grievances of the dead that disrupt harmony. Unlike the supernatural notion of wonhon (寃魂, resentful spirits), wonhan represents a broader moral and cosmological imbalance, addressed through cultural, literary, and ritual practices. These practices highlight the enduring interplay between the living and the deceased, particularly in disaster contexts.

An enduring idiom from the era, “Even the wonhan of a single woman can cause three years of drought”, captures the cultural resonance of wonhan in Joseon society. Yet, the engagement with wonhan was marked by nuanced and contested interpretations. While wonhan was widely acknowledged as a moral and cosmological force capable of explaining disasters, the rituals addressing it often sparked ideological debates. Officials drew a critical distinction between rejecting the literal agency of wonhon and validating wonhan as a potent ethical and metaphysical concept. This tension highlights how beliefs surrounding wonhan and wonhon were deeply embedded in the cultural, religious, and political fabric of the era, reflecting broader negotiations between popular traditions and state doctrines.1

This paper aims to explore why attributing disasters to wonhan was a prevalent explanatory model during the Joseon Dynasty, while also investigating the sources of ritual and ideological contention surrounding these beliefs. By examining the cognitive and psychological mechanisms underlying religious thought, this study sheds light on how and why wonhan became an enduring yet divisive aspect of Joseon society’s response to calamities.

The study of wonhan (resentment) and wonhon (resentful spirits) in the Joseon Dynasty has been significantly advanced by Korean literary scholarship (J.-o. Kang 2002; Cho 2003; S.-s. Kang 2014; Kwon 2014). Researchers have examined how these concepts appear in Joseon novels and anecdotal tales (yadam), often framing them as symbolic representations of societal grievances and justice. Such works highlight how wonhan and wonhon functioned as narrative tools to navigate cultural anxieties. Beyond their literary representation, wonhan has also been examined as a vehicle for marginalized groups, particularly women, to assert agency within restrictive legal systems. J.M. Kim (2017) demonstrates that women who were otherwise excluded from formal litigation could employ wonhan as a rhetorical strategy, enabling their participation in legal proceedings and amplifying their voices in the patriarchal judicial context.

Studies of Korean shamanism and folk religion have further explored the ritual and metaphysical dimensions of wonhon. Early scholarship highlighted wonhon as a distinctive feature of Korean shamanistic practices, rooted in the dichotomy between “normal” and “abnormal” deaths or between ancestors and unfulfilled spirits (G.-s. Choi 2010; T.-g. Kim 1985). Furthermore, Lee (2009) has argued that wonhon, originally emerging from popular beliefs, were integrated into state ceremonies such as the yeoje. However, this paper takes a more critical stance on this perspective. It suggests that wonhan, being a purely general folk concept, was a shared framework across elite and popular classes. The core tension, therefore, was not about the inclusion of popular beliefs but about whether wonhon as an ontological category should be officially recognized. This distinction moves beyond the dichotomy of “popular” versus “elite” and emphasizes the universal cultural logic of wonhan in Joseon society, while identifying the ideological rift surrounding wonhon as a separate issue.

Existing research has primarily focused on the conditions under which wonhan and wonhon were recognized or on their symbolic and ontological significance. Few studies have explored the cognitive underpinnings that made wonhan a compelling explanation for disasters, not as a concept dividing elites and commoners, but as a shared framework transcending social hierarchies, and examined the ideological tensions between acknowledging wonhan and rejecting wonhon. This study addresses these gaps by situating the discourse on wonhan and wonhon within the cognitive mechanisms of religious thought. Through an analysis of the Sinmi Year Rituals (1451), it argues that these tensions arose from the interplay between intention-based and system-based reasoning. This research further investigates how ritual practices reconciled these conflicts, enabling divergent frameworks to coexist within Joseon’s ritual traditions.

This study employs a cognitive and historical approach to investigate the religious reasoning underpinning the Joseon Dynasty’s engagement with wonhan and wonhon. Drawing on cognitive science, it examines two modes of religious reasoning: intention-based and system-based reasoning. Intention-based reasoning, rooted in the detection of agency and purpose in natural phenomena, offers insight into why humans instinctively attribute supernatural causes to disasters. This perspective draws on concepts such as Hyperactive Agency Detection Device (HADD), Theory of Mind, and anthropomorphism. In contrast, system-based reasoning is characterized by analytical, rule-driven cognition, akin to Daniel Kahneman’s System 2 framework (Kahneman 2011). By juxtaposing these two reasoning modes, this study highlights their interplay in shaping the divergent responses to wonhan and wonhon during the Joseon period.

To explore how wonhan was understood and ritualized, this research draws on a wide range of primary sources from the Joseon period. Core materials include state chronicles like the Joseon Wangjo Sillok (朝鮮王朝實錄), ritual documents such as Yeoje deungnok (厲祭謄錄), and various prayer texts (祭文/祝文) composed for disaster-related rituals. These sources not only document official responses to disasters but also reveal the complex reasoning processes behind ritual practices. The prayers and debates recorded in these texts provide invaluable insights into how different modes of religious reasoning—both intention-based and system-based—operated in practice. While official sources predominantly reflect elite perspectives, they also capture tensions between different approaches to understanding disasters and ritual responses, allowing us to trace how various cognitive frameworks coexisted and competed within Joseon society.

The structure of the paper reflects this methodological foundation. Section 2 provides a theoretical framework, delineating the two modes of religious reasoning and their cognitive underpinnings. It explores how intention-based reasoning serves as a default mechanism for interpreting crises, while system-based reasoning introduces doctrinal rigidity that can exacerbate ideological tensions. Section 3 applies this framework to the case of the 1451 Sinmi Year Rituals, a pivotal moment in the Joseon Dynasty’s engagement with wonhan and wonhon. This chapter examines how Confucian scholars’ system-based reasoning clashed with more intuitive, intention-based interpretations, culminating in ritualistic and ideological conflict over the recognition of wonhon. Section 4 analyzes the broader implications of this case, focusing on how rituals acted as a canopy for negotiating and reconciling these divergent reasoning modes. By framing the ritual process as a site of negotiation, the chapter demonstrates how intention-based and system-based reasoning coexisted within a unified ceremonial framework, despite their underlying tensions.

In tracing these dynamics, this paper critiques the conventional dichotomy between popular and elite belief systems, proposing that wonhan functioned as a folk concept—a shared cultural framework spanning social strata—while its treatment as wonhon unveiled ideological fissures. Ultimately, this study reveals how cognitive mechanisms shaped not only the intellectual but also the ritualistic landscapes of the Joseon Dynasty, enabling divergent understandings to persist within the same religious and political milieu.

2. Cognitive Foundations of Wonhan: Two Modes of Religious Reasoning

Human religious cognition is fundamentally rooted in innate cognitive mechanisms. Among these, the intuitive ability to infer the intentions and purposes of unseen agents plays a pivotal role in shaping religious thought (Barrett 2004; Boyer 2001). This cognitive foundation helps explain why the concept of wonhan (resentment) held such significance in Joseon Korea. Emerging from experiences of unjust deaths and unresolved tensions, wonhan became a lens through which people interpreted societal crises, particularly disasters. While wonhan invoked moral and emotional dimensions, its influence extended into ritual and governance, illustrating the dynamic interplay between human empathy and structured cosmological frameworks.

This chapter explores how wonhan was understood and ritualized through two contrasting modes of reasoning: intention-based reasoning, which emphasized agency, and system-based reasoning, which aligned with Confucian cosmology. By examining these frameworks, we gain insight into the ideological tensions and ritual adaptations that shaped Joseon society’s responses to calamities.

2.1. Two Modes of Human Reasoning: General Framework

Human reasoning operates through two primary cognitive systems that address distinct challenges of interpretation and decision making. Kahneman (2011) conceptualized these systems as System 1 and System 2, while Mercier and Sperber (2009) referred to them as intuitive and reflective inferences. System 1 encompasses rapid, automatic processes that function largely unconsciously, relying on cognitive heuristics to facilitate quick judgments. By contrast, System 2 involves slower, deliberate, and effortful analytical reasoning, essential for solving complex or unfamiliar problems (Kahneman 2011; Mercier and Sperber 2009). This chapter adopts this framework, analyzing these reasoning modes as intention-based reasoning and system-based reasoning.

Intention-based reasoning reflects the natural cognitive tendency to infer the intentions and purposes of agents. This mode relies on evolved cognitive mechanisms, including the Hyperactive Agency Detection Device (HADD), Theory of Mind (ToM), meta-representation, and anthropomorphism. The HADD exemplifies a cognitive mechanism that predisposes humans to detect agency even in ambiguous or unexplained phenomena. This evolutionary adaptation prioritizes survival by minimizing the risk of overlooking genuine threats, such as predators or other dangers, and has the unintended effect of fostering belief in supernatural entities (Barrett 2004; Atran 2002; Boyer 2001). Closely related to this is the Theory of Mind (ToM), a cognitive faculty that allows individuals to infer the mental states of others, including their beliefs, desires, and intentions, based on observable behavior. While primarily applied in social contexts, ToM also extends to non-human agents, facilitating the attribution of agency to spirits, deities, and other supernatural forces (Epley and Waytz 2010; Bering 2006; Guthrie 1993).

This capacity is further enhanced by anthropomorphism, which attributes human-like characteristics to non-human agents, rendering abstract entities more relatable. In religious contexts, this often results in deities being perceived as possessing human-like intentions, emotions, and goals, reinforcing their role as agents within a moral and cosmological framework (Guthrie 1993; Barrett 2000). Together, these mechanisms form the cognitive foundation for intention-based reasoning, allowing humans to interpret natural and social events as the purposeful actions of unseen agents, a process that lies at the core of many religious beliefs.

In contrast, system-based reasoning embodies a deliberate and analytical approach to religious phenomena, aligning with Kahneman’s “System 2” thinking, characterized by slow, effortful, and rule-based cognitive processes (Kahneman 2011; Evans 2008; Evans and Stanovich 2013). Unlike the intuitive immediacy of intention-based reasoning, this mode engages abstract principles and structured frameworks, often requiring formal education in theological traditions to construct coherent doctrines. However, these reasoning modes are not mutually exclusive. Research suggests that System 1 and System 2 processes are deeply intertwined, with many responses involving the simultaneous engagement of both intuitive and analytical mechanisms. Intuitive responses often provide initial interpretations—such as attributing agency to unseen forces—which System 2 then elaborates, rationalizes, or suppresses based on contextual demands. Conversely, System 2 reasoning may rely on System 1 shortcuts when cognitive load or time constraints are high, demonstrating their mutual dependence and dynamic interaction (Evans and Stanovich 2013; Kahneman 2011).

This dual-process framework sheds light on the cognitive dynamics of religious interpretations and rituals, particularly in contexts like Joseon Korea, where Neo-Confucian systematic thought confronted intention-based folk beliefs about disasters and wonhan. Confucian rituals, such as yeoje (厲祭), exemplified efforts to mediate these tensions by incorporating intuitive beliefs into structured doctrinal systems, aligning popular practices with cosmological harmony while addressing the emotional needs of the populace. Despite these efforts, intuitive agency detection and Theory of Mind persisted, even within system-based theological reasoning, highlighting their deep-rooted cognitive nature. This interplay explains why certain intuitive interpretations, such as attributing disasters to aggrieved spirits, often felt more immediate and compelling than abstract theological explanations, even among educated elites. Ritual practices acted as sites of negotiation, managing these competing cognitive modes to maintain social cohesion and cultural legitimacy (Barrett 2000). This persistent tension illustrates the intricate ways religious systems integrate and reconcile autonomous intuitive reasoning with controlled analytical thought.

2.2. Theory of Mind: Cognitive Roots of Wonhan Representation

Among the two modes of reasoning previously discussed, intention-based reasoning is fundamentally rooted in the Theory of Mind (ToM). ToM is closely intertwined with cognitive mechanisms such as the Hyperactive Agency Detection Device (HADD), meta-representation, and anthropomorphism, yet it plays a uniquely pivotal role in understanding and inferring emotions like wonhan (resentment). This framework provides a key explanation for the widespread acceptance of wonhan representations across classes and religions throughout the Joseon period.

Theory of Mind (ToM) is a cognitive faculty that enables individuals to infer the mental states of others, encompassing beliefs, desires, and intentions. This ability is essential for predicting and interpreting behavior, whether in social interactions or inferences about unseen agents. ToM is often associated with two key components: conscious experience and intentional agency (Gray et al. 2007). Conscious experience involves understanding emotional states and psychological processes, such as empathy, fear, and regret, while intentional agency focuses on attributing purposeful actions to others. These cognitive mechanisms operate even in the absence of actual agents, as evidenced by phenomena like anthropomorphism and teleological reasoning (Barrett 2004; Boyer 2001). Evolutionarily, ToM is believed to have developed as an adaptive advantage for navigating complex social environments, enhancing cooperation and competition (Epley and Waytz 2010). Its foundational role in detecting agency—often hyperactively—underpins religious and supernatural beliefs, enabling humans to conceptualize unseen entities as possessing human-like intentions and emotions (Guthrie 1993; Barrett 2000). Additionally, through the complementary process of meta-representation, ToM allows individuals not only to attribute mental states to others but also to imagine counterfactual scenarios, such as the intentions or grievances of the deceased. This dual capability makes ToM a powerful framework for understanding the projection of emotions onto nonliving agents, such as in cultural concepts like wonhan.

Meta-representation, a higher-order cognitive mechanism integral to ToM, enables individuals to form representations of representations. It allows humans to conceptualize that others may hold beliefs, desires, or emotions that differ from their own and may not align with reality (Sperber 1996; Bering 2006). In the context of imagining emotional states, meta-representation facilitates the projection of feelings, such as sorrow or resentment, onto entities that cannot directly experience or express emotions. For example, when observing a neglected grave, people might infer that the deceased “feels” forgotten or wronged, even though such emotions are purely a projection of the living. This process reflects humans’ capacity to simulate others’ mental states using their own emotional frameworks, driven by the belief that similar situations would elicit comparable emotions in themselves. This cognitive mechanism extends human empathy beyond direct interactions, enabling the attribution of mental states to entities as diverse as historical figures, pets, or even inanimate objects—such as a broken family heirloom, which might be seen as “sad” due to its disrepair. By combining agency detection and the imaginative capacity of meta-representation, ToM helps construct complex social narratives, supporting both the universality of transcendent beliefs and cultural practices aimed at addressing perceived grievances of the nonliving.

Therefore, the universality of wonhan representations can be attributed to the workings of ToM. Wonhan is not an emotion genuinely experienced by the dead but a feeling projected onto them by the living. Inferring the emotions of the deceased is an example of how ToM operates to make sense of the mental states of others. Although the minds of others cannot be directly observed, ToM enables individuals to predict and understand their actions and reactions. In Joseon Korea, the wonhan of the deceased was most acutely perceived under conditions of neglect, such as when bodies were left unburied or funerary rites were absent. People imagined the bitter cold of the bodies left exposed to the rain and snow, and the hunger of the dead who had no descendants to perform ancestral rites. The empathy for their imagined suffering—cold, loneliness, and hunger—was central to the perception of wonhan. This empathetic resonance transcended class and religion, being shared by Confucian scholars, monarchs, and commoners alike. ToM, constructed through the accumulation of expectations that others react similarly to oneself and through learned imitation from childhood (Mercier and Sperber 2009), made this emotional empathy a natural outcome.

The universality of this mind perception explains why wonhan was a pervasive cultural concept across Joseon society, regardless of social hierarchy or religious background. While immediate emotional reactions to corpses were often avoidance and disgust (Y. Kim 2024), the operation of ToM transformed these reactions into feelings of pity and empathy. The unpleasant visual and olfactory cues of decomposing bodies might have elicited disgust and evasion due to their identification as potential carriers of disease, yet their human form activated ToM, leading to an empathetic recognition of their suffering (Boyer 2001). The feelings of pity, sadness, and empathy for those who died without proper burial or ancestral rites—encapsulated by the concept of wonhan—are outcomes of this cognitive mechanism.

While the attribution of emotional states like wonhan to the deceased was a shared cultural phenomenon, the reasoning processes linking wonhan to disasters differed considerably across cultural and ideological contexts. Among commoners, wonhan was often interpreted as stemming from wonhon (restless spirits), perceived as intentional agents actively influencing the world. These spirits were thought to harbor grievances that manifested as misfortunes or disasters. In contrast, within the Confucian framework, wonhan was conceptualized as a disruption of harmonious energy, reflecting a cosmological imbalance rather than the actions of specific agents. This divergence highlights the dynamic relationship between intention-based reasoning, which emphasizes personal agency and emotional states, and system-based reasoning, which seeks abstract, systemic explanations. The tension between these perspectives provides a foundation for exploring how different reasoning modes shaped the cultural and ritual responses to wonhan, as discussed in the following section.

2.3. Explaining Disasters: Wonhon as Agents or Wonhan as Energies

The intuitive and systematic reasoning approaches previously discussed offer contrasting methods for understanding the causes of disasters. While in popular belief, intention-based reasoning attributed disasters to specific agents like wonhon (restless spirits), Confucian interpretations, grounded in system-based reasoning, explained disasters as disruptions to cosmic order caused by resentful energy. These differing interpretations highlight not merely contrasting explanatory frameworks but also significant implications for ritual practices and political responses.

The popular concept of wonhon exemplifies intuitive reasoning in Joseon society, as vividly illustrated in period literature like Yu Mongin’s Eo-u yadam. In these narratives, wonhon manifested as conscious entities retaining human-like emotions and agency after death, particularly when their earthly matters remained unresolved. A representative story tells of a woman who died from an epidemic and appeared to a warrior, her unusually cold body revealing her spiritual nature. Unable to pass on due to lacking proper burial rites, she deliberately sought help from the living (Yu 2006, pp. 255–57). Another account describes a murdered nobleman’s spirit who appeared in a traveler’s dream, precisely describing both his murderer and the location of his abandoned corpse, demonstrating the wonhon’s continued consciousness and purposeful action (Yu 2006, pp. 238–39). These resentful spirits exhibited key features of intuitive reasoning: they maintained human-like emotions, possessed clear awareness of their circumstances, and deliberately influenced the living world to resolve their grievances. Such beliefs were not merely abstract but led to specific ritual practices, as seen in both stories where proper burial and memorial rites were performed to appease the spirits. This understanding of wonhon as intentional agents capable of negotiation and reconciliation shaped how people interpreted and responded to disasters, often attributing calamities to the deliberate actions of these unresolved spirits.

In contrast, the Confucian understanding of wonhan drew heavily from the Chinese intellectual tradition of interpreting li (厲). While li originally referred to wandering spirits lacking proper burial and ancestral rites, it underwent significant reinterpretation during the Han period through the synthesis of various philosophical traditions. As Confucian thought incorporated concepts from Daoism, Legalism, and the School of Yin–Yang, it developed a more systematic framework for understanding spiritual phenomena (Li 2005). This synthesis, exemplified in works like the Lüshi Chunqiu and Huainanzi, sought to reconcile objective natural principles with subjective human agency. Particularly influential was Dong Zhongshu’s theory of cosmic resonance between heaven and humanity, which integrated yin–yang cosmology with Confucian moral principles (Li 2005, pp. 285–312). Within this framework, wonhan was understood not as the intentional action of individual spirits but as a form of disruptive energy (gi, 氣) that could disturb the harmony of yin and yang. This systematic interpretation reflected the broader Confucian project of explaining apparently supernatural phenomena through abstract cosmological principles rather than through personal agency. Such an approach fundamentally differed from the popular understandings of wonhon as intentional spirits, creating tensions that would shape both ritual practice and political discourse throughout the Joseon period.

These contrasting approaches were even more evident in their respective ritual responses. Among commoners, rituals focused on directly appeasing wonhon through specific ceremonies. However, the state’s official ritual, the yeoje (厲祭), operated within a larger framework of restoring cosmic order. Rather than addressing individual wonhon, the state emphasized the broader goal of reestablishing harmony, which system-based reasoning made possible. This systematic reasoning was also deeply tied to political authority, as interpreting disasters as imbalances in cosmic energy necessitated state-led rituals for resolution. The shift from local shamanistic practices to state-sponsored yeoje as the authoritative method of disaster management highlights the central role of systematic reasoning in shaping ritual practices.

The tension between these two approaches was starkly evident during the 1451 Sinmi Year Ritual. Popular intuitive understandings, which attributed disasters to the actions of wonhon, clashed with Confucian interpretations that viewed disasters as disruptions to cosmic order. This conflict sparked intense debates over the form and content of rituals. The next chapter examines this case in greater detail, exploring how the tensions and compromises between these two modes of reasoning shaped the rituals and their broader implications.

3. The 1451 Sinmi Year Rituals and the Tensions of Wonhan

This chapter examines how wonhan was contextualized within the framework of disaster management in the Joseon period. While wonhan was not consistently addressed as a central emotional factor, it frequently resurfaced during calamities and was often ritualized as part of the societal response. Specifically, this section focuses on the recurring epidemics in the Hwanghae Province during the 1400s and explores how these events catalyzed debates on wonhan and ritual practice, culminating in the 1451 Sinmi Year Rituals. These rituals became a focal point of contention over the interpretation and treatment of wonhan and wonhon.

3.1. Resentment and Disaster: Wonhan as a Framework for Crisis in Joseon Korea

“If even one woman’s resentment can cause three years of drought, how could the accumulated resentment of two hundred and seventy departed souls not be sufficient to disrupt the harmonious energy of heaven?”

(Yeoje Deungnok n.d.)

Throughout the Joseon Dynasty, natural calamities such as droughts and epidemics were frequently attributed to the unresolved resentment of individuals who had perished under tragic circumstances. While alternative explanations—ranging from natural phenomena and political mismanagement to geomantic imbalances—were occasionally proposed, none elicited the same sustained attention or prompted such consistent ritual responses as the theory of disaster victims’ resentment.

An illustrative case of disease etiology and ritual response in Joseon Korea is the persistent epidemic outbreaks in Hwanghae Province during the 15th century. The first recorded outbreak occurred in 1437, when widespread infections reportedly devastated entire households (Sejong Sillok 1437/12/15). King Sejong responded by dispatching physicians to the region and ordering the performance of yeoje, state rituals designed for restless, unappeased spirits (Sejong Sillok 1438/3/2). Despite these efforts, the epidemic persisted, prompting ongoing discussions about its origins and the appropriate countermeasures. In 1442, a local theory emerged that attributed the disease to the scattered remains of the dead in Geukseong and Bongsan, prompting efforts to collect the skeletal remains and perform suryukjae, Buddhist rituals aimed at appeasing the grievances of the deceased, as remedial actions. In response, suryukjae was carried out to address this crisis (Sejong Sillok 1442/8/4).

The search for explanations and solutions continued as the epidemic failed to subside. In 1452, a memorial to the throne argued that relocating Dangun’s shrine from Munhwa to another site had triggered the outbreak (Danjong Sillok 1452/6/28). In 1453, residents of Hwangju credited the partial alleviation of the disease to the suryukjae conducted at Seongbulsa Temple and petitioned for further state support for such rituals. However, the Ministry of Rites rejected the petitions as inappropriate and instead recommended yeoje, which Danjong accepted (Danjong Sillok 1453/1/21). This decision stemmed from the broader effort to reject Buddhist and other non-Confucian rituals while solidifying a Confucian-centered ceremonial system. As a result, yeoje was promoted over suryukjae as the official state response to epidemics (Lee 2001; H.-j. Kim 2001; Sim 2004; M. Choi 2009). By 1472, under King Seongjong’s directive, a comprehensive investigation into the Hwanghae epidemics produced a range of etiological theories. These included references to battlefields like Geukseong, where the vengeful spirits of fallen soldiers were believed to linger, as well as shrine relocations, the destruction of sacred trees, and the removal of materials from temples such as Wolbongsa (Seongjong Sillok 1472/2/6). These diverse interpretations reflect the complex interplay of popular beliefs and religious practices. Nevertheless, unresolved wonhan consistently emerged as a central explanatory model, with rituals such as yeoje repeatedly implemented to mitigate both physical and cosmic disruptions.

The 17th century offers even more striking examples of this association between disaster and resentment. In 1673, amidst a devastating drought in Hamgyeong and Gyeongsang provinces, Seongju magistrate Yi Se-gwi performed rituals for those who had perished during the Great Famine of 1670–1672. Upon examining the fortress vicinity, Yi discovered numerous unburied remains in varying states of decomposition: “106 bodies with heads and torsos intact, and 49 incomplete sets of remains—some lacking heads, others missing limbs, and some consisting only of scattered vertebrae and extremities (Yi n.d.)”. He concluded that the lingering resentment of these unburied souls had “injured the harmonious energy of heaven above”, thereby perpetuating the drought.

A similarly dramatic case unfolded in 1675, when a nationwide drought led to repeated rounds of rain rituals during June and July. Despite conducting ceremonies at the Sajik and royal ancestral shrines (Sukjong Sillok 1675/6/20), fashioning clay dragons for worship (Sukjong Sillok 1675/7/4), and implementing other ritual interventions, no rain followed. Amid the growing desperation, senior official Yun Hyu submitted a memorial asserting that the drought resulted from the unresolved resentment of those who had starved during the Great Famine of 1670–1672. He argued that “having neither sustenance in life nor rest in death, how could their concentrated resentful energy (寃氣) fail to disrupt the harmony of yin and yang (Yun 1927)?” Following his recommendation, rituals were performed at burial grounds on the outskirts of the capital, specifically adhering to the Ministry of Rites’ guidelines for yeoje, state rituals intended to appease the restless and vengeful spirits of the deceased.

These cases illuminate several key aspects of the Joseon government’s understanding of the relationship between disaster and wonhan. First, references to wonhan as a cause of calamities were closely tied to improperly handled human remains. Second, wonhan was not typically conceived as the deliberate action of individual spirits but rather as a disruptive cosmic force that disturbed harmonious energy (和氣). Third, ritual intervention was seen as essential to resolving such disturbances. Notably, these accounts rarely employed the term wonhon (resentful spirits) as a direct cause of disasters. Instead, officials and scholars consistently referred to wonhan (resentment) or “pent-up(鬱結) energy”. This deliberate linguistic choice reveals a nuanced conceptual distinction: while acknowledging the emotional residue left by tragic deaths, official discourse carefully avoided attributing independent agency to the deceased. This perspective reflects a distinctly system-based reasoning, grounded in Confucian cosmological principles, rather than an intention-based attribution of agency to the deceased. This tension between recognizing wonhan while rejecting the notion of autonomous spiritual agency reached its apex during the Sinmi Year Rituals of 1451, a pivotal case explored in the following section.

3.2. The 1451 Sinmi Year Rituals: Tensions Between Intention and System-Based Reasoning

The 1451 Sinmi Year Rituals marked a critical juncture in the Joseon court’s approach to managing epidemics through state rituals. These rituals were conducted in Geukseong, a battlefield associated with the Honggun Red Turban Rebellion, where numerous soldiers had perished. Local beliefs identified these unappeased spirits, or wonhon, as the source of the lingering disease outbreaks. Although rituals had previously been performed at Geukseong, the 1451 ceremonies marked a significant escalation in both scope and importance, driven by the perceived success of Confucian state rituals and the theological debates they provoked. These rituals left an enduring legacy by solidifying the centrality of yeoje in epidemic responses, yet they also exposed deep divisions in how the court reconciled divergent frameworks of religious reasoning.

King Munjong’s ritual approach was a response to growing crises in Hwanghae Province, where disease outbreaks continued to spread toward Gyeonggi Province, even prompting discussions of relocating the capital. This intensified urgency led to repeated calls from local communities for the performance of suryukjae (水陸齋), a Buddhist ritual for appeasing the spirits of the dead, who were believed to be resentful (wonhon, 冤魂) due to their violent deaths during conflicts, such as battles with the Red Turban rebels (Lee 2001). Despite King Munjong’s refusal to recognize suryukjae or yeoje (厲祭) as literal interventions addressing the spirits’ grievances, he emphasized their necessity as complementary strategies. Munjong initially proposed three measures: burning large incense burners to expel harmful energies, performing suryukjae based on Yaksa Yeorae (the Medicine Buddha) rituals, and conducting yeoje to console malevolent spirits (yeogwi, 厲鬼) through offerings delivered by morally upright individuals. King Munjong framed these rituals not as concessions to popular interpretations of wonhon as agents of disease but as methods to stabilize the spiritual energy (yeogi, 厲氣) believed to disrupt the natural harmony of the cosmos (Munjong Sillok 1451/9/5). By doing so, he indirectly acknowledged the symbolic significance of these rituals while sidestepping the direct validation of popular beliefs.

Despite King Munjong’s efforts, his proposals for ritual responses to the Hwanghae epidemics sparked significant opposition within the court. King Munjong emphasized the concurrent performance of yeoje and suryukjae to address the spiritual and social dimensions of the crisis. While yeoje targeted yeogwi (厲鬼), spirits believed to embody malevolent energies, as part of the Confucian ritual tradition, suryukjae was rooted in Buddhist practices designed to console the dead and resolve their grievances. Munjong’s intent was pragmatic rather than doctrinal; he framed these rituals as essential for alleviating public suffering rather than validating popular beliefs about wonhon.

However, the inclusion of suryukjae drew intense criticism from younger Confucian scholars, particularly those in the Office of the Inspector-General (Saheonbu). These scholars, led by officials like Hwang Bo-in and Jeong Chang-son, viewed suryukjae as a heretical Buddhist practice incompatible with Confucian orthodoxy. They argued that rituals should be confined to recognized deities and traditions, rejecting any association with spirits created by superstition. These officials emphasized the distinction between “orthodoxy” (jeong, 正) and “heterodoxy” (sa, 邪), advocating for the exclusive performance of yeoje, which they deemed more aligned with Confucian principles (Munjong Sillok 1451/9/5).

While experienced officials like Kim Jong-seo, who had previously permitted suryukjae at the request of local communities, supported King Munjong’s proposals, the opposition intensified (Munjong Sillok 1451/9/5). The debates culminated in repeated petitions to ban suryukjae, with critics asserting that allowing Buddhist practices to persist undermined the state’s efforts to centralize a Confucian ritual system. On September 15, a provincial official reignited the controversy by reporting that “unappeased spirits had become the cause of disease” and advocating for suryukjae as a necessary remedy (Munjong Sillok 1451/9/15). This was followed by successive appeals from the Inspector-General’s Office on September 18 and 19, which condemned suryukjae as a concession to Buddhist superstition and called for stricter adherence to Confucian orthodoxy (Munjong Sillok 1451/9/18-19).

The debates over whether suryukjae could be performed to address the epidemic in Hwanghae Province intertwined with two critical issues. First, the Neo-Confucian agenda aimed to establish a centralized ritual system by rejecting “heretical” practices such as Buddhism and shamanism. Second, the popular diagnosis of the epidemic as stemming from the malevolent spirits (wonhon, 冤魂) conflicted with Neo-Confucian reasoning, which disallowed such interpretations as valid grounds for state rituals. These objections were championed most fervently by younger Neo-Confucian officials, who, armed with theoretical rigor, framed their arguments within the dichotomy of orthodoxy and heterodoxy. For them, the endorsement of suryukjae signaled a compromise of Confucian purity that could not be tolerated.

King Munjong ultimately overruled these objections, asserting that addressing public suffering took precedence over doctrinal purity (Munjong Sillok 1451/9/19). He maintained that both yeoje and suryukjae were necessary, reasoning that rituals targeting yeogwi and consoling the dead could alleviate the unrest and the emotions believed to exacerbate the epidemic. Nevertheless, the debates surrounding the 1451 rituals revealed the growing tension within the Joseon court. Confucian scholars increasingly sought to exclude Buddhist elements from state rituals, arguing for the complete removal of suryukjae from state rituals. Although Munjong succeeded in preserving its inclusion temporarily, the broader trend of marginalizing Buddhist practices continued. By the mid-16th century, suryukjae had largely disappeared from state rituals, with yeoje becoming the standard practice for addressing unresolved grievances.

The controversies surrounding suryukjae also reflected broader ideological shifts within the Joseon court. By the mid-15th century, Confucian elites sought to minimize the role of Buddhist rituals in state ceremonies. Although suryukjae had historically been an integral part of the state’s responses to crises, its association with Buddhist institutions rendered it increasingly contentious. While Munjong successfully defended its inclusion during his reign, subsequent monarchs faced ongoing pressures to curtail such practices. For example, King Sejo authorized suryukjae for epidemic relief in Hwanghae Province (Sejo Sillok 1465/5/9) and to commemorate the victims of Yi Si-ae’s rebellion (Sejo Sillok 1467/6/2), but by the late 15th century, even these limited allowances faced mounting criticism. By the reign of King Seongjong, suryukjae was gradually phased out in favor of yeoje, and by the time of King Yeonsangun, records of state-sponsored suryukjae had all but disappeared.

The 1451 Sinmi Year Rituals thus represent a pivotal moment in the transition from pluralistic ritual practices to a more Confucian-dominated framework. Munjong’s leadership revealed how intention-based reasoning could coexist with system-based reasoning through ritual negotiation. However, the eventual marginalization of suryukjae underscored the limits of this coexistence, as doctrinal orthodoxy increasingly constrained the state’s ability to accommodate divergent religious practices. By institutionalizing yeoje as the primary response to unresolved grievances, the Joseon state solidified a Confucian approach to wonhan, while relegating wonhon to the periphery of its ritual landscape. This shift would have lasting implications for the management of societal and spiritual crises in later periods.

3.3. Resolution Through Ritual: King Munjong’s Negotiation of Popular and State Beliefs

King Munjong’s handling of the 1451 Sinmi Year Rituals exemplified a nuanced approach to epidemic management, grounded in a careful negotiation of popular beliefs and state orthodoxy. King Munjong personally composed the ritual text for the yeoje performed at Geukseong, a battlefield associated with the Honggun Red Turban Rebellion (Munjong Sillok 1451/9/28). This ritual’s focus was not on unappeased spirits (wonhon) in the traditional sense but rather on the disruptive energy (yeogi, 厲氣) attributed to malevolent forces tied to widespread disease. This distinction allowed Munjong to address local grievances while aligning the ritual with Confucian principles.

The ritual text begins with an assertion of cosmic order, framing the existence of spirits (gui, 鬼) as a natural extension of the universal balance between yin and yang. Munjong articulates this connection, explaining that spirits with emotional qualities (jeong, 情) can be reasoned with, whereas those without such qualities cannot. This reasoning extends to his view of the epidemic: it is not the spirits themselves that cause harm but the imbalance created by human actions. King Munjong’s narrative redirects responsibility for the epidemic to human moral failings, emphasizing his role as a monarch tasked with restoring harmony.

The text also reflects Munjong’s pragmatic acknowledgment of communal suffering. While maintaining the hierarchical structure of Confucian state rituals, he adopts a compassionate tone, addressing the spirits as entities capable of transformation. He implores them to relinquish their grievances and contribute to the preservation of life. The text concludes with a plea for the spirits to align their actions with benevolence, framing the ritual as both a resolution of past grievances and a reinforcement of cosmic harmony. This duality—engaging with local beliefs while reinterpreting them through Confucian orthodoxy—highlights the layered nature of Munjong’s approach. By focusing on yeogi rather than wonhon, the ritual addressed local fears of unappeased spirits without conceding to the direct invocation of popular cosmologies. This reframing allowed the state to mediate between intention-based reasoning, which emphasized empathetic engagement with local beliefs, and system-based reasoning, which prioritized doctrinal alignment.

The text’s composition reveals an inherent tension between ideological framing and ritual practice. While Munjong successfully reframed the epidemic’s cause from wonhon to yeogi within Confucian cosmology, the very nature of ritual prayer led to an unavoidable personification of its objects. Even as the text emphasized abstract cosmic energies, its direct addresses to spirits and pleas for their benevolence necessarily imbued them with agency and intention. This inherent anthropomorphism of ritual prayer created a persistent duality in state rituals—while officially maintaining system-based interpretations of resentment as disruptive energy, the practical requirements of ritual communication demanded treating the deceased as intentional agents capable of response and transformation.

This tension between cosmological abstraction and ritual personification would become a defining feature of state responses to disaster throughout the Joseon period. Although Munjong’s approach provided a framework for negotiating between elite doctrine and popular belief, it also highlighted an fundamental challenge in ritual practice: the difficulty of maintaining purely systemic interpretations when the very act of prayer implies interaction with conscious agents.

4. From Energy to Agency: Rituals Amplifying Intention-Based Reasoning

In Joseon society, rituals addressing the grievances of those who had tragically died were repeatedly conducted during times of disaster. The monarchs and officials of Joseon framed these rituals as efforts to dispel resentment, understood as a malevolent energy that disrupted cosmic harmony—a perspective rooted in system-based reasoning. However, the actual rituals often revealed a stronger inclination toward intention-based reasoning, which involved interpreting the emotions and intentional actions of the deceased. This was particularly evident in the prayers associated with disaster-specific yeoje (厲祭), a state ritual. These prayers described resentment as an energy that harmed the natural order but also portrayed the deceased as intentional agents capable of social interaction.

This duality emerged from two factors: first, the inherently anthropomorphic tendency of prayer, which naturally imbues its object with agency; and second, the relative flexibility in the composition of prayers during disaster yeoje, which were less constrained by formalized conventions compared to regular yeoje rituals. While yeoje rituals ostensibly targeted resentment as an abstract force, their practical execution often directed efforts toward appeasing the grievances of individual spirits. This section explores the characteristics of yeoje performed during disasters, the rhetoric of the associated prayers, and the patterns of ritual practice to analyze how differing interpretations of resentment could coexist within these rituals.

4.1. Yeoje: The State Ritual Responses to Resentment in Joseon Society

Yeoje (厲祭) was a state ritual performed for restless spirits (無祀鬼神) during the Joseon dynasty. Modeled after the Ming dynasty’s Ji Lì (祭厲) from the Hongwu Protocols, it differed significantly from other state rites. Unlike ancestral rites, which honored specific familial ancestors, yeoje collectively targeted the restless spirits of those who died untimely deaths without proper funerary rites. Moreover, although yeoje was classified as one of the “joyful rites” (gilrye, 吉禮) under the Five Rites (orye, 五禮), it omitted key procedures such as eumbok (飮福) and sujo (受胙)—acts of consuming blessed food as a celebration of unity with divine entities. These omissions suggest that, while yeoje was technically a joyful rite, it did not fully align with the celebratory nature of other such rituals. Another key distinction was the use of royal edicts (gyoseo, 敎書) instead of ritual tablets (chukpan, 祝版). This choice reflected a tone of paternalistic exhortation, where the king addressed the deceased not as deified beings but as subjects in need of solace and guidance.

These characteristics made yeoje especially suitable for addressing the grievances of disaster victims. The capacity to collectively ritualize the deaths of large numbers of individuals made yeoje an effective response to mass casualties from wars, famines, or epidemics. The omission of eumbok and sujo underscored its practical and somber focus on resolving the grievances of disaster victims. The use of royal edicts enabled prayer compositions that emphasized consolation and appeasement. Over time, yeoje evolved from a regular ceremony into a non-periodic ritual primarily conducted during disasters. This shift is evident in records from Yeoje Deungnok (厲祭謄錄), which document numerous yeoje performed in response to epidemics, droughts, and other calamities.

Following the devastation of the Imjin War (1592–1598) and the Manchu invasions (1627, 1636–1637), yeoje increasingly functioned as a ritual tool to address the grievances of those whose remains had not been properly buried or honored. The widespread deaths caused by these disasters disrupted normal burial practices, leading to fears that unresolved grievances of the deceased might provoke further calamities. In this context, yeoje served as an institutionalized means to manage these grievances through ritual. By the late Joseon period, yeoje was frequently conducted in areas near the capital where the unburied dead were interred, such as three burial sites in the outskirts, as well as at other locations scattered across the regions. These rituals were often directed toward the sites where death had occurred or where corpses were found. However, in interpreting these grievances, the officials preferred to frame them as disruptive energies rather than as the actions of sentient spirits (wonhon, 冤魂). This tension between metaphysical abstraction and anthropomorphic representation became increasingly apparent in the rhetorical strategies employed in ritual prayers.

4.2. Representing Resentment: Anthropomorphism and Agency in Ritual Prayers

The prayers composed for yeoje performed during disasters exhibit intriguing characteristics. While the formal structure of prayers for state rituals like yeoje was strictly defined in the National Five Rites Protocols (國朝五禮序例), the prayers for disaster-specific yeoje were not bound by such regulations. This flexibility allowed the authors to vividly convey the grievances of disaster victims. Notably, these prayers often described resentment as an energy that disrupted cosmic harmony but simultaneously depicted the deceased as intentional agents capable of social interaction.

A striking example is found in prayers written during the severe drought of 1731. These texts identified the grievances of those who had died during the great famine of 1671 as the cause of the disaster. At the time, Kim Sangseong wrote, “The drought is dire; springs have dried up, and the fields have cracked. The people are all praying for rain”, and he invoked the famine victims of 60 years earlier. He reasoned, “The planet Jupiter (Saeseong, 歲星) has returned to this year, and the accumulated energy of unresolved grievances (won-ul, 寃鬱) may be disturbing celestial harmony, causing calamities anew (Yeongjo Sillok 1731/5/19)”. This rationale framed the past victims’ grievances as a possible source of new disasters. In response, King Yeongjo ordered sacrifices at altars established in the East and West outskirts of the capital and extended the prayers to include victims of the famines of 1695 and 1698 (Seungjeongwon Ilgi 1731/5/20), collectively referring to them as the “starvation victims since 1671”.

The following excerpt from a 1731 prayer, written by Kim Seongtak (1684–1747) for the spirits (yeogwi, 厲鬼), illustrates this reasoning:

“How can we even speak of the Shinhae Year (1671)? Heaven brought a great famine upon this land, and the number of people who perished from hunger and disease—whether thousands or tens of thousands—cannot be known… People died collapsed by the roadside or in ditches, their skulls left exposed to crows and hawks, and their descendants extinguished, leaving behind ghosts of hunger… It is heartbreaking, and tears cannot stop flowing. How much more anguished must you spirits be? Your sorrow and bitterness have formed into turbulent resentment. In years of sufficient harvest, this resentment only deepens. How could it not disrupt the harmony of heaven and earth, break the balance of yin and yang, and bring calamities of famine and pestilence?… May you eat fully and be satiated, easing your resentment and turbulent sorrow. May this help restore the harmonious energy of heaven and earth, mitigate the harsh drought, and halt the harm of epidemics, saving the fate of our people. From now on, we pledge to hold yeoje annually without fail, sincerely dedicating our efforts to ensure that you spirits accept these offerings and repay the blessings”.

(S.-t. Kim 1860)

This prayer demonstrates how Kim Seongtak adhered to the Confucian framework of system-based reasoning, describing resentment as a disruption of cosmic harmony that led to famine and disease. Yet the text predominantly treats the deceased as emotional and purposeful agents, retaining the pain of their lives and harboring jealousy and anger toward the living. This anthropomorphic portrayal is most evident in the closing plea for the spirits to eat abundantly, ease their anger, and thus end the disaster. Such elements align with Barrett’s (2011) observation that prayer inherently frames its object as an intentional and purposeful agent. This cognitive tendency is further supported by Schjoedt et al. (2009), who found that personal prayer activates neural regions associated with social cognition, emphasizing the anthropomorphic framing of prayer’s object as a relational agent. This suggests that yeoje prayers not only served a ritual function but also tapped into a deeply ingrained cognitive framework for interaction with intentional beings.

These prayers reveal a fascinating duality. On the surface, they adhere to Confucian interpretations, framing resentment as a harmful energy. Yet their rhetoric predominantly treats the deceased as emotional and intentional beings capable of communication. This shift reflects broader changes in Joseon’s handling of resentment rituals, moving toward directly addressing the disaster victims themselves. While early Joseon monarchs and officials resisted attributing disasters to intentional actions by spirits, the ritual and symbolic requirements of prayer inevitably anthropomorphized its objects. This trend gained momentum in the late 17th century, leading to the proliferation of rituals specifically targeting disaster victims (Y. Kim 2024).

One such example occurred during the severe drought of 1721, when a ritual was held for those who had starved to death in the outskirts of the capital. The prayer states:

“From birth, they were struck by disaster; in death, there is no one to oversee their rites. Who will prepare even clean barley rice for them? Their wandering souls know no destination, dwelling among weeds outside the desolate city walls, their cries mingling with foxes and hares, and their gaze stretching to the heavens. A single woman’s grief can bring three years of drought; how much more potent must your turbulent energy be, enough to disrupt the harmony of yin and yang? It cannot be without cause that this drought has come upon us. I send a solemn emissary with sacrifices and wine to console your distant, lingering resentment with my sorrowful heart”.

(Seo n.d.)

Here, while resentment is framed as an energy disrupting cosmic harmony, the overarching narrative portrays the deceased as agents of anger and sorrow whose unresolved grievances might cause disasters. Official rhetoric maintained a Confucian cosmology focused on impersonal energies, but the practical realities of ritual and prayer necessitated anthropomorphic representations.

The anthropomorphization evident in these disaster prayers also speaks to their functional effectiveness. As Barrett (2011) notes, prayer relies on meaningful interaction with its object, which is most effectively achieved when that object is treated as an intentional being. The resolution of resentment during disasters was not merely a matter of balancing abstract energies but required addressing the emotional suffering of the deceased. This necessity drove prayer writers, consciously or unconsciously, to engage in direct communication with these beings. Such anthropomorphic representations were not isolated instances but permeated yeoje prayers, indicating their essential role in the ritual process.

These practices underscore the complexity of Joseon’s discourse on disasters and resentment. While resentment was a cognitive construct shared across social and religious boundaries, the methods of interpreting and addressing it varied. Within the Confucian state framework, resentment was framed as disruptive energy, but the realities of ritual emphasized interaction with personified beings. These diverse practices illustrate how differing understandings of resentment coexisted and were negotiated through ritual.

5. Conclusions

This study has examined how cognitive mechanisms shaped the understanding and ritualization of wonhan in Joseon Korea, highlighting the interplay between intuitive and analytical modes of religious reasoning. The cognitive mechanisms that lead humans to project emotions onto the deceased made wonhan a universally acknowledged concept rather than a belief limited to specific social classes. However, significant differences emerged in how this shared concept was causally linked to disasters. Drawing on existing research, this study categorized these divergent approaches as intention-based and system-based reasoning. The analysis of historical cases, particularly the 1451 Sinmi Year Rituals, revealed that conflicts surrounding wonhon were not about the concept of resentment itself—which was universally shared—but rather about the political and ritual acceptance of intention-based interpretations that attributed agency to wonhon. Even as state officials maintained system-based interpretations of resentment as disruptive energy within a cosmological framework, the inherently anthropomorphic nature of ritual prayer necessitated treating the deceased as intentional agents, creating a practical synthesis of these divergent reasoning modes.

While this interdisciplinary approach, combining cognitive science and historical analysis, has yielded valuable insights, it also presents methodological challenges. Applying contemporary cognitive theories to historical contexts requires careful consideration of the interaction between universal cognitive tendencies and culturally specific manifestations. This study has attempted to balance these elements by situating cognitive mechanisms within their specific historical and cultural contexts. Additionally, its scope has been primarily limited to state-level discourse and ritual practices, leaving how these concepts operated within local, non-elite contexts unexplored. The voices of ordinary people who interpreted and engaged with wonhan in their daily lives remain largely unexamined due to source limitations. These considerations suggest directions for future research that might incorporate a broader range of sources and methodological approaches to further illuminate the complex interplay between cognition and culture in historical religious practices.

This study contributes to academic discourse in two areas. First, its examination of the relationship between cognitive processes and religious expression in Joseon Korea enhances our understanding of how religious reasoning operates in concrete historical contexts. This research has demonstrated that even within seemingly rigid ideological frameworks, ritual practices often accommodate multiple cognitive reasonings. The tension between cosmological abstraction and ritual personification illustrates how different modes of religious reasoning can operate simultaneously within ritualized settings.

Second, this study’s approach to wonhan and wonhon reveals the multilayered nature of contentious religious issues. Examining these layers allows us to identify shared conceptual ground between opposing perspectives and to recognize how seemingly conflicting ideas can coexist within ritual practice and ritual prayer. While not all contemporary religious conflicts take the same form, adopting new analytical lenses may offer alternative ways of understanding and addressing such tensions. As King Munjong’s approach to the 1451 Sinmi Year Rituals demonstrated, effective management of societal crises often requires acknowledging both system-based understandings of order and intention-based recognition of emotional dimensions. While this study does not draw direct parallels or offer prescriptive solutions, its cognitive–historical approach reveals the shared conceptual foundations of religious conflicts. It further demonstrates that the very reasoning modes that generate such tensions can, within ritual settings, coexist rather than remain in opposition.